Lands of Red and Gold

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Lands of Red and Gold #20: Worlds In Collision
  • Lands of Red and Gold #20: Worlds In Collision

    Continuity note: This post continues from shortly after the second section of the prologue post.

    * * *

    August 1619
    D’Edsels Land / Tiayal [Western coast of Australia]

    Commander Frederik de Houtman stood at the summit of a hill in a new land, surrounded by two dozen sailors and three kinds of trees he had never seen before. Scorching heat and waiting had been the features of most of his morning. The sun beat down here, even when it was winter in this hemisphere. At least the air was dry when compared to what he would find when he sailed north to the Indies.

    He had to wait, of course. He had decided to keep his men in the shade of this hill until they saw the natives coming out to meet them. He did not want to alarm the natives by coming too close to their town unawares, and he also wanted to keep his ships in sight. This hill was not very high, but it was tall enough to allow him to see the Amsterdam and the Dordrecht waiting at the nearby inlet. The other ships of his expedition were further out to sea, as he had ordered. All to the good.

    “Need we wait here all day?” Pieter Stins said.

    “If the natives don’t come out by mid-afternoon, we’ll go back to the boats,” said de Houtman.

    Not all of the sailors appeared happy at that announcement, but he ignored their discontent. If one of them wanted to say more, he would answer, but he would prefer to stay alert rather than engage in an argument.

    De Houtman went back to watching the native town. The distance made fine details impossible to pick out, but he had always had keen eyes, so he could see the broad form of things. The town was small; it probably held no more than five hundred people. Oddly, it had no walls. He wondered whether that meant that these natives had no enemies – which would be strange, if true – or if something more complex underlay that decision.

    The town had three small docks jutting out into the river. A few small boats were moored on those docks, and some smaller vessels which looked almost like canoes were pulled up onto the banks. Impossible to be sure from this distance, of course, but he doubted that those boats were very seaworthy. That would explain why all of those docks were here in the shelter of the inlet, rather than out facing the open sea.

    While they waited, the sailors started to speculate amongst themselves about the nature of this strange people. De Houtman half-listened while he watched the town, without speaking his own thoughts. No-one knew much of anything about these people, of course, but that just added to the wildness of the speculation. From what they had seen of the natives from a distance, they were dark-skinned, darker than anyone who lived in the Indies. Maybe even as black as Africans.

    One of the sailors pointed to the large birds which crowded a couple of the fields nearer the town. “This must be like Africa. It has blacks, and ostriches.”

    “Those are no ostriches,” another sailor said. “Wrong colour, not quite the right shape. Besides, we’re too far from the Cape.”

    De Houtman did not bother speaking, but of course the second sailor was right. This land had strange crops and trees, and they had seen several kinds of brightly coloured birds flying around. Yet it was not Africa. A few Company ships had touched along this land’s western coast from time to time, even if they had found naught worth the visit. This must be a whole new land. After all, no-one had properly explored all of the Spice Islands yet; this could be just the southernmost and largest.

    The sailors kept arguing amongst themselves. Eventually, the conversation shifted to what De Houtman had already considered: whether this was one of the Spice Islands. That led them to wonder whether they would be able to speak with the natives. If this land had some contact with the more northerly Indies, that might be possible. The languages of the Indies were closely-related; de Houtman himself had learned Malay and published a dictionary on their language.

    With any luck, there would be a few people here who had learned Malay or a related language from traders. If not, then possibly they had encountered shipwrecked Dutch sailors; there were certainly enough reefs and shoals along this dangerous coast. Failing that, then they would have to use sign language and gestures. Hardly ideal, but it was not as if they would have any other choice.

    “Captain, do you know what these trees are?” Pieter Stins’ voice cut through de Houtman’s reverie.

    Stins gestured to the trees which the sailors sheltered under. Small as trees go, with grey-green leaves and twisted bark. De Houtman had wondered what these trees were, but the natives had only planted a few at the hilltop and occasional scattered ones lower down. He had been more interested in the two kinds of smaller, more numerous trees planted along the hilltops and at the edges of the fields on flatter ground. Those trees were abundant, and one kind was started to sprout golden flowers. He wondered what kind of fruit it produced.

    Stins said, “I knew I’d seen something like this before, but couldn’t remember where. In Pallaicatta [Pulicat, India]. It’s not quite the same, but I’d swear that this is a kind of sandalwood.”

    “Sandalwood,” de Houtman repeated, vaguely aware of the silence that had descended over the sailors. Sandalwood. Source of wood, incense and fragrant oil, and one of the most valuable spices in India. “Are you sure?”

    “Not completely, but...” Stins reached out and broke off a twig. He had a quiet discussion with another sailor who had a tinderbox, and after a few moments they had the twig alight. Stins sniffed the smoke rising from the twig, grinned, and passed it to de Houtman. “Smell it for yourself.”

    De Houtman needed only a quick whiff to recognise sandalwood. Maybe not quite the same as Indian sandalwood, but close enough. “I do believe we’ve discovered a reason to come back to this land,” he said.

    The sailors went back to talking among themselves, leaving de Houtman to watch the town, and wait. He was now even more willing to wait, even if the delay was frustrating. He had already realised that this town and this new land offered opportunities. Now he wondered what else it contained beside sandalwood.

    He hoped he would have time to find out. He had already sent a group of four sailors back to the ships to report on what had happened, and they had come back with word that Jacob d’Edsel approved of waiting. For now. He could change his mind, of course. Always a risk with having a Councillor of the Indies along on your expedition. Still, for now De Houtman had been allowed to act as he wished, so he would.

    A few moments later, one of the sailors said, “Men coming out of the town!”

    De Houtman followed the sailor’s gaze, and saw a group of people leaving the western edge of the town. Impossible to count exact numbers at this distance, but there looked to be at least thirty of them. More than his group of sailors, but not so many that he was inclined to withdraw back to the ships.

    “Down to the base of the hill, then we can wait for them there,” he said.

    As it happened, he had the sailors stop a short distance up the slope. Better to watch the natives coming, and the higher ground should give them some advantage if attacked.

    After a while, the group of natives appeared in the distance, walking along the shore of the river.

    “What do you want us to do, sir?” Stins asked.

    “Make sure your muskets are loaded, and that your cutlasses are somewhere you can reach them quickly,” de Houtman said. Wheel-locks were much better muskets to fire than the old matchlocks, and could be kept prepared for firing. Still, if it came to a fight, his men would probably only have time for one shot. After that, it would be steel on steel.

    “Best if we don’t fight,” Stins said.

    “Indeed. If we must fight, though, best that we win,” de Houtman answered. “Anyway, I hope to persuade a couple of the natives to come with us.” That would be the best way to learn the natives’ language, assuming that none knew Malay. Plus, of course, the natives could tell them much about this new land.

    “And if they don’t want to come?” Stins asked.

    “We’ll see,” de Houtman said.

    When the natives drew close, he saw they were divided into two groups. The leading group, about twenty men, were soldiers. They wore armour of iron scales that ran from their shoulders to their knees. The scales were fixed to some form of cloth that extended slightly past their knees. Their shoulders were covered with two large metal plates that fitted around their necks. The soldiers’ helmets were iron too, shaped to rise to a simple conical peak, with a noseguard attached. They carried large oval wooden shields. All of the soldiers had an axe slung over their backs, and he glimpsed a few with sheathed swords at their sides, too.

    The soldiers were all dark-skinned, and to a man had full black beards. Standing just behind the soldiers was a man who was obviously an officer or other high-ranked personage. He had the same dark skin and full beard, but wore clothes made of some blue-purple cloth. His only armour was a helmet, which shone as if with polished steel. Around his neck, he wore some kind of neck ring; it was too far away to make out the details, but the gleam of gold was unmistakeable.

    The other group of people looked to be servants, or at least were plainly-dressed. Their clothes were made of light-coloured cloth wrapped around their bodies and arms, which left most of their legs exposed. Where all of the soldiers were men and had black hair, about half of the servants were women, and all but one of them had blonde hair, even though their skins were equally dark. None of the servant men wore a beard, either.

    As the natives came near, de Houtman said, “Don’t shoot unless they’re about to attack us, but if it comes to a fight, shoot their leader first.”

    The soldiers stopped about twenty paces away from the nearest sailors. The front rank drove their shields into the ground in front of them, almost in unison, forming the shields into a wall.

    The neck-ringed leader stood in the middle of the group of soldiers, just behind the first rank. At this distance, de Houtman saw that he had a golden bracelet on his right wrist, and a matching silver one on his left. The leader shouted out a few words in a language which made no sense whatsoever.

    “We are Dutchmen,” de Houtman shouted back, in Dutch. The natives showed no signs of recognising the language.

    The leader shouted something else. Most of the words were different; the only word he recognised from both times sounded something like “tiajal.”

    “We are Dutchmen,” de Houtman shouted, this time in Malay. Again, the natives showed no sign of recognition.

    The native leader barked a single word in a commanding tone. The front rank of soldiers pulled their shields up, took two steps forward, then drove them back into the earth. Again, they acted in almost perfect unison.

    “Damnation,” de Houtman muttered. He did not like how close these soldiers were coming, not at all. “If they come in closer, shoot them. Aim for the leader.”

    The sailors started to turn the wheel-shafts of their wheel-locks; a series of clicks announced that they were ready.

    The native leader shouted more demands, in the tone of one used to being obeyed. De Houtman held his hands palm upward in what he hoped was a gesture of peace. No way to tell whether they would take as that; these natives looked as if they were keen for a fight.

    “Come no closer!” he shouted, in Malay. Again, no sign of understanding from the natives.

    The native leader shouted out another command, and his soldiers picked up their shields again. That did it. “Fire!” de Houtman bellowed.

    Fire and smoke belched from the muskets in an irregular cacophony. Shots flew through the air toward the ranks of natives. The native leader collapsed to the ground, along with several other soldiers. Some of the standing soldiers turned and ran, but a few pushed aside their shields, pulled out their axes, and charged at the Dutch sailors.

    Most of the sailors dropped their muskets, drew their cutlasses, and ran to meet them. De Houtman stayed back, along with half a dozen other sailors who were frantically reloading their muskets. De Houtman had a cutlass himself, but he did not plan on drawing it unless he had no choice.

    Fortunately, he did not need to. The native soldiers had the look of veterans, but they probably had never seen guns before, judging from their reactions. Whatever the reason, they had been broken by the first volley of musket fire, and were badly outnumbered. Some died, a few fled. After a few moments, the only natives left alive were four servants who had fallen to the ground rather than flee.

    “What should we do now?” Pieter Stins asked. His voice held more than a touch of reproach. Two Dutch sailors were down, moaning and bleeding. One more would never have a chance to moan again; an axe blow had nearly severed his neck.

    “Catch those servants, before they flee too,” de Houtman said. No need to tell the sailors to see to their comrades; they were already doing what they could. Whether that would be anything useful was another question entirely, but they would make the effort.

    The four servants did not attempt to flee. Instead, they rose and walked hesitantly toward de Houtman, when the sailors gestured for them to do so. There were three men and one woman. Most looked young, except for one man whose receding hair had turned white. The others all had blonde hair, which up close looked even stranger against their dark skins.

    De Houtman assigned six sailors to guard the servants, and six more to carry their dead and wounded comrades back to the ships.

    “We’ll need to move quickly,” he said. That town was large enough to contain more soldiers, and who could say how many more would be brought in from further afield? “First, though, see what those dead soldiers have that’s worth taking.” A few samples of their weapons and armour, naturally. Their leader’s gold jewellery would become de Houtman’s personal prize, at least for now. And who could say what else these native soldiers would have on them?

    * * *

    Namai, scion of the noble family of Urdera, second only to the imperial family itself in its prominence [1], had long wondered what he had done to anger the King of Kings. He had never found a reason why; the King of Kings was ineffable in his choices. That had not stopped Namai from pondering the reasons why he had been exiled to the governorship of Archers Nest [2], rather than dwelling in the White City, as was his right of birth.

    Now, though, he thought that he might have found the first thing that made it worthwhile to be sent to govern this place so far from the White City.

    This field at the edge of the Goanna River [Swan River] did not amount to much in itself. It was next to Sea-Eagle Tree, a minor town that had no virtue other than being near to Archers Nest. Still, standing here in the morning light from the Source, after this strange visitation from the ever-ocean, this field held strange promises. Or was it just strange dangers?

    At first, he had thought that this tale of giant ships and raw-skinned men was nothing but the warped hysterics of a Djarwari peasant woman. Surely this was just a misguided report of Islanders who had broken the King of Kings’ edict and sailed around Sunset Point [3] to seek trade with the western shores. It would have made much more sense.

    Alas, he had clearly been mistaken. Namai still could not find out exactly what had happened here, but what he could see from his own eyes was clear enough. His brother-cousin-nephew Atjirra had brought twenty good Atjuntja soldiers to this field to investigate the report of strangers. Now Atjirra lay dead, along with the majority of the soldiers and two peasants.

    That much was certain. If only he could be sure about anything else.

    He had reports, of course, from the four peasants and seven soldiers who had survived the encounter, and who he had brought back here with him. Yet that told him less than he wished. He had been given eleven confused accounts which left him little clearer as to what had happened. He had been given conflicting descriptions of what the strangers looked like, how many they were, and what they wore.

    All of the descriptions agreed that the strangers had this striking pink-white raw skin. But then, the tales had told of that even before he arrived here. What he most wanted to know about were the strangers’ weapons, and here, he did not know whether to trust what he heard. If these accounts were true, these strangers had weapons which could chain kuru to drive metal balls to incredible, deadly effect.

    Maybe this was so, but the contradictory accounts of sounds of thunder, swirling dust, and belches of flame left him unconvinced. No soldiers ever liked to admit that they had been defeated. Maybe they had just invented an explanation about strangers who could reach across the great water’s eternity and drag kuru into the mortal lands to serve them. Perhaps.

    The strangers did use metal balls in some form, yes. That much, he had seen with his own eyes, for a few of them had been left behind. Unfortunately, nothing else had been. The strangers had collected everything, including their own dead and wounded, however many they had been. They had taken all of poor dead Atjirra’s ornaments, including the sun-kin, and weapons and armour from the other fallen soldiers, too.

    Whatever else these strangers might be, they were definitely looters of the dead. Extremely abhorrent. But then the Islanders were distasteful in their way, and the King of Kings had agreed to tolerate them. Would he decide the same thing was true here, if the strangers wished peace?

    That went to the heart of the most serious question of all, even more than that of what weapons these strangers used. What had caused this meeting to turn into a skirmish? Were the strangers hostile, or was Atjirra a hothead, as he so often could be? Was this bloodshed the workings of some malevolent kuru or worse yet, some twist of the Lord’s will?

    After a moment, Namai nodded to the most senior surviving soldier. “Are you sure that these men attacked first?”

    The soldier hesitated, then said, “These are not men, but kuru. No mortal men could strike as they did.”

    “Do not give me stories about these raw-skinned men being kuru. No kuru are visible to mortal eyes,” Namai said, his tone harsh enough to make the other man step back.

    The soldier doubtless thought that only kuru could bind lesser kuru into weapons, and so concluded that these strange-looking men must be kuru. Still, he should have known better. Few people could ever glimpse kuru, or even hear them, and not without consuming special substances. In any case, he refused to believe that any of these confused soldiers and peasants possessed the Sight.

    “Ah, these... men shouted challenges. When our noble leader told us to move closer to show we were uncowed, they released the thunder from their bound kuru.”

    A couple of the other soldiers started to speak, most likely to contradict the senior soldier. They stopped when Namai held up a hand. He needed to think. Even before he came here, he knew that these strangers had stood for many hours at the top of the nearby hill, in the shade of the sandalwood trees. They had only come down when the soldiers approached. Perhaps they had needed the shade. Not for themselves, but if their weapons did chain kuru somehow, the shade would be necessary. No kuru liked to be in the direct light of the Source, and lesser kuru such as those that might be bound into weapons would soon be consumed by the light.

    If so, that would explain part of the strangers’ actions. A small part. For the rest, though, he could not decide it himself. And that, after a moment, let him realise what he needed to do next.

    Namai ran his gaze over the gathered soldiers, peasants and assorted functionaries, then clenched his left hand into a fist and smacked it against the open palm of his right hand. That ancient gesture meant: I will brook no further argument.

    “The families of each of the two dead peasants are to be exempt from all tributes and labour drafts for the next, hmm, four years. So let it be shown on the nearest land-stone to their homes.”

    After some more thought, he continued, “The priests in Archers Nest will sacrifice to appease the Lord and to honour the Lady. We will wait to see if they receive any messages or if the kuru-listeners hear any omens.”

    He beckoned to the two nearest scribes. When they came forward, he pointed to one. “You will prepare a letter to Star Hill. Tell them what has happened here, and ask what omens the heavens reveal.” That scribe bowed and withdrew.

    To the other scribe, Namai said, “Record what I say.” The scribe nodded, and produced two wax-covered tablets and a stylus. “To his exalted majesty the King of Kings, from your servant Namai Urdera, governor of your garrison-city of Archers Nest: May the Lady continue to honour you and bring you good health and fortune. May the earth continue to yield its bounty, that you may receive your due.”

    He paused. Choosing which of the ritual formulas of greeting to use was easy enough. Deciding what he actually wanted to say was harder. “Strangers have come across the great storm road from the west in great ships. They are not Islanders. They have killed your servant Atjirra Urdera and thirteen of your soldiers, then fled in their ships. It is not yet sure whether they meant to kill or whether the Lord’s will brought the deaths. More will be said once more is known.”

    He gestured to show he had finished dictating, then said, “Set that to parchment and seal it. Let the post-runners carry these letters to Star Hill and the White City.”

    With that done, he decided, he could only wait, to see what word came back. And he would watch, to see if these strangers sought to come back to the Middle Country.

    * * *

    [1] In the opinion of the Urdera family, anyway.

    [2] Archers Nest is historical Redcliffe, a suburb of modern Perth.

    [3] Sunset Point is historical Cape Leeuwin, the south-westernmost point on the Australian mainland. The Atjuntja Emperor has an edict preventing the Islanders from sailing past that point, so that they cannot disrupt the internal trade between the Atjuntja western and southern coasts.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #21: The Third World
  • Lands of Red and Gold #21: The Third World

    “My intention is to demonstrate briefly and clearly that the Dutch – that is to say, the subjects of the United Netherlands – have the right to sail to the East Indies, as they are doing now, and to engage in trade with the people there. I shall base my argument on the following most specific and unimpeachable axiom of the Law of Nations, called a primary rule or first principle, the spirit which of which is self-evident and immutable, to wit: Every nation is free to travel to every other nation, and trade with it.”
    - Hugo Grotius, Mare liberum, 1609

    * * *

    To his exalted majesty’s servant Namai Urdera, governor of the garrison-city of Archers Nest, from Birring Gabi, Chief Watcher of the West and Seventh Councillor [of Star Hill]: May the fortunate stars watch over you and the wanderers [planets] bring you joy and prosperity. May you know your path as it stretches out before you in this life, your lives past, and your lives yet to come.

    Take heed and beware: on the night these raw-skinned strangers arrived, four stars were ripped from the Python [1] and descended to the earth. Know this to be true: four greater kuru have crossed over into the mortal realm. Consider and understand: this augurs a time of great consternation, of potent forces at work.

    Answers may be found, if you contemplate the Python. Prey it finds, dangers it dispatches, not by poison or by swift strike, but by the slow embrace of the crushing death. If war the raw-skins offer, resolution will not be found in one swift strike. Measured, persistent, and unyielding action must be your response. If peace the raw-skins offer, likewise let the wisdom of the Python guide your steps, while considering always that even the pacifistic may cause harm through mischance or greed.

    * * *

    December 1619
    Batavia Fort, Java

    Rain poured onto the roof, a steady drumbeat of water which had started a month before and which would continue for several more months – the annual rhythm of the monsoons. This building, the new residence of the Governor-General of the East Indies, had been thrown up hastily, from the look of it. As Commander Frederik de Houtman walked in, with Councillor Jacob d’Edsel at his side, he could only hope that the rapid construction had been enough to withstand the endless rains.

    Of course, if he had had his way, he would have met with Governor-General Jan Coen months earlier, before the monsoon started. Alas, fortune had conspired against him. Earlier this year, Coen had moved the headquarters of the Company to Batavia from its old site of Ambon. De Houtman had not known that before he left the Netherlands, and so he had first taken his ships to Ambon, and then needed to resupply before he could come to Batavia.

    “Have you met Coen before?” Jacob d’Edel asked, while they waited to be brought in to meet the Governor-General.

    De Houtman shook his head. He had seen Coen occasionally, at meetings of the Lords Seventeen in Amsterdam and Middleburg, but had never spoken with him.

    “From what I hear, he’s sharp of both tongue and mind, and demands respect and strict obedience from all who serve him. Be careful what you say and do.”

    De Houtman nodded absently. He was more concerned with how long it had taken Coen to meet them at all, even after they reached Batavia. Apparently the Governor-General was more concerned with rebuilding the town, which had been burned in the fighting, and negotiating with the English, who were being more troublesome than usual [2].

    Governor-General Coen rose to greet them as they entered his office. He dressed as a gentleman should, in a full coat topped by a broad white ruff. He had a narrow chin beard below a wider moustache, and his dark brown hair had been cut short to better suit the Indies’ heat.

    They exchanged perfunctory greetings, then Coen said, “So, Commander Houtman, you’ve found something you’re proud of.”

    A blunt man, indeed, de Houtman thought. Still, Coen had the trust of the Seventeen Lords, so he was not a man to be crossed. And de Houtman suspected that Coen would also be prepared to put whatever effort was required to achieve something, if he decided that it needed to be done.

    De Houtman said, “We have found a whole new world, as isolated behind its oceans and deserts as the Americas were before Columbus. The peoples who live there are as unknown to us as-”

    Coen’s chuckle cut him short. “And you consider yourself the next Columbus, no doubt. I know that you styled yourself as Captain-General on your voyage here, even though you were never granted that title.”

    De Houtman started to speak to defend himself, but Coen waved him to silence. The Governor-General continued, “You may have earned that rank, if this new land brings rewards worth the visiting.”

    “It does,” d’Edel said.

    “Indeed?” Coen steepled his fingers, and looked over them at the two men. “Tell me, or better yet show me: what does this land produce that is worth the Company sending more ships there? The reports from previous ships have not been encouraging.”

    De Houtman placed two bracelets on the table, one of gold, one of silver. He had taken those from the dead native leader. Along with a larger neck-ring made of two pieces of gold twisted together, but Coen did not need to know about that. The neck-ring was now de Houtman’s personal possession.

    He said, “One of the natives’ nobles wore these. The natives we brought back with us have confirmed that they mine gold and silver somewhere in their lands, although being peasants, they are too ignorant to tell us exactly where.”

    Coen smiled.

    Well he might, too, de Houtman thought. Not only were gold and silver valuable in themselves, they were needed to buy the spices which the Company shipped back to Europe. Using bullion of silver or gold, Company traders could buy spices which were worth more than the metals themselves.

    “Gold would indeed be excellent, if we can obtain it usefully. Is there anything else?”

    “The natives have spices. We have not found out how many kinds, yet; we do not know enough of their language to understand the spices which the natives know of. Still, we can be sure of at least two.”

    De Houtman placed a small twig on the table. One of many samples; he had had his sailors cut down one of the sandalwood trees and bring it with them before they left d’Edels Land. “This is a kind of sandalwood. Not quite the same as that which comes from India, but still valuable, I dare say.”

    He waited while Coen found a tinderbox, lit the twig, and inhaled the smoke. The smile which lit the Governor-General’s face was perhaps not as wide as the first one, but still, he clearly approved of the fragrance.

    “And the other spice?”

    De Houtman said, “Sadly, we could not bring any samples, but the natives know of tobacco. They recognised it when they saw our sailors smoking it, and begged to be allowed some themselves.”

    He shrugged. “They did not smoke it, though. They mixed it with ashes from the ship’s ovens and chewed it. As far as our sailors can understand their language, they liked it, but said that it was inferior to what grew in their homeland.”

    This time, Coen’s expression was one of calculation, at least as far as de Houtman could judge. Tobacco grew mostly in Brazil and the Caribbean islands, although sailors almost everywhere smoked it. A new source of tobacco could be promising indeed, especially if it truly was superior to that grown in the Americas. Or it might turn out to be useless; de Houtman did not know, but he wanted to find out.

    “So, you have found a land of gold and spices. What of the natives themselves? A brief account only, if you please; if I want more details, I will ask for them.”

    De Houtman gave a short account of the inlet in d’Edels Land, the strange plants, and their skirmish with the natives. He continued, “We brought the natives back to the ships with us. There were four, but one of them decided to jump off the ship and drown herself in the open sea rather than come with us.” Actually, he suspected that the native woman had been raped by sailors, despite his strict orders to the contrary. He could not prove that, though, and even if he had, he would not have admitted the failure here.

    “A few sailors have learned something of their language, and we’ve started to teach them Dutch. Their knowledge is still limited, so we don’t know much what their country is like. They do know nothing of the Indies, though, or anywhere else in the world other than their own southern land. They have some sort of king or lord at a place they call the White City, but we need to know more of their language to find out much about that city.”

    Coen said, “Would they be interested in trade? Especially for gold.”

    De Houtman glanced over at d’Edel. Being a Councillor of the Indies, d’Edel was in a better position to deliver ambiguous news. “We don’t know, yet,” d’Edel said. “The natives we have are peasants, from what I can gather. They babble about traders who visit somewhere to the south, but not the whys and wherefores. To know more about the potential for trade, we’d need to find some natives of good standing.”

    “We’ll have to find out, then,” Coen said. “If they are unwilling to trade, can gold be easily seized?”

    De Houtman said, “Difficult to say. They know nothing whatsoever of muskets, nor of horses. The natives were horrified when they first saw horses in Ambon. But we don’t know how large their armies are. Their fighting spirit is not to be despised; they killed two of my sailors, one immediately and a second who died of his wounds.”

    Coen said, “I will think more on this. Please send me a full written account of your meeting with these natives and everything which you have learned from them. Thank you, Councillor, Commander; we will speak more of this soon.”

    * * *

    To his exalted majesty’s servant Namai Urdera, governor of the garrison-city of Archers Nest, from his exalted majesty’s servant Lerunna Mundi, chamberlain of the palace: May the Lord turn his eyes away from you. May you know friendship and honour all the days of your life.

    His exalted majesty Kepiuc Tjaanuc has heard your words and has instructed me to reply in his name. Your vigilance is noted; your dedication is to be praised. The death of your noble kinsman is to be mourned; may the Incarnator guide his spirit to a suitable rebirth. His exalted majesty’s soldiers have died in his service, and deserve to be honoured. Send to me a full list of their names and kin, that their names can be revered at the next equinox parade along the Walk of Kings, and that their kin may be rewarded from his exalted majesty’s storehouses.

    His exalted majesty is pleased that all of the Middle Country recognises his supremacy, thanks to the Lady’s blessing and the Lord’s assent. Always must this supremacy be preserved, whether from treachery or from rebellion or wanderers from the treeless lands or Islander mutterers [ie priests] or wind-blown visitors from the west. You are instructed to keep watch, and respond to these strangers as you see fit if they return, provided that you always honour and uphold his exalted majesty’s supremacy.

    * * *

    Instructions for the yachts Hasewint, Assendelft and Wesel [3] having destination jointly to discover and explore the South-Land, 23 April 1620

    Inasmuch as Our Masters [i.e. the Seventeen Lords] earnestly enjoin us to dispatch hence certain yachts for the purpose of making discovery of the South-Land; and since moreover experience has taught by great perils incurred by sundry of our ships - the urgent necessity of obtaining a full and accurate knowledge of the true bearing and conformation of the said land, that accidents may henceforth be prevented as much as possible [4]; besides this, seeing the late reports and accounts of the last ships to explore the said coast, it is highly desirable that an investigation should be made to ascertain which parts of these regions are inhabited, and whether any trade might with them be established [5].

    Therefore, for the purpose before mentioned, we have resolved to fit out the yachts Hasewint, Assendelft and Wesel for undertaking the said voyage, and for ascertaining as much of the situation and nature of these regions as God Almighty shall vouchsafe to allow them.

    You will accordingly set sail from here together, run out of Sunda Strait, and steer your course for the South-Land from the western extremity of Java, keeping as close to the wind as you will find at all possible, that by so doing you may avoid being driven too far westward by the south-easterly winds which generally blow in those waters. You may therefore run on as far as the 32nd or 33rd degree, if you do not fall in with land before that latitude; having got so far without seeing land, you may conclude that you have fallen off too far to westward, for sundry ships coming from the Netherlands have accidentally come upon the South-Land in this latitude; you will in this case have to turn your course to eastward, and run on in this direction until you sight land.

    When you shall have come upon the South-land in the said latitude or near it, you will skirt the coast of the same as far as latitude 50 degrees, in case the land should extend so far southward; but if the land should fall off before you have reached the said latitude, and should be found to trend eastward, you will follow its eastern extension for some time, and finding no further extension to southward, you will not proceed farther east, but turn back. You will do the same if you should find the land to turn to westward. In returning you will run along the coast as far as it extends to northward, next proceeding on an eastern course or in such wise as you shall find the land to extend: in which manner you will follow the coast as close inshore and as long as you shall find practicable, and as you deem your victuals and provisions to be sufficient for the return voyage, even if in so doing you should sail round the whole land and emerge to southward.

    The main object for which you are dispatched on this occasion, is, that from 45 or 50 degrees, or from the farthest point to which the land shall be found to extend southward within these latitudes, up to the northernmost extremity of the South-Land, you will have to discover and survey all capes, forelands, bights, lands, islands, rocks, reefs, sandbanks, depths, shallows, roads, winds, currents and all that appertains to the same, so as to be able to map out and duly mark everything in its true latitude, longitude, bearings and conformation. You will moreover go ashore in various places and diligently examine the coast in order to ascertain the nature of the land and the people, their towns and inhabited villages, the divisions of their kingdoms, their religion and policy, their wars, their rivers, the shape of their vessels, their fisheries, commodities and manufactures, but specially to inform yourselves what minerals, such as gold, silver, tin, iron, lead, and copper, what precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals and fruits, these lands yield and produce. In all of these regions, you will diligently inquire whether they yield anywhere sandal-wood, nutmegs, cloves, tobacco or other spices; likewise whether they have any good harbours and fertile tracts, where it would be possible to establish settlements, which might be expected to yield satisfactory returns.

    To all of which particulars and whatever else may be worth noting, you will pay diligent attention, keeping a careful record or daily journal of the same, that we may get full information of all your doings and experiences, and the Company obtain due and perfect knowledge of the situation and natural features of these regions, in return for the heavy expenses to which she is put by this expedition.

    To all the places which you shall touch at, you will give appropriate names such as in each instance the case shall seem to require, choosing for the same either the names of the United Provinces or of the towns situated therein, or any other appellations that you may deem fitting and worthy. Of all which places, lands and islands, the commander and officers of these yachts, by order and pursuant to the commission of the Worshipful Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen, sent out to India by their High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Netherlands, and by the Lords Managers of the General Chartered United East India Company established in the same, will, by solemn declaration signed by the ships’ councils, take formal possession, and in sign thereof, besides, erect a stone column in such places as shall be taken possession of; the said column recording in bold, legible characters the year, the month, the day of the week and the date, the persons by whom and the hour of the day when such possession has been taken on behalf of the States-General above mentioned. You will likewise endeavour to enter into friendly relations and make covenants with all such kings and nations as you shall happen to fall in with, and try to prevail upon them to place themselves under the protection of the States of the United Netherlands, of which covenants and alliances you will likewise cause proper documents to be drawn up and signed.

    Any lands, islands, places, etc., which you shall take possession of, as aforesaid, you will duly mark in the chart, with their true latitude, longitude and bearings, together with the names newly conferred on the same.

    According to the oath of allegiance which each of you, jointly and severally, has sworn to the Lords States General, His Princely Excellency and Lords Managers, none of you shall be allowed to secrete, or by underhand means to retain, any written documents, journals, drawings or observations touching the expedition, but every one of you shall be bound on his return here faithfully to deliver up the same without exception.

    For the purpose of making a trial we have given orders for various articles to be put on board your ships, such as diverse ironmongery, cloths, coast-stuffs [from Coromandel in India] and linens; which you will show and try to dispose of to such natives as you may meet with, always diligently noting what articles are found to be most in demand, what quantities might be disposed of, and what might be obtained in exchange for them; we furthermore hand you samples of gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, pearls, sandal-wood, tobacco, nutmeg and cloves, that you may inquire whether these articles are known to the natives, and might be obtained there in any considerable quantity.

    In landing anywhere you will use extreme caution, and never go ashore or into the interior unless well-armed, trusting no one, however innocent the natives may be in appearance, and with whatever kindness they may seem to receive you, being always ready to stand on the defensive, in order to prevent sudden traitorous surprises, the like of which, sad to say, have but too often been met with in similar cases, specially in the late landing of the ship Amsterdam. And if any natives should come near your ships, you will likewise take due care that they suffer no molestation from our men.

    In a word, you will suffer nothing to escape your notice, but carefully scrutinise whatever you find, and give us a full and proper report on your return, by doing which you will render good service to the United Netherlands and reap special honour for yourselves.

    In places where you meet with natives, you will either by dexterity or by other means endeavour to get hold of a number of full-grown persons, or better still, of boys and girls, to the end that the latter may be brought up here and be turned to useful purpose in the said quarters when occasion shall serve.

    The command of the three yachts has been entrusted to Frederik de Houtman, who during the voyage will carry the flag, convene the council and take the chair in the same, in virtue of our special commission granted to the said de Houtman for the purpose.

    Given in the Fortress of Batavia, this 23rd of April, A.D. 1620. [6]

    * * *

    [1] The Python is more or less the constellation of Scorpio, although it includes a couple of stars in its “tail” from Sagittarius.

    [2] Anglo-Dutch relations in the East Indies at this point were sometimes hostile, sometimes cooperative. In the following year, diplomatic agreements between Amsterdam and London would allow closer cooperation. In the historical East Indies, this cooperation broke down in 1623 with the Dutch executing some Englishmen (and others) accused of treason. Things may change in the allohistorical East Indies, though, since both countries will soon have other things to worry about.

    [3] Yachts were the preferred vessels for exploration since they had very shallow drafts and thus could explore much closer to shore than larger transport ships. Dutch yachts of this era still had substantial crews; usually over a hundred men.

    [4] By 1620, Dutch ships had actually been touching parts of the western coast for several years, and had prepared charts showing parts of the coast. These charts were not always accurate, however; a regular complaint from Dutch captains in this period was that they were striking land in places other than where their charts indicated that this should be. In historical Australia, this would largely be corrected by voyages in the late 1620s and early 1630s. In allohistorical Aururia, de Houtman’s report of 1619 inspires earlier charting.

    [5] While Governor-General Coen does not entirely disbelieve de Houtman’s account, he does suspect a certain amount of exaggeration. This is because other Dutch ships which had been visiting parts of Aururia during the last four or five years had universally reported that the coast was barren and the natives were savages, when they found inhabitants at all. What Coen is unaware is that the previous Dutch ships made landfall in the north-western parts of Aururia, which are quite hostile country and inhabited only by hunter-gatherers. De Houtman’s expedition was the first one to make landfall far enough south to contact the farming peoples of the south-western corner of the continent.

    [6] In historical Australia, similar instructions were given in 1622 to the captains of two Dutch yachts, the Haringh and Hasewint. Their expedition did not go further than the Sunda Strait, since they were diverted to join the search for a missing ship (the Rotterdam).

    * * *

    Thoughts?

    Edit: P.S. If anyone is feeling cartographically inclined, I need a map designed which shows the early voyages of exploration of Aururia (not that they call it that yet). If you're interested, let me know on here or by PM.
     
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    Lands of Red and Gold #22: The Voyage of Tales
  • Lands of Red and Gold #22: The Voyage of Tales

    “These Wesel Landers have the most unpleasant looks and the worst features of any people that I ever saw. Black and naked of skin, hair frizzled, their frames tall and thin, their face and chests painted white with lime or some similar pigment, their appearance is altogether distressing and unwelcoming.

    They are the most wretched people in the world. They lack for houses, garments of cloth or even of animal skin, they keep no sheep, poultry, or beast of any kind. Their food comes from country that yields only meagre fish and roots that they dig wild from the earth. They have no herbs or pulses, no grains or fruit that we saw, and lack the tools to catch the wild birds and beasts.”

    Or so wrote Jan Vos, captain of the Hasewint, one of the three yachts in de Houtman’s expedition, sent to explore the western coast of what would come to be called Aururia. He wrote this unflattering depiction of the inhabitants of what they had called Wesel Land; the first land they had sighted since passing through the Sunda Strait between Java and Sumatra [1].

    His descriptions were harsh, but his disappointment was perhaps understandable. He and his fellow captains had heard wild tales of the land which they were to explore. De Houtman had been reasonably circumspect in his descriptions, but he had still spoken of a land of gold, sandalwood and tobacco, where the iron-using inhabitants had endless fields of yams and strange flowering trees. The tales told by his sailors were more exaggerated, and grew in each telling and retelling in Batavia in the months between the Dordrecht’s arrival and the departure of the new voyage.

    Instead of the expected land of abundance, their first landfall at Wesel Land (named after one of the expedition’s ships) found only an eroded, infertile country of coastal sandplains. The hunter-gatherer inhabitants did not even know how to work metals and had no native crops. Most of their tools were of stone; only occasional metal tools of copper or rusted iron had been traded through many hands from the farming peoples further south, although the Dutch sailors did not yet know this.

    Instead of the sandalwood and spices they had been expecting, the natives had nothing to offer in trade. They recognised iron and tobacco from the samples which the expedition brought, but could not supply either of those in any quantity. Worse, the Dutch could not even communicate with them; the people here had no language in common with the native interpreters which de Houtman’s expedition had brought with them.

    The voyage, though, continued. From their initial landfall they sailed west, skirting and charting an island-studded coast with occasional bays and harbours, but no large rivers or fertile tracts of land. Their instructions were to search these latitudes for any sign of the most valuable spices – sandalwood, cloves, nutmeg – which might grow there wild or domesticated, or for arable land where spice plantations could be established. They found neither, only continued disappointment.

    After several days of careful sailing through shallow seas and numerous islands, the coastline to their south opened into a wide gulf [Exmouth Gulf] with mangrove-lined shores and filled with sea turtles. However, the shores of this gulf were dangerously shallow, and the surrounding lands dry and uninviting, so de Houtman marked the gulf on his charts as Turtle Sound and ordered his ships around its western extremity.

    Here, for the first time the coastline turned south, which was the flotilla’s expected direction. The southward voyage soon brought them into a region of the coast which was already sketchily marked on their charts; it was called Eendrachtsland, named by a Dutch explorer who had visited this region four years before.

    Yet even here the disappointment continued, for an extensive coral reef along the shore [Ningaloo Reef] prevented them from coming close to the shore or making any further contact with the natives. The expedition skirted wide of the coral-lined coast, and did not make landfall again until they had cleared the reef and came to the north point of a sand-dune covered island.

    Here, they made a remarkable discovery. A pewter plate had been nailed to a tree on this island. Its inscription announced that this island had been visited by Dirk Hartog on the ship Eendracht in 1616 [2].

    De Houtman noted the discovery of the plate in his journal, and mentioned the shallow waters of the bay further inland, although he did not give it a name. Because of the shallow water and unpredictable currents, he ordered his ships not to enter the bay, and after resupplying with water, they continued their journey south.

    De Houtman would never find out that he had bypassed the northernmost Atjuntja outpost, which the locals called Dugong Bay. A penal colony established to mine salt and collect pearls, this outpost lacked sufficient water to sustain any substantial agriculture; being appointed as governor of Dugong Bay was a punishment reserved for Atjuntja nobles who had gravely displeased the King of Kings.

    Once past the island, the expedition drew near a more familiar section of coastline. Here, only the year before, de Houtman had discovered a series of low-lying islands with coral reefs surrounding them, which he had called the Abrolhos [3]. Because they had no high points or headlands to make them visible from a distance, he had almost lost a ship to the reefs the year before.

    This time, because he knew of their location, he deliberately ordered his ships to stay closer to shore, making careful progress while charting the coastline. Their caution meant that while they sighted the mainland coast many times, they did not attempt to land until they reached a locale where they were sure that there was a useful harbour or other safe landing.

    After slow progress against unfavourable winds and contrary currents, de Houtman’s three ships reached a large promontory jutting into the Indian Ocean. The shelter of this promontory created a reasonable harbour. In this, they found several wharfs and jetties built into the water, with several small boats and canoes anchored. On the shore beyond, they saw the first houses of wood and stone, and knew that they had found what they sought.

    The houses which clustered around the docks were those of the artisans, fishermen and common folk of the Binyin people who were native to this region. Beyond those houses, de Houtman’s sailors found field after field filled with workers. They watched as the workers methodically dug out the yams, cut off the main part of the bulky tuber, replanted the remnant of the tuber and refilled the hole. Thus, they became the first Europeans to witness a yam harvest [4].

    Once they had bargained for safe travel, de Houtman’s sailors also became the first Europeans to glimpse an Atjuntja garrion-city. Inland, beyond the docks and the low houses, rose walls of pale orange sandstone, a statement both of defence and authority. This garrison-city of Seal Point was the residence of the Atjuntja governor of this region, as well as housing the administrators who oversaw life here, and the soldiers who enforced their will.

    De Houtman’s expedition had brought two interpreters with them, peasants who had more or less voluntarily accompanied de Houtman’s sailors on his first visit to the South Land [5]. These peasants were of the Djarwari people who dwelt further south, but their dialect was close enough to the locals to allow communication.

    Contact was wary, but peaceful. The Atjuntja governor had been forewarned by post-runners, who carried word from further south of the brief skirmish near Archers Nest [Perth]. He did not allow any of the Dutch sailors inside the walls of Seal Point, but they were permitted to visit the local town which had grown up outside the walls. The Dutch found the town-dwellers to be quite friendly, especially some of the local women.

    Although the Dutch did not know this at the time, this friendly contact would have unfortunate consequences for both sides. De Houtman’s ships had already sailed on when the Dutch sailors started to fall ill with a strange form of influenza which brought quick fatigue and turned faces and lips blue. In time, this illness would claim the lives of seventeen Dutch sailors, including Captain Jan Vos of the Hasewint, and weaken many more. Their interpreters recognised the disease and called it “blue-sleep,” but the Dutch sailors christened it sweating-fever.

    While they were in Spear Point, however, de Houtman and his sailors knew nothing of this. In accordance with his instructions, he offered the Atjuntja governor the friendship and protection of the United Netherlands. When that offer was translated and understood, it produced nothing but raucous laughter. The governor of Seal Point explained that friendship was all very well, and not to be despised. Yet all of the Middle Country was under the rule of the King of Kings, who lived in the White City at the centre of the universe, and who needed protection from nothing in the mortal realms.

    With this exchange, de Houtman finally began to grasp the extent of the nation he had made contacted. He had made landfall at a place more than 400 kilometres further north than his first visit, only to be told that it was under the rule of the same King of Kings in a distant city. He knew that the Atjuntja lands extended some distance further north and an indeterminate distance to the east, and now he was reminded that the White City was somewhere far to the south, too.

    When his diplomatic advances came to naught, de Houtman and his fellow captains explored a matter which was even closer to their hearts: trade. The Company had been generous in supplying them with samples of trade goods: iron and steel manufactures; linen and other textiles; Coromandel goods such as lacquered boxes, screens and chests [6]; metals, gems and similar such as gold, silver, lead, tin, pearls, and coloured glass; and very limited quantities of spices such as nutmeg, mace, sandalwood, tobacco and cloves.

    To their delight, the Atjuntja governor and his administrators recognised most of their trade goods. Gold and silver they acknowledged, although they did not appear greatly impressed. Lead they viewed with disdain as commonplace; pearls and glass interested them more. Textiles and lacquer work interested them even more, as did some of the iron cookware and utensils [7]. Of the most valued goods, the spices, though, they recognised tobacco but treated it as nothing of consequence, and they thought that the Indian sandalwood was inferior. Alas, of the other spices, they knew nothing, and appeared to care but little.

    To de Houtman’s frustration, though, the Atjuntja governor bluntly refused to conduct trade. He explained that everything valuable in the Middle Country belonged to the King of Kings, and that it would not be traded without his permission. Everyday items such as food, wood and tobacco could be exchanged as gifts between friends, and some of them had already been supplied to the visiting Dutch. However, items of value such as gold, silver, sandalwood, “worked goods” and kunduri were part of the tribute owed to the King of Kings, and could not be exchanged elsewhere without his approval.

    The Dutch disappointment was almost palpable; severe enough that de Houtman took some time before he remembered to ask what kunduri was. His interpreter refused to relay the question, saying that would be like asking a man to explain what water was. Instead, the interpreter simply explained that kunduri was to tobacco what yam wine was to water.

    After three days of explanation and frustration, de Houtman decided that they had found out all that they could from Seal Point. Privately, he told his captains that he hoped to find a place further south where the natives would be willing to trade, no matter what restrictions their emperor might have placed on them.

    From Seal Point, the expedition continued southward, charting the coast and noting as they explored that the shore country was becoming ever more fertile. De Houtman and his captains named many geographical features, with no regard whatsoever for what the natives called them.

    The captains knew both elation and frustration as they ventured ever further south. Elation, because their methodical progress permitted them to draw extremely accurate charts of the coastline, currents, and other features of interest. Frustration, because the fever claimed too many of their crew, and because further visits to the coast provided exchanges of food but met the same absolute refusal to trade any goods which the natives deemed valuable.

    Before too much longer, the expedition struck trouble. The three ships were nearing the latitude where de Houtman had made landfall on his last visit. Mindful of the bloodshed on this previous occasion, he had planned to avoid any contact with the natives in this region. Alas, weather and ocean currents interfered with his plans. Overnight, the wind shifted to a land breeze, and unknown to his captains, an eddy in the current pushed their ships further out to sea [8].

    The Wesel, at that point the lead yacht in the expedition, struck rocks near an offshore island. De Houtman had known of this island, naming it Rottnest on his previous expedition, but had not been able to warn the other ships in time. Taking on water, the Wesel’s new captain had no choice put to bring the vessel into sheltered water to effect repairs. There was only one suitable anchorage on the mainland; a narrow inlet which they had called Swan River, and on whose shores Atjuntja and Dutchmen had first shed each others’ blood.

    Despite de Houtman’s misgivings, the Atjuntja did not attack them on sight. The immediate problem was preventing their interpreters from fleeing home. Once that was under control, they met a deputation from the Atjuntja governor, who reported that they would be permitted to anchor in the river, and would be provided with gifts of food and some timber to help them repair their vessel. De Houtman, who had by now gained some understanding of how Atjuntja society worked, responded with gifts of his own, including iron cooking utensils and tobacco to the families of the peasants and soldiers who had been killed in the last skirmish.

    Repairs to Wesel took nearly two weeks. They could have been hurried, but de Houtman did not urge his sailors to make haste, since he decided that staying here would allow him to fulfill more of his instructions. Governor-General Coen had ordered his expedition to survey what vegetables, animals, fruits and other produce could be obtained in the South Land. While a few sailors worked on the Wesel, the rest were rotated through visits ashore, learning what they could of the region which they called d’Edels Land.

    Thus, the sailors of de Houtman’s expedition were the first to learn much of what Aururia produced and how its inhabitants lived. They saw Archers Nest, another garrison-city, but built away from the coast in a reminder that the Atjuntja did not look to the sea. They saw the many fields of what the Atjuntja called wealth-trees, and asked what these trees could produce that was so valuable. The Atjuntja responded by giving their Dutch guests an ample supply of wattleseeds and wattle gum. De Houtman ordered that some of these seeds be brought back to Batavia, along with some of the ubiquitous yams, in case they would prove suitable to grow there [9].

    The Atjuntja crops presented their Dutch visitors with a strange combination of the familiar and the exotic. Flax they knew; while the Atjuntja species differed in its appearance, it produced similar fibres and seeds. De Houtman also noted in his journal: “they grow a variety of indigo here, which produces a dye as fine as anything I have seen from India. Yet their indigo plant is more versatile, for by different preparations they may use the same leaves to produce either the true indigo colour, or a brilliant yellow, or a noteworthy green [10].”

    Other Atjuntja crops simply left the Dutch perplexed. They recognised the timber of eucalypts as being extremely useful; those were the main source of the wood they used to repair the Wesel. Yet the smell of eucalypts was like nothing they had ever encountered before, and reminded them that this land was an exotic place. Likewise, the local dried fruits offered tastes unlike anything which the Dutch had known; after sampling dried quandong, de Houtman recorded in his journal that he wished that he had visited the South Land when these fruits were in season.

    Still, no crops offered such a complete mix of the familiar and exotic as tobacco and related crops which the Atjuntja used. Tobacco was something with which every Dutch sailor was familiar. As, indeed, were most European sailors; they had been spreading tobacco around the world since their first contact with the Americas. The Atjuntja tobacco crops were distinctly different in their appearance, but could still be recognised as forms of tobacco [11].

    Yet while the Atjuntja grew and used tobacco, they universally told the Dutch sailors that this tobacco was merely an inferior product. The drug of choice was kunduri. This time, de Houtman overrode the wishes of his interpreters and asked the Atjuntja governor what kunduri was and why it was so valuable. The governor replied that kunduri was what every Atjuntja man would use if he could, but that it was rare and came from beyond the sunrise. He had a reasonable quantity, but few of his soldiers or administrators were so fortunate.

    In what was an extremely generous gesture, although de Houtman did not yet recognise it as such, the governor of Archers Nest sent for some of his personal supply of kunduri and offered a sample to de Houtman.

    The appearance of the kunduri was unremarkable; dried leaves and plant stems which did not look much like tobacco. Still, following instructions, de Houtman mixed the kunduri with wood ash and chewed it. He described the resulting sensation in his journal: “I chewed this kunduri for several minutes, and a sensation of bliss and relaxation came over me. I no longer cared who was in the room, nor what they might say or do. The effect was akin to the euphoria I might feel after several glasses of good French wine [12].”

    The Dutch sailors found the same mixture of familiar and exotic in the Atjuntja domestic animals. Dogs were familiar, except that the breeds which the Atjuntja had developed had no European equivalents. Ducks they knew, although again, the breeds were unfamiliar. Captain de Vries of the Assendelft recorded in his log that “they use ducks in as many numbers and varieties as Dutch farmers use chickens.” Quolls were an exotic animal, but the Dutch did their best to link them to more familiar forms; they referred to domesticated quolls as native pole-cats. To the Dutch, emus were the most exotic of the domesticated animas; oversized flightless birds with voracious appetites and booming calls which could be heard over a mile away. The captains’ journal entries indicated bemusement about whether the emus would be of any worth as poultry in Europe.

    Before leaving Archers Nest, de Houtman recorded in his journal that he believed that this was the most promising site yet for a trading post, if the Atjuntja could be persuaded to permit one. He also recorded his frustration at convincing any natives to come voluntarily, and noted that he did not want word to spread ahead of his voyage that the Dutch were kidnappers. He noted that the time to kidnap natives would be at the last place they visited.

    As the three ships sailed south of Archers Nest, their journal entries grew increasingly enthusiastic about the merits of d’Edels Land. The land was well-watered, the vegetation grew ever more luxuriant, with some towering forests visible along the shores.

    The expedition continued its diligent work of charting, but for some time after visiting Archers Nest, de Houtman did not allow any extensive visits ashore. He had by now become obsessed with sailing to the Atjuntja capital. And while his peasant interpreters did not have a detailed understanding of the geography, they had reported that he needed to pass a major landmark called Sunset Point [Cape Leeuwin] and sail east along the “great storm road” to reach the White City.

    As it happened, for all of his conscientiousness, de Houtman would never sight Sunset Point, although he believed until his dying day that he had done so. Sunset Point was one of the world’s three great capes [13], marking the merging of two oceans, but was also surrounded by several rocks and small islands which reached further into the ocean. De Houtman steered the Hasewint clear of those rocks, missing the cape itself, and brought his ships east in the strong winds of the Roaring Forties.

    At every town which he visited along the southern coast, he had his interpreters ask if he had reached the White City. Three times, he visited a city or town and was disappointed when he received a negative answer.

    On 26 July, the Hasewint sailed into a wide natural harbour, and then further into an inner harbour. De Houtman saw crowded docks, a towering row of statues behind them on the shore, and beyond that twin mountains with colossal edifices built into their sides, and he knew that he would not need to have his interpreters ask the question again.

    * * *

    [1] De Houtman’s expedition first touched land about halfway between the historical towns of Port Hedland and Karratha. The region which they call Wesel Land is semi-arid country covered in spinifex grass and scattered trees. It is too far close to the equator for Aururian crops to grow, and in any case the rainfall is so low that any farming would be extremely marginal.

    [2] In historical Australia, the Dirk Hartog plate was rediscovered in 1697 by another Dutch captain, Willem de Vlamingh, who replaced it with another pewter plate of his own and took the original back to Amsterdam. The Hartog Plate is the oldest known European artefact associated with Australia.

    [3] Those islands still bear that name in historical Australia; formally they are called the Houtman Abrolhos, which is usually shortened to Abrolhos.

    [4] Red yams are harvested in late April-May, when the tubers are at their largest and the above-ground portions of the plant are starting to wither and die back in preparation for the coming winter.

    [5] De Houtman had brought three captives back to Batavia, but only two had been sent back with him. The third was kept in Batavia to learn more Dutch, and as a safeguard in case something happened to de Houtman’s exploratory voyage.

    [6] These lacquered products were mostly manufactured in China, but the trading networks saw them re-exported to the Coromandel Coast of India, and this became the common name for them.

    [7] They would have been even more impressed by muskets, but de Houtman had prudently ordered his sailors not to fire muskets except at uttermost need, or describe their function. He wanted them to be a surprise if they were attacked. The Atjuntja had heard exaggerated tales from the south that these raw-skinned strangers could chain kuru and throw thunder balls, but did not recognise the muskets for what they were.

    [8] The currents on the coast of Western Australia are quite complex; there is a major warm water current which moves south (the Leeuwin Current), but it is bracketed by cold-water currents which move north. This is one of the many features which make navigation along the Western Australian coast so troublesome.

    [9] Red yams, at least, will not grow so close to the equator. Wattles are not quite as sensitive to latitude, but the Dutch will still have difficulty getting the main domesticated species to grow properly in a tropical climate.

    [10] This plant is native indigo (Indigofera australis), a relative of true indigo (I. tinctoria). Native indigo is widespread across much of the continent, and in historical Australia it was used in early colonial times to dye wool.

    [11] Native Australian species of tobacco have been used as narcotics for tens of millennia; the two main ones cultivated by the Atjuntja are Nicotiana glauca and N. rotundifolia (sometimes classified as N. suaveolens). They are similar to common tobacco in their cultivation, although the Atjuntja only chew tobacco (mixed with wood ash); they do not smoke it.

    [12] This is de Houtman’s introduction to the drug known in historical Australia as pituri. John King, the only survivor of the Burke and Wills expedition of 1860-61, reported a similar reaction when he first experienced pituri. Kunduri is grown in parts of the Nyalananga [Murray] basin and exported to many parts of the continent; it reaches the Atjuntja via Islander trading ships. It does have a stronger effect than tobacco; the nicotine content of kunduri/ pituri is up to four times stronger than that of modern commercial tobacco. The drug also contains other alkaloids such as nor-nicotine, hyoscyamine and scopolamine, which add to its potency.

    [13] The three great capes are three major landmarks in the Southern Ocean. Cape Horn in South America divides the Atlantic from the Pacific, the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa divides the Atlantic from the Indian Ocean, and Cape Leeuwin in south-western Australia divides the Indian Ocean from the Pacific.

    * * *

    Thoughts?

    P.S. Are there any Dutch speakers who can advise on the likely Dutchified forms of Atjuntja names?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #23: The City Between The Waters
  • Lands of Red and Gold #23: The City Between The Waters

    “She is mine own,
    And I as rich in having such a jewel
    As twenty seas, if all their sand were pearl,
    The water nectar, and the rocks pure gold.”

    - William Shakespeare, The Two Gentlemen of Verona, Act II, Scene IV

    * * *

    Excerpts from “My Life in the South-Land”. Written by Pieter Stins, a sailor who served in de Houtman’s first and second voyages to what would come to be called Aururia.

    Our ships sailed into the harbour of Witte Stad [1] on 26 July. Even before we came ashore, we knew we had reached a city like no other in the South-Land. Buildings covered the shore, some in a large city in the main harbour, and a smaller quarter across the water. Neither quarter had walls, and even from a distance it seemed as if everything had been built on a colossal scale.

    There were docks aplenty; unlike the smaller cities, Witte Stad had boats in abundance. A few boats moved in the harbour, most of them small vessels like those of the other cities. One was larger and completely strange; twin hulls, lateen rigged, steered with a rudder rather than steering oar. One of our translators said that this was an Islander ship, from some subject people who live in the east and who sail west to trade and to honour the native emperor.

    The city officials had known we were coming. They declared that only Captain-General de Houtman and thirteen other men could come ashore into the main city at any one time. The rest would have to stay at the foreign quarter across the water.

    The Captain-General did not trust them, and had our ships stay well out to sea in the main harbour. The natives were meticulous in watching and counting who came and went; throughout our time there, we would only ever have fourteen men ashore at any one time. I was fortunate enough to be among the thirteen whom the Captain-General chose to accompany him into Witte Stad...

    My memories of Witte Stad are confused in their order and their sense. Throughout my time there, especially the first few days, it felt as if I were walking through a dream. This is a city like no other, the jewel of the Orient, a place of mystery, splendour and horror combined. Here, the native emperor has gathered everything important in his realm into one place; gold, stone, gardens, animals, men, and heathen gods.

    Everything in the city has been built to be larger than life. A man cannot walk down any street without being dwarfed by statues, whether of men or idols, looming over him wherever he walks. It is crowded, thronging with men from all quarters of this realm. I know not the numbers, but there must be tens of thousands, or hundreds of thousands. More men and women dwell here in any city of the Netherlands, or any European city I have seen. Some cities of the Orient may be larger, but none that I have seen or heard of have been built on this scale designed to make men feel like mice [2].

    Two sounds I always remember from my time in Witte Stad. One is the noises of construction and maintenance. Seldom can a man walk far in this city without witnessing the toils of those who serve their emperor. Men labour to move materials, to shape and repair statues, to smooth and maintain the roads, to build in wood and stone, to clean and polish buildings [3]. When their work itself is silent, then the natives provide their own noise, chanting and singing as they labour. I could not decide whether the music is because they are joyful to work or to take their minds from their endless labour.

    Another sound I will never forget is the endless sound of water. It is not as loud as the toils of labour, but it is always present. Rare is it indeed to find a place in the city where a man cannot hear the sound of water, whether flowing, cascading, bubbling from fountains, or dripping from the mouths of statues.

    The natives adore the sound of water, and devote much of their labour to ensuring that it can always be heard. Fountains are numerous throughout the city. Sometimes water spouts from elaborately carved statues, sometimes it cascades over rocks in melodies which the natives find pleasing, and often it fills basins where a man can drink his fill whenever he chooses.

    Nowhere do the natives use water more lavishly than the place they call the Thousand-fold Garden [4]. This is a veritable wonder of nature, of carefully shaped stones and plants. An endless array of trees and shrubs, a maze of flowers and beauty, trod by ducks with feathers of a thousand hues. Amidst the Garden is always the sound of water; cascading over rocks, flowing down falls, or bubbling from artfully arranged fountains that mimic the natural world...

    When I first witnessed the Garden, I thought that the natives must have heard of Eden as God made it in the beginning, and that they had done their best to create a replacement for it in this fallen world. Alas, I soon learned how mistaken I was in this regard.

    The natives’ beliefs are a corruption of Christianity. They refer to the Lord, but believe that they must make endless sacrifices. They know not that Christ died for all our sins, and kill men or shed their blood slowly in the name of pain. I will not commit to paper a full report of the bloodthirsty abominations they commit in the name of their perverted gospel. Theirs is a heathen religion of torture, the twisted worship of a false Christ, a malformed degradation of all that is good and holy...

    The natives of Witte Stad are divided into two peoples. The people who call themselves the Atjuntja are the rulers; not all the people of this stock are considered noble, but they all think of themselves as better than their subjects. In skin and in features, there is naught to distinguish an Atjuntja from their subjects, but all of their men wear full beards, and they do not permit the same to their subjects. Most all of the Atjuntja have black hair.

    Their subjects go by a variety of names; the one most common I heard was Yaora, but sometimes they call themselves Yuduwungu and Madujal [5]. Most of these Yaora have blonde or light hair, though their skins are much darker. With some of the Yaora men, their hair is darker, especially those who have grown older, but not yet old enough for their hair to turn gray or white. The men among them do not all shave, but those who have beards keep them trimmed short. Our native interpreters told me that among the Atjuntja, light hair is considered a sign of common blood, although the other Yaora do not care about it in the same way...

    While Witte Stad is unlike the smaller towns and cities of the South-Land in many ways, it seems to me that most of all it is designed to be a spectacle. In its construction, its waters, and its streets, it is shaped to ensure that all who visit here know that this is the residence of their emperor.

    It is kept that way by most careful arrangement. For these Atjuntja do not even allow animals to wander free and disturb the streets. While these people know nothing of sheep, horses or pigs, they have nooroons [emus], dogs and ducks, but they do not allow them to roam the streets, except for the multi-hued ducks in the Garden. They even keep out the pole-cats [quolls] that they use to hunt vermin. Perhaps animals are kept away because they are so fastidious about keeping their streets clean; I do not know. But I do know that this city is a place of wonder.

    * * *

    July-August 1620
    Witte Stad / Milgawee [White City]
    D’Edels Land / Tiayal [western coast of Australia]

    A cool breeze swept across North Water into the Foreign Quarter. Standing on the shore, looking west to the twin peaks at the heart of the greatest Ajuntja city, Yuma thought that the wind was most appropriate. It brought the tangy aroma of salt water, diluted slightly by fragrances of eucalypts and shrubs, a silent reminder that these Atjuntja worshipped nature instead of understanding it. Still, more important than the smell, the wind blew from the direction of the three strange ships that waited silently in the other harbour, West Water.

    Yuma, third-most senior trading captain of the Tjula bloodline, was not usually a man given to indecision. Few Nangu trading captains were. In a world where the greatest profit went to the boldest, a captain who hesitated would be lucky if his bloodline elders did not strip him of his command or find his crew deserting for captains who earned greater wealth and glory.

    Now, though, he had found himself watching for two days, and he had still come no closer to a decision. He was the captain of the last Nangu great-ship of the winter’s trading fleet to remain in Milgawee. The rest had departed over the last two weeks. Those with better captains carried cargoes of sandalwood, spices, gold and fragrant oils; those with weaker captains bore mostly iron, silver, or dyes.

    Yuma himself had brought his ship, the Restless, to these western lands with a cargo of kunduri, Tjibarr jewellery, and gum cider. He had carefully negotiated a series of exchanges of most of this cargo for sandalwood and gold. He could have finished his trading a week ago, but had held on to the rest of his loading of kunduri to see if he could bargain for a better deal once the Atjuntja realised that the other ships were gone and that no more kunduri could be had until the next trading fleet arrived months later.

    Thanks to that delay, and perhaps the guidance of the sixth path, he had been the first Nangu captain to glimpse these strange ships enter the harbour. Ships larger than even the finest Nangu great-ship. Perhaps not as manoeuvrable, but an intimidating sight nonetheless. He had known instantly that these were foreigners; the pitiful Atjuntja knowledge of shipbuilding would not allow them to build anything remotely approaching the quality of these ships.

    Word from across the water at the main quarter of Milgawee brought endless rumours of the strangers who used these ships. Raw-skinned men from beyond the world, as the Atjuntja understood it. Men with strange skills and crafts, none more awe-inspiring than that they could bind thunderbolts and use them as weapons. Men who had visited the western coast the previous year and killed Atjuntja soldiers, but who had returned speaking of peace. Apparently the commander of these raw-skinned men had been admitted to the Palace of a Thousand Rooms to meet with the King of Kings.

    Yuma doubted that last part of the rumours, at least. The myriad complexities of Atjuntja protocol would not allow the King of Kings to meet with any stranger so easily. Not that it would matter; the Atjuntja conducted such negotiations through intermediaries anyway.

    Still, no matter what the Atjuntja babbled about, he knew that these strangers must be men like any other. No-one had ever heard of any western islands worth visiting before, and the King of King’s edict against western exploration meant that few Nangu had tried to find such islands. But it was only sensible that such lands existed. After all, if the Maori came from Aotearoa beyond the sunrise, why should there not be other islands beyond the sunset?

    Which left Yuma in an odd position. He was, for now, the only Nangu trading captain to know about these strange ships from beyond the west. A few Nangu lived here permanently, but they were of no consequence for his purposes. No-one else back on the Island would hear word of these strangers for months unless he carried it.

    So he had to decide whether to approach them, and how to find out what he could. If these raw-skins were wealthy, trade with them could prove to be very valuable. Unfortunately, there was another problem. The bearded Atjuntja buffoons were always wary of any Nangu captains who sailed further west; they preferred trade to flow through their home ports. They would be very suspicious of anything which they saw as an attempt to bypass them.

    Then he had to consider these strangers themselves. They had been told that they could dock in the Foreign Quarter, if they wished, but they had chosen to keep their ships well out in the harbour. These actions spoke of a people who were full of suspicion. Any surreptitious attempts to sail to those ships would be more likely to bring an attack than a conversation. And the few strangers who went ashore to the main quarter of the city were being closely watched, he was sure. It would be difficult to speak to them without the Atjuntja finding out.

    As he stared across the water, Yuma decided that for now, it would not be worth his while trying to contact these raw-skinned strangers. They were only three ships in one visit; they would not have that much worth trading for directly. Better to finish his own trading for now and sail back to the Island.

    Once back home, he could consider other ways to take advantage of this new discovery. Perhaps take a great-ship further west into the sunset, to see if he could find these stranger’s home islands. Or he could bring a more carefully-chosen cargo next time, with more samples of many goods, to find out what these raw-skinned strangers wanted to trade for.

    For now, though, he decided, these strangers should be left alone.

    * * *

    Lerunna Mundi, chamberlain of the palace, most favoured servant of the Petal Throne [6], reached for the kunduri pouch at his waist. Only a small ball, of course; enough to relax, not to stupefy. During an important negotiation, only a fool would drop a boulder into the stillness [7].

    Still, he welcomed the double blessing the kunduri brought. For one, he had a welcome break while he rolled the ground leaves into ash from a lantern, shaped them into a ball and chewed them. That let him force the raw-skinned commander – dee Ootman, he called himself – into blessed silence for a few moments.

    For another, the blissful relaxation of kunduri let him rebuild the aura of calm and relaxation which His Exalted Majesty had ordered in all dealings with these Raw Ones. Oh, this dee Ootman was not a complete fool, as far as such things went. But this outlander was so wrong-headed in his expectations that the difference was sometimes difficult to remember.

    With the kunduri chewed and his spirit’s essence restored, Lerunna turned his attention back to the outlander. As patiently as he could, he said, “You will not be admitted to see the King of Kings. You are not of the blessed; you cannot hear his voice.”

    How could even an ignorant outlander have so much difficulty grasping such a fundamental truth? No-one would be allowed to hear the Voice of Divinity without being of the right birth. Being an outlander was a disadvantage, but not an insurmountable one. Some of the Thousand Rooms had hosted outlanders as imperial guests, usually some desert chieftain who needed to be pacified, or occasional eastern delegations from the Islanders, Mutjing or Gunnagal. “If your western sta-tjol-der comes himself or sends one of his kin, perhaps His Exalted Majesty will grant his blessing and allow an audience.”

    The peasant interpreter looked worried when he had to translate that. The conversation between the two went back and forth for some time; Lerunna supposed that the interpreter was taking the opportunity to explain some truths to dee Ootman.

    Taking advantage of the pause, Lerunna made a closer study of this outlander. His clothing was a mixture of marvel and stupidity. Made of some fibre called wool, or so he understood from the previous conversations, that was suppler than even the finest linen. Yet it was woven into strange tubes wrapped around arms and legs, and belted closely at his waist, in a form that seemed far too hot and uncomfortable.

    This dee Ootman knew enough of proper appearance to wear a full beard, yet several of the outlanders with him did not. All of these men had pink skin which showed when they flushed. Likewise, his beard and hair were coloured orange-red; an odd hue for a commander. Some of his men had dark hair, and others had blonde, but the colour of their hair did not appear to correspond to any difference in rank.

    Odd, very odd. Easterners all had dark hair, so they could not use that to distinguish amongst themselves. These westerners, though, had different classes and different hair colour. Why did they not use this information?

    After the interpreter finished explaining a few truths, dee Ootman said, “If your King of Kings will not meet me, how can I be sure that he has agreed to terms of trade?”

    Even the bliss of kunduri could not stop Lerunna from nodding in sheer disbelief at this outlander’s ignorance. He composed himself, then said, “His Exalted Majesty has chosen me to speak on his behalf. I bear his message, I speak with his words. His Majesty is minded to allow trade, or he would not invite me to speak with you at all.”

    As the interpreter laboriously relayed his words into the outlander tongue, Lerunna reflected how frustrating it was to work through a peasant interpreter. Not to mention another sign of this dee Ootman’s wrong-headedness. Any outlander who came to the White City to trade and negotiate should have taken the time to learn the Atjuntja tongue. The Islanders, warped through they were in other ways, had long known that. So did the few desert chieftains who had been permitted into the White City. Why did these raw-skinned outlanders not do the same?

    Maybe, Lerunna wondered, dee Ootman was more cunning than he appeared. Maybe this bearded commander had learned the Atjuntja language, but chose not to reveal it. So far, dee Ootman had not shown any signs of understanding when he heard Lerunna speak, but maybe that was a ruse. Perhaps this outlander kept silent because he had more time to think while the interpreted relayed the words, or in case he overhead conversations. Lerunna decided that he would have to be careful speaking in the Atjuntja language in the presence of any outlanders, even if the interpreters were not present or not translating.

    Dee Ootman said, “Your King of Kings’ willingness to trade is welcome. Yet it is frustrating that we have had to wait so long before we could meet anyone to discuss trade.”

    Again, Lerunna wondered how this outlander could misunderstand something so simple. “You are in the dominion of the King of Kings, who fears nothing in the mortal realms. Here, you will follow his timing and his wishes. If you were in the realm of your sta-tjol-der, then you would do as he pleased. Here, you will wait on our pleasure.”

    Dee Ootman nodded when that was translated. The interpreter hastily explained that amongst these outlanders, a nod meant agreement rather than distrust or disapproval.

    After that, they settled down to discuss trade terms. The negotiations were leisurely, drawn out over three days of production of samples, exchanges of gifts, presentation of food, and other appropriate courtesies. Dee Oootman learned quickly; by the end of the negotiations, he had become much more polite in his dealings.

    The terms of trade which they eventually agreed were much as Lerunna had expected, of course. For all of the courtesy, exchange of gifts and marvellous products which these outlanders offered, they were strangers to this land. They had to accept His Exalted Majesty’s terms if they wished to trade at all.

    As per his instructions, Lerunna thus secured agreement to trade terms barely changed from what the Islanders followed. Trade was to be conducted at two ports on the western coast, with the land for the trading posts negotiated with the local governors. These outlander ships were not to make landfall anywhere other than the two trading posts, except in emergency if they needed food or repairs. If their ships had to land, then they should stay no longer than needed for repairs, food, or favourable weather for sailing.

    Only the named trade goods were to be exchanged at the trading posts, and nothing else of value. If the outlanders had new goods which they wished to trade, they must first gain the approval of His Exalted Majesty or one of his governors. The outlanders could live and worship within the bounds of the trading posts, but when venturing outside, they would not speak of their own faith or seek to convert any of the King of Kings’ subjects.

    In all of the negotiations, only two matters gave Lerunna any real surprises. The first was when he stated that while the outlanders could build their own dwellings within the trading posts, they could not build any fortifications.

    “What if we are threatened?” dee Ootman asked. “There are other nations whose ships may try to attack our trading posts.”

    A meaningless answer, as far as Lerunna was concerned. The whole of the Middle Country lived under the King of King’s peace, and his sovereignty. His Exalted Majesty would protect people, and he would not suffer walls to be built around subject cities which might be used to support rebellion. The only exceptions came in frontier areas where the desert dwellers might raid. Even then, any wall-builders were carefully watched.

    He said, “If you fear for your safety, ask of the governors, and they will provide Atjuntja troops for your protection.”

    The other surprising matter came when dee Ootman wanted to write the terms of the trade agreement. Very good to want it in writing, of course. Yet he presented some flimsy stuff which he called paper, and wanted the trade agreement written on that. Lerunna threw back his head and laughed at that nonsense. Oh, this lightweight material might perhaps be more useful than parchment for everyday messages and records, but what kind of fool would present it as a binding pact of trade?

    He said, “What use have we for that material which is even more crumbling than parchment? No treaty set on parchment will last. Our agreement will be written in stone here in the White City, and repeated on land-stones at the sites of your trading posts.”

    * * *

    Captain-General Frederik de Houtman stood on the stern of the Assendelft, watching as Witte Stad faded into the distance. First the trees and flowers blended into the background, then the shapes of the statues became impossible to discern, and then the docks blurred into insignificance. His last sight of Witte Stad was of the Twin Peaks, clad in green and stone, slowly vanishing in clouds that blew in from the west.

    With the great city fading, de Houtman allowed a broad smile to creep across his face. “I do believe we will be congratulated for what we’ve accomplished here.”

    Captain Cornelisz de Vries nodded. “So we should be. A city like that... As God is my witness, never have I been so bittersweet about leaving a port. How can those people combine such wonder with such depravity?”

    De Houtman shrugged. “They won’t inflict their heathen rites on us.” Of all the astonishing things in this city of wonders, the greatest was that the victims of this sacrificial blood-letting had all freely volunteered. “I’m not happy to witness those events, but it won’t stop us trading with them.”

    Negotiating a trade treaty had taken much longer than it should have, especially the endless frustration of never getting any meeting with their emperor. Still, he had achieved the most important part of his mission: a trade agreement.

    And what riches it would bring!

    He knew, now, what trade goods would be preferred here. Even if when finding out, the Atjuntja had refused to call what they did trade. They had called it exchanges of gifts, since trade was only permitted to Dutchmen on their western coast. For now, anyway; that prohibition would not last forever.

    The exchanges had been an acceptable substitute for trade, and had told him what he needed to know. These Atjuntja had been impressed with cotton textiles, with tin and steel, with rum, and most of all with the lacquered chest from Coromandel. They were not at all impressed with Brazilian tobacco, but then he did not like their version of tobacco, either. He had seen that some of it was brought on his ships anyway, naturally. Maybe others would find it more palatable. If not, sometimes any tobacco was better than none. Besides, he had a few samples of their kunduri, which was better than tobacco, in his estimation. Even if the Atjuntja had been horrified when he tried smoking it.

    Regardless of how valuable this kunduri might prove to be, this land had many other goods of worth: gold, silver, sandalwood, indigo and other dyes, and salt. Some of their other produce might be valuable, too. The gum of their wealth-trees resembled gum arabic; perhaps it could be sold for a suitable profit. Their peppers had a hotter taste than any which de Houtman had ever experienced; maybe they, too, could be sold as a spice.

    De Vries said, “Are you sure you want to sail no further east?”

    “Quite. We have fulfilled our instructions,” de Houtman said.

    Enough of the instructions, at least. He had explored, charted, recorded and negotiated. He had secured a trade agreement and permission at two sites to be chosen – no doubt this Archers Nest, and somewhere else he would leave to the Governor-General to consider. He had brought enough gold and silver to pay for the cost of this expedition, even if everything else he had found turned out to be worthless.

    Oh, he had not quite fulfilled everything. He had not secured any of the natives by force, judging that it would do too much harm. One of his sailors had brought back a native mistress, but that woman would hardly be available for the Company’s use. Nor had he extended the Netherlands’ protection to these Atjuntja, but no-one could have achieved that.

    He had accomplished everything that the Company could have hoped for, and more besides. As the three Dutch yachts navigated out of the harbour and began the slow journey west, de Houtman could only look forward with eager anticipation to the new tomorrows which awaited him.

    * * *

    [1] Witte Stad is Dutch for White City. It acquired this name because the native translators have a habit of translating the meaning of names, where they have such meanings, rather than transliterating them. So they consistently translated the city’s component words into Dutch as Witte Stad. Thus, this became the name by which the White City would become known in the wider world. For a while, at least.

    [2] Amsterdam, the largest city in the Netherlands at this time, had around 50,000 people. Rotterdam was smaller. The White City at its fullest holds around 200,000 people, and this expedition is visiting at a time when workers are not needed in the fields, so most of the drafted labourers are in residence. There were certainly larger cities at this point (Beijing is thought to have been the largest city in the world), but none which Stins has visited.

    [3] The construction and repair of the White City is not always this laborious, but de Houtman’s expedition visited during the peak season of the year, when drafted labour is present in large numbers, and when most of the maintenance is performed.

    [4] This name is a mistranslation from the real Atjuntja name, which would be more accurately translated as the Garden of Ten Thousand Steps. The native translators did not yet have a complete grasp of the Dutch language.

    [5] Stins has misunderstood the relationship between the peoples of the Middle Country. Originally, Yaora was the collective name for all of the related peoples who occupied the south-western portion of Aururia, including the Atjuntja themselves. The name is still sometimes used in that sense, but the more common modern usage is to refer to any non-Atjuntja subject people within the Middle Country. Yuduwungu and Madujal are the names of two of the subject peoples, and who are numerous enough that they make up the most common labour draftees to the White City.

    [6] In his own mind, at least.

    [7] This Atjuntja metaphor can be approximately translated as “only a fool would cloud his sense.”

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #24: Of Traders, Treasures and Trailblazers
  • Lands of Red and Gold #24: Of Traders, Treasures and Trailblazers

    “Portugal and Spain held the keys of the treasure house of the east and the west. But it was neither Portugal with her tiny population, and her empire that was little more than a line of forts and factories 10,000 miles long, nor Spain, for centuries an army on the march and now staggering beneath the responsibilities of her vast and scattered empire, devout to fanaticism, and with an incapacity for economic affairs which seemed almost inspired, which reaped the material harvest of the empires into which they had stepped, the one by patient toil, the other by luck. Gathering spoils which they could not retain, and amassing wealth which slipped through their fingers, they were little more than the political agents of minds more astute and characters better versed in the arts of peace... The economic capital of the new civilization was Antwerp... its typical figure, the paymaster of princes, was the international financier.

    Convulsions of war and tides of religion unseated Antwerp from its commercial throne, the city besieged and its dissenting inhabitants dispersed. While force of arms might move borders, wealth migrated according to its own dictates, not the whims of princes. As the seventeenth century neared, international commerce continued in Amsterdam from where it had halted in Antwerp...”

    - W H Stanhope, “Religion and the Birth of Capitalism”

    * * *

    Captain-General Frederik de Houtman’s second voyage to Aururia was, for the Dutch, a shining success. A trade agreement had been negotiated, and a valuable collection of sample trade goods had been brought back to guide the Company’s merchants in their pursuit of profit. Better yet, the expedition had brought back a host of information in charts, logs and journals to aid in the planning and conduct of further ventures.

    The descendants of the Atjuntja and the other Aururian peoples would not have quite the same view of de Houtman’s voyage. Of course, that was hardly something that Governor-General Coen or the other senior officers of the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie would concern themselves over. De Houtman and his fellow captains were showered with honours on their return.

    Along with the honours, Jan Pieterszoon Coen gave the captains and their crews strict orders not to talk about their new discoveries. All had sworn oaths to the Company and to the United Netherlands, and those oaths had to be obeyed. They were to reveal nothing of this new South-Land, particularly about its wealth, and most particularly its location.

    This order lasted about as long as it took the Dutch sailors to reach the nearest tavern.

    The Dutch sailors did not intend to tell foreigners the secrets, exactly, but alcohol and secrets rarely go together. Mostly, they talked to other Dutchmen, who in turn repeated rumours to other compatriots. The taverns of Batavia were not the exclusive preserve of Dutchmen; apart from the local Javanese, this was a trading post sometimes visited by Englishmen, and occasionally by the Portuguese [1].

    The Dutch sailors did not give detailed directions, but, inevitably, they talked. Within a few months, the Javanese, English and Portuguese knew that the VOC had discovered some fantastical new land somewhere to the south. Or was it to the east? Rumours spread, no two of them the same, about where this new land was and what it contained. The stories spread to Timor, to Malaya, to Surat, and in time to London, Lisbon and Madrid...

    * * *

    With the prestige secured from his second voyage, de Houtman successfully manoeuvred for command of the third expedition to the South-Land. He obtained appointment to the task of negotiating for the construction of the first Dutch outpost on the South-Land, and overseeing the first trade conducted there.

    De Houtman set about his new task with enthusiasm. With a fresh fleet of ships loaded with carefully-chosen supplies, he returned to the South-Land in 1621 to establish a trading post. His chosen site was familiar from two previous visits: the Swan River. Given that he had already secured the permission of the King of Kings, it did not take long for de Houtman to negotiate the local governor’s agreement to set up his new trading outpost.

    De Houtman had chosen a site on the south bank at the mouth of the Swan River, at a distance he thought was about fifteen miles from the local garrison-city. He optimistically called the site Fort Nassau [Fremantle], even though his trade treaty stated – and the governor had reiterated – that no fortifications were to be built. His sailors were set to the task of constructing houses and other key dwellings. De Houtman used a few judiciously-chosen gifts to obtain the assistance of some local labourers to speed the process. Fort Nassau was developed into a useable state and declared open after three months, although completing some stone buildings would take over another year.

    Atjuntja nobles and merchants (often the same people) had already started to gather before Fort Nassau officially opened. The samples of Dutch trade goods the previous year had attracted a great deal of interest, and de Houtman assured all arrivals that they would be given the opportunity to bargain for similar goods. De Houtman had always been an astute bargainer, and he was in a particularly favourable situation here. In most cases, the Atjuntja merchants bid against each other to obtain the most favoured goods.

    Even with his previous experience of the White City, he was surprised by some of the priorities they set. The most highly-prized items were anything which showed great craftsmanship; lacquered goods, richly-decorated textiles, and the like. Steel ingots were worth half their weight in gold, and tin ingots only slightly less valued. Rum and brandy were held in similarly high esteem, especially after de Houtman’s traders generously provided some free samples. Wine, though, they would not accept. Nor, despite his best efforts, could he persuade any Atjuntja to trade lead ingots for anything.

    In exchange, de Houtman’s trade ships were laden down with the commodities he had most desired. Gold and silver in abundance. Sandalwood in smaller quantities but, if anything, greater value. Dyes, especially their magnificent indigo. Considerable quantities of their mints and peppers and lesser spices, brought mostly to see if they could be resold for greater value. Yet despite his best efforts, he could not persuade any Atjuntja to offer any kunduri at a price he would accept. Instead, he received many variations of responses which amounted to, “Kunduri is not something we trade, it is something we trade for.”

    Still, after de Houtman concluding his trading, he had the ebullient feeling that he had accomplished as much here as in his previous voyage. He left Fort Nassau in the command of a junior officer, and sailed for Batavia. There, he received another hero’s welcome. As de Houtman had expected, Coen was well-pleased with him.

    Unfortunately, Coen would not stay pleased for long.

    * * *

    With trade expanding between Batavia and the South-Land, the rumours of newfound Dutch wealth spread ever further. They caused some consternation in London, where the governor and directors of the East India Trading Company had been considering a delicate situation.

    An opportunity had arisen in the Middle East, where Persia had declared war on Spain, and was besieging the Spanish garrison on the island of Kishm, near the vital Spanish-held island of Hormuz. That port had been in Portuguese and then Spanish hands for nearly a century, and offered a gateway to Persia. The Persian commanders had requested English help in capturing Kishm and then Hormuz, and had offered to allow English merchants entry into the valuable silk trade.

    Alas, opportunity was balanced by danger, namely, the risk of outright war with Spain. England and Spain had been at peace for nearly two decades, and the Company might find that its pursuit of profit in the Gulf would cause a broader war. The heads of the Company were minded to ignore that risk, trusting to Providence and the good offices of King James I to ensure peace was preserved.

    However, now the governor and directors had a new risk to consider: the rising power of the Dutch, and more precisely that of the VOC. The two companies had been rivals in the East Indies for two decades, until they negotiated a recent truce. Now, if the VOC had found a spectacular new source of wealth, could they be trusted to hold to that truce? If not, perhaps it would be better to cooperate with Spain against the Dutch, rather than starting what could become two wars.

    The directors considered this dilemma for a few days. In the end, they decided that the immediate opportunity was worthwhile. Trade with Persia would be a valuable new market. Besides, the Spanish were Catholics, and not to be trusted. So they accepted the proposed alliance with the Persians, and decided that they would deal with the consequences when they came.

    The planned attack on Kishm Island went ahead two weeks later than originally planned. The English fleet bombarded the fort and quickly forced the Spanish garrison to surrender; the assault sustained very few casualties [2]. Bolstered by this success, the English and Persian forces conducted a joint operation against Hormuz, with the Persians attacking by land while the English scattered the Spanish fleet and bombarding the castle.

    Hormuz surrendered on 7 May 1622, and the Persians took control of the island, while the Spanish retreated to a secondary outpost at Muscat. Honouring their agreement, all Christian prisoners were repatriated to England, and plans began for the exchange of English cloth for Persian silk. Spain was outraged, and the Company was forced to pay ten thousand pounds each to James I and the Duke of Buckingham in compensation for the efforts they went to in preserving peace [3].

    * * *

    Frederik de Houtman was an extraordinary man. An explorer, but also a self-promoter and liar. An astronomer and a visionary, recorder of constellations unknown and charter of lands unvisited by Europeans. A linguist who recorded the first European dictionary of the Malayan language, and an optimist who always trusted that fate would reward him. An opportunist with an eye for the main chance, but whose vision ultimately deserted him.

    After his three voyages to the South-Land, de Houtman was eager to return to the Netherlands to describe in person what he had found. And, of course, to receive the adulation he believed he deserved for his discoveries.

    Governor-General Coen willingly allowed de Houtman to return home, but was dismayed by what happened when the explorer made it to the Netherlands. De Houtman took the opportunity to describe his triumphs ad nauseum. He was careful enough to present his tales only to those who could be relied upon to keep the details secret: Company lords and officers, the Stadtholder, and other government officials.

    Unfortunately, that was the limit of de Houtman’s discretion. To hear him speak, a listener would believe that his actions alone had been responsible for the discovery of the South-Land. And that no-one else had the wit to recognise the opportunities. To add to his misdoings, de Houtman presented a magnificent golden neck-ring to Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Stadtholder of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Guelders and Overijssel. This neck-ring was a prize which de Houtman had collected while in the South-Land, but he had retained it rather than giving it to the Company.

    De Houtman’s generous gift endeared him to the Stadtholder, but it enraged the Lords Seventeen. Combined with his ever more frequent self-promotion, it ensured that he would never be trusted by the Company again. De Houtman was denied any further commissions, and lived out the remainder of his life in Europe. While he died a rich man, he never again set foot on the South-Land.

    * * *

    As the years turned, despite de Houtman’s departure, and regardless of the distant battles and manoeuvring in the Gulf, the Dutch were busy shipping goods to and from their newly-discovered land. A few outbound fleets from the Netherlands were ordered to stop at Fort Nassau on their way to Batavia, conducting trade with the Atjuntja merchants. Prices had fallen after the initial novelty – no longer did the Atjuntja value steel as half the worth of gold – but any Dutch ship which stopped to trade at Fort Nassau always left with more valuable cargo than when it arrived.

    Fortunately for the Dutch, the Atjuntja and the rest of the world, the long shipping times meant that most diseases were not exchanged between the two peoples. Incubation periods were mostly too short; a disease would burn its way through a ship’s crew either before it reached the South-Land, or before the departing ships made their next landfall at Batavia.

    Not all diseases were contained by the ocean barrier, of course. The first venereal diseases had been left behind at Seal Point in 1620 when de Houtman’s expedition visited there. Blue-sleep was an ever-present threat to Dutch sailors when they came ashore; many of them caught the illness. Yet this was a fast-burning disease; while many sailors fell ill and some died from it, it ran through a ship’s crew before they reached the Indies.

    The greatest threat awaiting the Dutch in the South-Land was the malady called the Waiting Death. No epidemic of Marnitja had swept through the Atjuntja lands in the last decade before the Dutch arrival, so they were safe, for now.

    The isolation of the seas would not last, of course. Eventually an asymptomatic carrier would make the journey, or a fast ship would carry disease to a new shore. If nothing else, some maladies would linger in blankets or textiles and bring Eurasian diseases to the South-Land, or Aururian diseases to the Old World, but that time was not yet.

    * * *

    While the Company officers were glad of the profitable trade they had found at Fort Nassau, they were eager to discover more. The first visit to the White City had told them that the Islanders lived far to the east, but not the details of how to travel there.

    So a few of their officers did some exploration by land along the Atjuntja road network. That was tolerated, up to a point, provided that they did not attempt to trade. Yet they were always watched, and discouraged most strongly from coming by land to the White City or any other place where they might encounter Islander traders. The King of Kings did not wish his two trading partners to contact each other directly, realising full well the problems that this would bring for the carefully controlled Atjuntja internal trade and tribute networks.

    Thus, the Dutch land explorations gave them some grasp of the geography of the Atjuntja dominions, but did not let them explore any further trade. Some inland regions were also expressly off limits, such as the vicinity of Star Hill or the main gold mines at Golden Blood. To build new trade networks, they would have to venture along the seas.

    In 1622, Governor-General Coen ordered the first voyage be sent to explore past the Atjuntja dominions in pursuit of new trade markets. Pieter Dirkzoon was named captain of the Leeuwin, with the yacht Nijptang accompanying, and given orders to explore the southern coast of the South-Land. He was instructed to explore east past the White City, in the hope of reaching the Islander homeland and determining whether it was worthwhile establishing direct trade with this barely-known people.

    Mindful of the Atjuntja watchfulness, Dirkzoon led his two ships from Batavia to Fort Nassau, where they resupplied before steering well south of Cape Hasewint [Cape Leeuwin]. His ships stayed out at sea until they had passed what they judged to be the easternmost Atjuntja dominion, Red Eye, then turned north.

    As it happened, Dirkzoon was correct in his navigation, and he brought his ships close to the shore at what were no longer Ajuntja lands.

    Unfortunately, these lands were uninhabited for good reason. The endless westerly winds gave the Dutch ships great speed, but the coast they faced was the bleakest that any of them had ever seen or heard of. This barren stretch of coast consisted of seemingly-endless sea cliffs, imposing bulwarks of stone which reached 300 feet high or more, stretching from horizon to everlasting horizon. Above the cliff-tops was nothing at all but featureless emptiness; no trees, no rivers emptying, nothing but hundreds of miles of unwelcoming hostility.

    The coast was ever-intimidating, never approachable. Besides the fierce winds pushing them against the cliffs, the seas themselves were a threat. Immense wind-driven swells broke endlessly upon the sea-cliffs, slowly eroding their bases, with force that would shatter even the largest ship to driftwood and splinters in an instant.

    In an unusual display of originality, since new lands were normally named after high-ranking Company officers, Dirkzoon christened this endless barrenness as Kust van de Nachtmerrie [Nightmare Coast].

    With such an unwelcoming and dangerous coast, Dirkzoon could not keep his ships constantly in sight of the shoreline. To do so risked disaster, since a gust of wind or more than usually potent set of swells would destroy his ships in a heartbeat. Thus, while he maintained enough sightings of the cliffs to know that they continued, he missed the one small break in the cliffs which marked a lonely Islander settlement that the locals so aptly christened in their own language as Isolation.

    Dirkzoon kept on, doggedly persistent, until his expedition reached a point where the sea cliffs turned to the south-east. This was the worst possible direction, since it would force the ships ever further away from Batavia. His orders had anticipated sailing around the South-Land and back up to tropical latitudes, where he could return to Batavia in relative safety.

    Alas, he now faced seemingly endless sea-cliffs stretching away in the wrong direction. For all Dirkzoon knew, the bleakly featureless cliffs stretched all the way to the South Pole. While he knew that the Islanders lived here somewhere, he did not know how far, or how friendly they would be. With dwindling supplies, hostile seas, and the prospect of a very slow voyage back west against the wind, he was minded to turn back.

    Decision time came when the two ships reached a couple of small islands off the coast. The seas calmed enough to allow a few boats to venture ashore and confirm that these islands were uninhabited. The sailors replenished their supplies of fresh water from the islands, but otherwise found that these isolated rocky outposts had nothing to commend them.

    While Dirkzoon’s ships lingered at these two islands, a rare shift in the wind saw the breeze come from the east. This fortunate change was enough to convince Dirkzoon to turn back; he might not get another such opportunity. So he ended his exploration and brought his two ships back to Batavia, where he provided them with charts and descriptions of bleakness, but not the new trading markets which Coen had sought [4].

    * * *

    With the failure of Dirkzoon’s 1622 expedition, Coen and the VOC decided to focus other priorities, rather than further exploration. War had broken out with Spain-Portugal in 1621. The Company concentrated its efforts on protecting its Far Eastern holdings and seizing other places of known value, rather than diverting valuable ships for another costly, challenging, and probably fruitless expedition. Instead, in accordance with their treaty, they built a second trading post near the Atjuntja garrison-city of Seal Point, which they called Fort Zeelandia. Being nearer to the salt-harvesting regions, this new outpost saw greater trading in salt, but otherwise its goods were similar to Fort Nassau.

    Coen knew that the South-Land contained other nations and markets. However, he had also learned that gold and sandalwood, the most valuable goods of the South-Land, were what the Islanders came to Atjuntja lands to trade for. They would not find these goods if they ventured further east. The only known trade goods from further east were kunduri and gum cider. Gum cider was of little value to the Company. Kunduri was spoiled in Coen’s eyes for another reason: when he had first tried smoking it, he had inhaled so much of the stronger substance that it had caused him to vomit. He had refused to try kunduri again, and decided that it was worthless. While some other Company officers had sampled the drug and now savoured it, Coen was too stubborn to change his mind.

    Thus, over the next four years, Coen ordered that Company ships focus on the known rewards of gold, sandalwood and sweet peppers [5]. This provided valuable capital for supporting Company activities elsewhere in the Orient, particularly for building new ships and recruiting mercenaries for garrisons and raids. The wealth of Asia beckoned; Coen hoped to monopolise shipping between the nations. The commodities of the South-Land were merely building blocks in the corporate edifice he wanted to construct.

    The Company only decided to change its policy when it received direct word from the Islanders. In late 1625, a Nangu trading captain named Yuma Tjula discreetly arranged for some Djarwari labourers returning to their homeland to pass on an invitation to the commander of Fort Nassau. This gave the Dutch enough of a description of the southern coast of the South-Land to know how to sail to Islander-held territory.

    With this inspiration, the Lords Seventeen commissioned a new expedition of discovery. They sent three ships, under the command of François Thijssen in the Valk, to make contact with the Islanders. Unlike his predecessor, Thijssen was given explicit orders to explore further east, to find a way around the expected edge of the South-Land and return to Batavia by a more northerly route.

    So, in 1626 and 1627, François Thijssen commanded an expedition which some would later claim to make him the greatest European explorer of Aururia. Even those who did not give him that rank placed him a close second behind Frederik de Houtman.

    Thijssen did not visit set out from Fort Nassau as his predecessor had done, by came directly from Europe via Mauritius. Knowing that the winds were more reliable in higher latitudes, he sailed well south of Cape Hasewint, and did not turn north until he judged he had neared the longitude where Dirkzoon had turned back.

    Thijssen had, in fact, gone further east than he intended, and by the time he sailed north he made landfall near the tip of what would come to be called Valk Land [Eyre Peninsula, South Australia]. He followed the coast until he reached the Mutjing city of Pankala, where he and his sailors were the first Europeans to contact a Gunnagalic people in their own land.

    From here, Thijssen charted some of the coast, then crossed over to the Island, where he spent a few days at Crescent Bay before sailing on to Jugara on the mainland. Here, among many other accomplishments, he became the first Dutchman to visit the kingdom of Tjibarr, and the first to trade for a significant quantity of kunduri [6].

    Due to warnings from both Tjibarr and the Islanders, he avoided any efforts to contact the Yadji. Instead, he sailed further south, where he explored much of the south and east coasts of an island which would later be named for him, although he called it New Holland [Tasmania]. Here, he became the first European to contact the Kurnawal, and the first to be utterly confused by attempts to translate their allusion-laden poetry.

    In keeping with his orders, Thijssen sailed further east across a great expanse of sea, until he made landfall on the western coast of the southern island of Aotearoa [New Zealand]. The local Maori king ordered his sailors to depart or be killed, saying that they had no interest in visitors. Thijssen decided that combat was pointless, and withdrew. He sailed up the western coast of Aotearoa, meeting with similar hostility and sometimes violence whenever he made contact with the Maori kingdoms. So he confined himself to mapping the western coast of the two islands (although he believed they were a single island), and sailed north into the Pacific.

    Thijssen’s expedition went much further north, visiting Tonga before turning west, sailing north of New Guinea, and returning to Batavia in November 1627. Here, he had a wealth of tales which he planned to tell.

    Unfortunately, the world had changed by then.

    * * *

    “Sire, Your Majesty finds yourself in a situation in which no part of your dominions is not under attack from your enemies, in league and conspiracy so extensive that one can without any exaggeration say that the whole of the rest of the world is turned against Your Majesty alone, in Asia, Africa and Europe.”
    - Gaspar de Guzman, Count-Duke of Olivares to Philip IV of Spain (and Philip III of Portugal), 26 July 1625

    * * *

    [1] Strictly speaking, these Portuguese visitors would have been considered Spanish; those two countries had had a unified crown since 1580. Most of the trade in the East Indies was conducted by the Portuguese, though. At this point, Spain-Portugal and the Netherlands had a truce, and there was still some contact between traders on both sides. (The truce was due to expire in March 1621).

    [2] The similar historical attack which happened a couple of weeks earlier was also successful, but one of the (few) casualties was the notable English explorer William Baffin. Baffin had made his name exploring the artic regions of North America, going further north than any before him while searching unsuccessfully for a passage to India. He had recently joined the East India Trading Company, and was present for the assault on Kishm, where he met an untimely end. With the allohistorical delay to the attack, Baffin survives.

    [3] This is essentially the same outcome as happened historically, although the historical date for the fall of Hormuz was 22 April 1622.

    [4] The progress of Pieter Dirkzoon’s exploration is similar to that of the historical exploration of Francois Thijssen in the ship Gulden Zeepaerdt in 1627; he charted much of the southern coast of Australia but turned back when the coast started to stretch to the south-east. The islands which Dirkzoon discovered are in historical Australia still called the Nuyts Archipelago, which Thijssen named after a high-ranking passenger on his ship.

    [5] Sweet peppers are what the Dutch call the various pepperbushes that the Atjuntja cultivate (Tasmannia spp, especially T. lanceolata). The berries of these plants are initially sweet, but with an intense peppery aftertaste. Per weight, they have about ten times the spiciness of common peppers, and they are developing into a profitable spice which the VOC exports to Europe.

    [6] Some influential (or, perhaps, influenced) historians would argue that his establishment of trade in kunduri was more important than his contact with Tjibarr.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #25: The Gates of Tartarus
  • Lands of Red and Gold #25: The Gates of Tartarus

    Warning: This post deals with the spread of Aururian diseases to the rest of the globe. It therefore involves some rather unpleasant subject matter.

    * * *

    “And I looked, and beheld a pale horse: and his name that sat on him was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power was given unto them over the fourth part of the earth...”
    - Revelation 6:8

    * * *

    Infectious diseases are the greatest killers of humanity throughout history. In war and in peace, diverse infestations of diseases have ravaged the world’s population time and again. Effective treatments have been rare until the last couple of centuries of human history, and even today many diseases can only be prevented, not cured.

    Yet, as is well-known, while epidemic diseases can kill humans wherever on the globe they may live, the diseases themselves did not originate from all parts of the world. The Old World had more than a dozen major killers which were transported along with Old Worlders to the other continents and islands, but the rest of the world did not have any major killers awaiting Old Worlders when they arrived [1].

    So, as Europeans reached other parts of the world, they brought a host of diseases with them. Smallpox, measles, typhus and influenza are usually considered the deadliest killers, but malaria, yellow fever, tuberculosis, whooping cough, diphtheria, plague, mumps, typhoid, chickenpox, rubella, gonorrhoea and other diseases were also major scourges.

    Look into the depths of allohistory, however, and this exchange of diseases was not always one-way. In the continent which history calls Australia, and allohistory calls Aururia, the inhabitants have long suffered from a variety of diseases. Many of these are minor, non-fatal, or otherwise constrained by geographical and biological factors to the continent itself. Still, the Aururian continent holds three diseases with the potential to become worldwide killers: blue-sleep, swamp rash, and Marnitja.

    Blue-sleep is a form of avian influenza, which originated from migrating birds that travel between Aururia and parts of Asia and Europe. Like all forms of influenza, it is airborne, highly contagious, and mutates rapidly, making long-term immunity impossible, although people who have survived a previous infection are unlikely to die from a re-infection. Infected victims quickly experience fatigue and have their faces and lips turn blue, but in other respects the disease is similar to common influenza.

    Being derived from avian influenza, blue-sleep has extreme potential to turn into a pandemic. The worst influenza pandemics in both history and allohistory originated from avian derived forms of influenza, and blue-sleep is no exception. The historical Spanish flu pandemic of 1918 is estimated to have killed about 5% of the global population, and blue-sleep has a similarly lethal potential.

    Blue-sleep is infectious and common enough that it afflicted Dutch visitors as early as de Houtman’s second expedition to Aururia. Fortunately for the rest of the world, blue-sleep spread very rapidly amongst ship crews, and the main Dutch trading post at Fort Nassau was a considerable sailing time from the next port of call at Batavia. This meant that while Dutch sailors regularly caught blue-sleep, transmission of the virus across the oceans was much more difficult.

    Swamp rash is a mosquito-borne virus which evolved from the historical Barmah Forest virus. It produces chills, fever, fatigue, swollen joints, and a blistery rash which spreads over most of the body. While most of the victims recover, in some cases the infection enters the lymphatic system, leading to painfully swollen lymph nodes and eventual death.

    Swamp rash is not a continent-wide disease. The virus is mostly confined to the artificial wetlands in the Nyalananga [Murray] basin, although it has recently spread to the wetlands in the western regions of the Yadji lands [south-western Victoria]. For it to spread further, however, is unlikely. The mosquitoes which carry swamp rash are short-lived species, and the birds which are its other natural hosts do not migrate beyond the continent. While it would not be impossible for the virus to spread overseas, it would be unlikely.

    The mortality rate of swamp rash varies. The Gunnagal who live along the Nyalananga itself have evolved some natural resistance to the virus, and so their mortality rate is only about 5% for children and less for adults. For visitors from elsewhere in the continent, or overseas, the mortality rate is about 10% for adults, and worse for children.

    Of all of the afflictions found on the Aururian continent, however, none is deadlier than what the locals call the Waiting Death: Marnitja, in the Gunnagal language. Marnitja is an allohistorical henipavirus, related to the historical Hendra and Nipah viruses, and more distantly to measles and mumps. Marnitja originated as a bat-borne virus which spread via domesticated dingos and ultimately evolved into an exclusively human epidemic.

    People infected with Marnitja show a distinctive two-stage set of symptoms. The first stage is a haemorrhagic infection of the lungs called the “pink cough,” where the fevered victims experience severe coughing and other breathing difficulties. They also suffer from fatigue, fever, and sometimes blood loss and renal failure. Some survivors of the pink cough have life-long breathing problems.

    Survivors of the pink cough, however, are not yet free of Marnitja. While they are no longer infectious, they may still be afflicted with the second stage of the virus. This is a form of encephalitis, an infection of their central nervous system which leads to fever, seizures, delirium and almost inevitable death. Survivors of the pink cough have to endure an interminable wait to find out whether they will succumb to the delirium; the usual period is two to three months, but on rare occasions it can take as long as three years [2]. This lingering period of uncertainty is what led the survivors to christen the disease the Waiting Death.

    The fatality rate of Marnitja varies considerably, depending on a population’s previous exposure to this virus or to infectious diseases in general. Amongst the Aururian peoples, each epidemic usually kills less than 5% of the population. For Eurasian peoples, the virus would kill anywhere between 10-15% of the population, depending on their nutritional levels and general health. For peoples with insufficient exposure to epidemic diseases – which in the early seventeenth century means most of the New World – the fatality rate is likely to be in excess of 20% of the population.

    Given the shipping times between Aururia and the East Indies, Marnitja is also unlikely to be transmitted by direct infection. However, one of the distinctive features of Marnitja is that it produces a relatively high proportion (up to 0.5%) of asymptomatic carriers. Anyone who becomes an asymptomatic carrier will be infectious for life, and it will only take one such person to travel from Aururia to the rest of the world for Marnitja to become a global problem.

    * * *

    The first European exposure to Marnitja was in April 1625, when a Dutch trading fleet arrived in Fort Nassau [Perth] after sailing from the Netherlands. The Waiting Death burned through the ships Dordrecht and Sardam as they sailed to Batavia, but the pink cough had run its course before the ships reached the East Indies. While some of the sailors would later die in a fevered delirium, by this stage they were no longer infectious. One of their Yaora mistresses recognised the Waiting Death and described it to the Dutch, but they did not pay it much heed. They treated this malady as simply one more in a long list of tropical diseases which often struck Europeans who visited the Spice Islands.

    They would soon learn the gravity of their mistake.

    Centuries later, a collaboration of three authors – an epidemiologist, a linguist, and a historian – would trace the path of the first Marnitja epidemic as it burned across the globe. Their efforts were dedicated, their report exhaustive, and it would eventually be published in three languages on as many continents.

    This report marked the authors as the first to accomplish many things. They were the first to trace the oldest references to the virus. They were the first to recommend the application of what would become the near-universal name for the disease (Marnitja), replacing the host of appellations which the disease had carried before that: the Dutch curse, the dying cough, the sweating sleep, the unholy death, and many more.

    What these authors were not the first to do was discover the name of the first Dutch asymptomatic carrier who carried the disease to the world. History would never record that name. Yet these authors gave this carrier a name anyway: Patient Zero.

    The authors discovered that Patient Zero was a sailor aboard the Dutch merchant ship Vliegende Hollander, which landed at Fort Nassau on 15 October 1626. Several sailors caught Marnitja on this visit, and many of them died from it. As before, the Dutch assumed that this was another tropical malady, and after conducting normal trade, set sail for Batavia. The Vliegende Hollander was one of four ships in this trading fleet, but after its arrival, it was the only one to be reloaded with gold and spices for a quick return to the Netherlands, along with five other ships making the voyage home.

    The authors presumed that Patient Zero stayed on the Vliegende Hollander for most of the unloading and reloading, for there is no record that Marnitja spread from him to anyone in Batavia. The Vliegende Hollander and its fellow ships sailed west with the November monsoons. While crossing the Indian Ocean, the Vliegende Hollander became damaged in a storm, and had to put ashore on the eastern coast of Madagascar for repairs. Relations with the locals were peaceable enough after the captain provided a few gifts, and the repairs were effected over the next few weeks. The Vliegende Hollander departed the island for Amsterdam, some time behind its fellow ships. However, it left a legacy behind.

    Madagascar became the first region of the Old World to know the scourge of Marnitja. In 1627, the affliction burned its way across the island, earning it the name of “burning lungs.” It left behind a legacy of fevered, coughing victims, survivors with breathing difficulties, and other survivors who did not yet know the doom which awaited them.

    The Mozambique Channel presented no barrier to an epidemic of the Waiting Death. Madagascar had long been a hub of traders coming to and from East Africa; the Portuguese who had begun to establish colonies along the coast were only seeking to break into a much longer-established market. From Madagascar, trading vessels carried the new affliction near-simultaneously to the Portuguese outposts at the Island of Mozambique and Zanzibar.

    Once established on the African mainland, Marnitja spread rapidly both north and south. It left a deadly passage as far south as the Cape, devastating the Bantu and Khoisan peoples of southern Africa. To the north, it spread more slowly, reaching Ethiopia in 1628 and then Egypt in 1629. Seaborne trade carried it to the Persian Gulf in 1628, striking first at Muscat, then spreading along both shores of the Gulf and into Persian lands.

    Marnitja reached Mecca in time for the annual hajj in 1629. Among the victims were a few pilgrims who believed that they had been spared from the visitation of this new malady, when in fact they would be bearing the disease home with them. From Egypt, Mecca and Persia, the disease was poised to spread over the rest of the House of Islam. However, it did not spread much into Christian Europe, for by this time the Waiting Death had already reached that continent by another route.

    From Ethiopia, Marnitja did not just spread north; it also burned its way west across the Sahel. In time, it devastated all of the West African peoples, including kingdoms such as Allada, Oyo and Kaabu. As well as the suffering inflicted on these regions by the disease itself, the first wave of Marnitja also struck the European slave-trading outposts in West Africa.

    Unfortunately, this was not enough to destroy the slave trade entirely, not with sugar planters in Brazil and the Caribbean with a seemingly endless demand for more labour. In 1630, among the unfortunate slaves crammed into European trading vessels were three asymptomatic carriers, two bound for Brazil, the other for Hispaniola. From here, the disease spread rapidly throughout the Caribbean and Portuguese Brazil, and more slowly into Mesoamerica, through Central America, and down into Peru. All of the heavily-settled parts of New Spain were also struck by the virus. The main wave of infection burned out in the northern deserts of New Spain and did not penetrate into most of North America. However, over the next few years, secondary waves of infection struck the European colonies on the eastern seaboard, and spread to the neighbouring Amerindian peoples.

    Europe itself first felt the Waiting Death thanks to Patient Zero. On 21 August 1627, the Vliegende Hollander sailed into Amsterdam, where its crew disembarked. One week later, the first Dutch men and women developed fevers and chills, followed quickly by a hacking cough which grew ever worse.

    Two days later, Marnitja caused its first deaths on the European mainland. The first of uncountably many. Many prominent Dutchmen died, including Frederik de Houtman, the discoverer of the South-Land, who succumbed to the pink cough on 1 October 1627 [3]. Still, Frederick Henry, the Prince of Orange, survived the disease without any apparent ill effects.

    At this time, Europe was nine years into a war which another history would call the Thirty Years War. The Dutch Republic was not involved in the main part of this struggle, although it had been at war with Spain-Portugal since 1625. Its neighbours were at the forefront of the fighting, though; the Holy Roman Empire was the key battleground, and Christian IV of Denmark had led his kingdom into the war two years earlier.

    In 1628, Marnitja spread rapidly through war-ravaged Germany, killing both sides indiscriminately. Recognising where it had come from, if not the cause of the disease, the Germans referred to the epidemic as the Dutch curse. It was a curse which would kill many of their people in the days to come, including several of the leading political and military figures of the day.

    Like so many of his subjects, Ferdinand II, the Holy Roman Emperor, was afflicted by a severe bout of the pink cough. While he survived, he was gravely weakened, with breathing difficulties which would persist for the remainder of his truncated life. Left move vulnerable to other infections, he would succumb to pneumonia in 1631 [4].

    The Catholic forces had two leading generals at this time. One, Johann Tserclaes, Count of Tilly, died in a fevered delirium in February 1628. The other, Albrecht von Wallenstein, also caught the Dutch curse but escaped with only mild symptoms. However, the deaths and disruption caused by the disease meant that he had to abandon his plans for a siege of Straslund, the last holdout Protestant port on the southern Baltic coast.

    On the Protestant side, the most prominent casualty of the Dutch curse was John George I, Elector of Saxony. Christian IV of Denmark survived, although he lost several of his children, including the crown prince, Frederick. Most other major Protestant rulers survived, although Georg Wilhelm of Brandenburg-Prussia was permanently invalided by breathing problems caused by the pink cough. The effective governance of his state passed to his Catholic chancellor, Adam, Count of Schwarzenberg.

    The Dutch curse could not, of course, be confined to the combatants in what would now not be called the Thirty Years War. It crossed the Rhine and swept into France around the same time as it was ravaging Germany. Here, Cardinal Richelieu had taken personal command of the royal armies besieging the Huguenots in La Rochelle. In April 1628 he died coughing up blood, and the Dutch curse took so many soldiers with him that the government forces abandoned the siege. The epidemic spread from here into Spain, where it took a heavy toll of the population, including several prominent nobles, although Felipe IV survived.

    The Dutch curse spread eastward and southward from the Holy Roman Empire. In 1629, Victor Amadeus I, Duke of Savoy, became one of the rarest of survivors, one who suffered but survived the delirium of the Waiting Death. Unfortunately, it left him with severe paralysis and impaired speech. His Francophile wife Christine Marie, the Duchess consort, was then pregnant with the future Louise Christine, and became the de facto regent of Savoy. Further south in Rome, Pope Urban VIII survived the curse, although several of his most prominent cardinals did not.

    In its eastward spread, the Dutch curse cut a deadly path through Poland-Lithuania and on into Muscovy, as well as passing south into the Ottoman-ruled Balkans. Sultan Murad IV survived without apparently even catching the disease, although it struck his court. The most prominent casualty in the Sublime Porte was the Grand Vizier, Gazi Ekrem Hüsrev Pasha. From here, it combined with the other wave of infection coming through Persia and Arabia, and burned its way across the length and breadth of Asia.

    One final tendril of infection went north from Lithuania into Swedish-ruled Estonia, and thence into peninsular Sweden in 1630. This was a secondary wave of infection, since the disease had already entered Sweden from Denmark in 1628. However, among those who had not caught Marnitja during the first wave was the Swedish king, Gustavus Adolphus. He caught the pink cough in May 1630, and survived. By this time, though, word from the Netherlands (via several Aururian mistresses) meant that the Swedish monarch knew that he still needed to wait to see whether the delirium would take him. He might succumb in any time up to three years.

    Gustavus Adolphus decided that if he did die, he would leave a legacy worth remembering.

    * * *

    Blue-sleep took longer to expand its deadly reach out of Aururia. Confined by sailing times from their trading posts, no early Dutch ship would bring the disease back to the Indies.

    However, the Dutch were not the only early explorers of Aururia.

    Portugal and England knew of the Dutch discovery of a new land near the Indies; word had not taken long to spread. However, the VOC had been assiduous in restricting knowledge of charts and other important navigational details, so other nations were not sure exactly where this new land could be found, or how to navigate it safely. England soon found other concerns besides the distant rumour of gold, but Portugal had a greater presence in the Indies. And, due to a combination of religious concerns and an ongoing war with the Dutch, a greater motivation to explore these new lands.

    Father António de Andrade was a distinguished Portuguese Jesuit who had spent two and a half decades as the Society of Jesus’ chief missionary in the Indies. He had been recalled to Goa in 1624, but he retained an interest in affairs in the Indies. With ever-growing rumours of the new land which the Dutch had discovered, he decided to return there and explore this new land to see whether he could spread the Word of God to the new peoples.

    De Andrade returned to Flores in the Indies in 1629 along with his brother, Manuel Marques, and arranged for a ship to be sent to explore these new lands. Under de Andrade’s guidance, the ship sailed to the south-east and explored part of the South-Land. They called this region Costa Problematica [Troublesome Coast], for what they found was a barren, forbidding land, with the natives being very reluctant to approach. De Andrade persisted, and had some brief encounters with some of the natives, but was unable to induce any of the natives to return to Flores on board the Portuguese ship.

    De Andrade’s visit marked the first Portuguese exploration of Aururia. It failed in terms of direct conversion, but he had always known that was unlikely on a first visit. The expedition did develop some useful charts of parts of the new land. Unfortunately, the sailing times were quick enough that it also brought back something else with it: blue-sleep. A sailor had caught the disease during one of the meetings with the Aururians, and it spread amongst the crew on the voyage back to Flores. Several of the sailors were still infectious when it reached the Portuguese colony.

    Once a disease such as blue-sleep was established in the Indies, it inevitably spread. Airborne, easily transmissible and often lethal, blue-sleep followed the trade routes throughout the Indies and onto the Asian mainland. From here, it burned across the length of Asia and on into Africa and Europe.

    Blue-sleep ravaged Europe in 1631-2. While the overall toll from this disease was lower than that of Marnitja, the greatest proportion of the deaths was among young adults [5]. This meant that it killed many young men of military age, which had considerable effects on the armies then fighting across much of the continent.

    The disease took its toll of prominent members of European society, too. Perhaps the most notable victim was Charles I of England, Scotland and Ireland. His death left his infant son Charles II as nominal sovereign and his dominions to be governed by an uncertain regency, with the claimants including George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham [6] and Thomas Wentworth.

    The Austrian branch of the House of Habsburg suffered a severe toll due to an unfortunate confluence of timing; the children of the Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II, and many of the other leading members of the House, were at the most vulnerable age. Ferdinand III had only succeeded his father for six weeks when he succumbed to blue-sleep on 18 October 1631. His only brother, Archduke Leopold, had died two weeks before, leaving no direct male heirs. He had only two surviving sisters, and one of them, Cecilia Renata, died in early November.

    Worse, there were now no suitably-aged close male relatives amongst the Austrian Habsburgs. The closest male-line relative was the three-year-old Ferdinand Charles, Archduke of Further Austria, and cousin of Ferdinand III. Ferdinand Charles had himself been born posthumously; his mother had been pregnant which his father Leopold, the old Emperor’s last surviving brother [7] had died from the Dutch curse in April 1628.

    The only other alternative was to find a husband for the last surviving daughter of Ferdinand II: Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria. She was reportedly intelligent, stern, driven, opinionated – and an extremely attractive political prize. The intrigues started before Ferdinand III’s body had a chance to grow cold...

    * * *

    The seventeenth century was already a time of global upheaval. The European powers had begun their assault on the globe which would see them establish colonial control over most of the world’s surface in the next few centuries. The deepening climatic effects of the Little Ice Age brought famine and other agricultural problems to much of the planet.

    The Americas were in the midst of the greatest population replacement of the modern era. Japan was nearing the time when it would have chosen to close itself of from all but carefully regulated contact with the rest of the world. In China, the worsening climatic conditions brought about social unrest which would have led to the collapse of the native Ming Dynasty and its replacement by the foreign Manchu. In Europe itself, the continent convulsed as old political and religious certainties crumbled.

    In these volatile times, the twin waves of Aururian epidemics could only add to the upheaval. Collectively, they killed 19% of the global population - over 100 million people - and their effects did not stop there. Marnitja, in particular, would recur every generation and depress the global population growth rate for centuries. The world which followed would be an emptier place.

    More, the deaths and devastation had inevitable effects on the world’s psyche. A new age had dawned, or so some later historians would say, when describing the changing attitudes to religion, to labour, and to social and political institutions.

    Of course, some of those historians would argue that, for all of the death and upheaval which Aururian diseases caused, that this was not the greatest effect which the discovery of Aururia would have on the rest of the world.

    * * *

    [1] Apart from maybe syphilis, but there’s not yet been a definitive answer on whether that disease was from the Old World, the New World, or a fusion of the two.

    [2] This waiting period is longer than that described in the earlier post on Aururian diseases (#8). It has been extended to reflect some of the recent real-world discoveries about Hendra virus and Nipah virus; in some cases, those diseases have taken over 4 years for the viral encephalitis to appear.

    [3] This did not, in fact, shorten de Houtman’s life by very much; in real history he died only a few weeks later.

    [4] In real history, Ferdinand died in 1637.

    [5] In this regard, blue-sleep is much like a historical avian-derived influenza virus, the Spanish flu pandemic of 1918. That disease, too, was most deadly for young adults.

    [6] Historically, Buckingham was assassinated in August 1628 by a disgruntled soldier; here, the dislocation of diseases means that he was not in the vicinity of his would-be assassin, and so survives for the time being.

    [7] Yes, another Leopold. Like many European royal families, the Habsburgs had a habit of recycling names.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #26: The Sounds of Harmony
  • Lands of Red and Gold #26: The Sounds of Harmony

    “The greatest of leaders speaks the least, and inspires the most. He does not demand obedience, he receives it. A lesser leader seeks respect, a greater leader knows that he will earn it. The greatest deeds of a leader are those which his followers perform without needing his instructions.”

    - From Oora Gulalu [The Endless Road], a text composed in Tjibarr in the fifteenth century, and widely respected by both Plirite and Tjarrling believers

    * * *

    Serpent Day, Cycle of Salt, 382nd Year of Harmony (4.10.382) [1] / 10 July 1621
    Crescent Bay, The Island [Kingscote, Kangaroo Island]

    Wind blew steadily from the north, swirling an irregular course across the city streets, up the hill slopes, and through the open doors of the temple. With it came the tang of salt, a reminder of the seas that formed the livelihood of all the Nangu. Perhaps it carried the sounds of the city streets, too, but they could not be heard. As with all proper houses of harmony, the Temple of the Five Winds supplied its own sounds.

    Tinkles, ringing and thuds came from the chimes that hung on every exterior wall and in some of the open passages inside; a soothing irregular melody born of the endless breeze and marked in sounds of brass and wood. Underlying the loud but unpredictable chimes came the softer but steadier beat of hands striking stretched emu skin; the reliable rhythm of temple drums.

    Yuma Tjula let the noises of the temple wash over him, cleansing his mind and bringing him closer to a state of harmony. So it always was when he came here. He was not a devout man, either in his own estimation or that of the priests who remarked on his attitude. Still, he had attended the Temple of the Five Winds since childhood, when duty called or when he needed guidance.

    Such as now.

    Yuma knelt in the north-easternmost chamber of the temple. Closest to the sun, given where it stood in the morning sky, and its light flowed into the room through the half-moon windows spaced along the walls. Beneath those openings, shapes had been carved from wood and attached to each wall; stylised depictions of a myriad of divine beings.

    In the centre of the chamber, a gilded statue loomed large, but Yuma gave it little heed. The Good Man had mastered wisdom, but he had much loftier concerns than intervening on behalf of one repentant trading captain. Instead, Yuma had taken up a position beneath the ornately-carved forms of the Fire Brothers; ruby-eyed Carrak standing with burning sword held aloft, while diamond-eyed Burrayang knelt to turn over ashes into new life.

    Head bowed, knees aching but ignored, Yuma shaped the litany of his soul into fitting words, that the Fire Brothers might hear his misdeeds and grant him guidance. He explained his inaction in the White City, far to the west. How the giant ships of the Raw Men had appeared in the harbours while his own vessel was there to trade.

    His voice growing softer, his tone more despondent even to his own ears, Yuma admitted how he had failed to follow the third path, the path of decisiveness. He could have taken decisive action by contacting the Raw Men directly, or he could have waited properly, until they had the chance to contact him. Instead, he had taken a half-measure, neither truly decisive nor truly inactive, by finishing his trade and then departing. He had thought, in his own misguided mind, that he could return next season to make proper contact.

    Instead, he had learned that in his absence the Raw Men had visited the Nangu who lived in the Foreign Quarter. They had spoken briefly to the resident Nangu, then departed. Their new trade agreement, proclaimed in stone in the White City, announced that the Raw Men were restricted to ports beyond Sunset Point, where they could not contact the Nangu.

    Oh, the lost opportunity! Since that time, Yuma had come to the unfortunate realisation that his actions had been waal [ie bringing discord], due to his lack of proper decisiveness. No point asking the Fire Brothers to correct his mistake; if they were prepared to intercede and change the past, then it would have already been remade. Instead, he asked for them to guide him in proper decisiveness in the future. There would be more chances with these Raw Men, if he sought them, and if he acted properly when the moments were granted.

    His prayers concluded, Yuma waited in silence for a long moment, straining to hear if he would receive any instructions. He heard nothing, no still small voice whispering beneath the sounds of harmony. All as he had more than half expected. If the Fire Brothers were going to guide him along the path, then he would need to be alert in the future; they offered nothing immediate.

    Of course, he would also need to consider his own actions, and build his own knowledge of the paths. So it always was; the search for self-insight and greater understanding was a lifelong endeavour. He would not need to come to a temple for such striving, though. He would reflect on his own deeds, and ensure that he was guiding his own steps along the paths.

    With his main purpose completed, Yuma rose, glad to give his weary knees rest. He moved to stand with bowed head beneath the statue of the Good Man, and muttered a few invocations of respect for his exalted knowledge. He walked around the statue to face west, then added a brief prayer of respect for all of his ancestors and descendants.

    Yuma ambled silently through the corridors of the temple until he reached the eastern entrance. He exchanged a few polite, ritualised phrases with the two priests seated on either side of the doorway, then strode down the hillside path toward the main buildings of Crescent Bay.

    As he hurried down the path, he still found time to look over the town, and the shining blue seas beyond. Crescent Bay itself had the look of stone and all too precious wood, while the sparkling water beyond was decorated with a half-dozen ships. Yuma classified them with an ease born of much experience at sea.

    The one ship sailing in from the east was a day-farer, an ancient design whose shallow draft allowed it to be pulled up on any beach in case of a change in the weather. Its crew would have taken it on a fishing voyage to bring in some of the sea’s bounty. Hardly the grandest use of a ship, but one which might return a slight profit. The other five ships were sailing in from the north-west. They were all double-hulled regular ships, heavily laden with yams and other essential food from Pankala or some other Mutjing port.

    Yuma’s own bloodline had ships taking part in that trade, he presumed, although he had not bothered to check anytime recently. Like most Nangu sailors, he had learned his craft on the regular round trips between the Island and the Seven Sisters [ie the Mutjing lands]. As soon as he became a captain, though, he took his ship elsewhere. No captain could earn a decent profit trading for food.

    As he descended from the hill and strode through the town, people stepped out of his path. Not all of them would know him by name or sight, though he thought that most would; perhaps he flattered himself. Still, all of them could see the headwreath that held his hair back from his face. Dyed with sea purple [2], woven with Yadji gold-thread and studded with Maori jade and river sapphires, it proclaimed that he was a captain of great wealth and substance. Men blocked his path at their peril, and fortunately everyone today recognised it.

    The white-gray granite walls of the Council Hall loomed large above him as he neared, although they lacked the ornateness of the Temple of the Five Winds, or most any other temple on the Island. Naturally. Few elders would allow their bloodlines to spend much of their hard-earned trading wealth into a building which those elders usually visited only once a year. Yet pious captains and elders would lavish much more of their fortunes to support the priests who balanced the harmony that allowed the Nangu to flourish.

    The guards at the doors of the council chamber admitted him with nothing but a brief nod. All as it should be. As the third-most senior captain of the Tjula bloodline, Yuma had the right to attend any meeting of the Council, and hear what the elders decided. Perhaps even speak to influence them, given the opportunity.

    Inside, a series of tables had been arranged into a rough circle. The tables bespoke more wealth than the rest of the chamber, since they were made from jarrah wood which had been shipped back from Tiayal [ie Atjuntja lands]. Twenty-one seats were arranged around these tables. One for the elder of each of the surviving bloodlines; everyone else in the room had to stand behind.

    Seven of those seats were still empty when Yuma entered the room; those elders had yet to enter the chamber. Perhaps not all of the elders would be near the town to attend. Today marked an almost unheard of event; the Council had been called together outside of the usual annual meeting at the autumn equinox, halfway through the year. A sign of the importance which had been attached to the news out of the west, and another reminder to Yuma of the blunder he had made in committing a half-measure.

    Yuma exchanged greetings with Wirnugal, elder of the Tjula, and with three other senior captains who had gathered for this meeting of the Council. Keeping his voice low, he asked, “Are all of the other elders expected?”

    Wirnugal said, “The Manyilti and Wolalta elders will not be attending; they are both off the Island. All of the others should arrive soon.” His voice had an undertone of frustration; presumably the late-arriving elders were seeking to show their status by making others wait for them.

    Yuma also wondered, absently, why the Manyilti and Wolalta elders were not anywhere on the Island. Elders rarely left the Island except for one of two reasons: to visit some holy sites in the Five Rivers, or to personally oversee some important trading venture.

    Neither of those two elders were particularly pious, so Yuma doubted that their absence had anything to do with religious visits. That meant some new trade coup might well be in the offing. The port captain of Jugara, the gateway to the Five Rivers, was of the Manyilti bloodline, so perhaps their elder was negotiating new trade terms with some Tjibarr faction. Wolalta captains had won their greatest trading coups in voyages to the Spice Coast [ie the eastern Australian coastline]; might they have made some new discovery there?

    His musings were cut short when a group of five elders arrived together. Suspicion hardened in his heart. Perhaps these elders had waited to enter together as a group to avoid any concerns of status. Or, more likely, they had been conducting private negotiations. Very unfortunate, in that case, since these elders also represented some of the most powerful bloodlines.

    He knew them all, of course. Such as the most senior of the elders, titled the Lorekeeper because of his twin roles as rememberer of Council decisions and adjudicator of disputes. It made sense for him to arrive late. But the others did not have his seniority, only their pride and their wealth. It was not fitting for them to keep the rest of the elders waiting.

    Punalta Warrikendi ambled to his seat, as if he would never be hurried. Probably not an act, in his case. Punalta was renowned as the most devout elder. He might almost have been a priest himself, and occasional rumours suggested that he planned to retire to one temple or another. It had never happened, though. Yuma suspected that Punalta preferred to remain on the Council and focus their minds on proper questions of harmony and perseverance.

    The third elder wore a full beard, which was so rare for a Nangu that he was near universally known as the Beard. He had picked up that habit from when he was a trader who lived for many years in the Foreign Quarter of the White City. That time had given him many valuable connections amongst the Atjuntja. Under his aegis, the Kalendi had become one of the wealthiest bloodlines.

    Still, Yuma thought that the Beard had become too much like an Atjuntja, and not just in ways as trivial as appearance. Rumours were rife that the Beard had acquired some of the other distasteful Atjuntja habits. If true, though, he indulged those habits only behind the closed walls of his city residence or in his manor overlooking the Narrows, and neither he nor his Mutjing mistresses spoke openly of his habits. The Beard also possessed a powerful rage which he used when challenged. So not even the priests dared to call him out on those rumours.

    The fourth elder to take his seat had lighter skin than the norm for a Nangu, and a coarseness to his features which proclaimed his foreign heritage. Nakatta was the only elder who was not Island-born. A native Gunnagal from upriver Tjibarr, he had been adopted into the Muwanna bloodline and rose to prominence after several bold trading coups with his former countrymen. Under his auspices, the Muwanna continued to negotiate favourable trade terms with the ever-shifting factions of Tjibarr.

    The fifth elder, Burra Liwang, had a peculiar way of stepping, moving his feet so silently and delicately that he gave the impression of sliding rather than walking. His effortless pace allowed him ample time to look over the room, offering friendly smiles to most of the elders, including Wirnugal. Those smiles offered some reassurance that the five elders had not been conducting private negotiations to the disadvantage of the other bloodlines.

    Of course, Burra often played the role of peacemaker among the bloodlines. The role suited his temperament, and he was also helped by his bloodline’s holdings. The Liwang had relatively few trading ships. They obtained most of their wealth because they had the largest holdings on the Island itself, and controlled the largest proportion of local spice and dye production. Their main trade was with other bloodlines who would then export the dyes and spices. They had found it more convenient to establish a reputation for equal dealing with all other bloodlines, rather than needing to outdo rivals in foreign trade.

    When Burra was seated, the Lorekeeper moved to his own chair. He nodded to the two empty chairs and said, “With your elders absent, will the most senior captains present of the Wolalta and Manyilti sit on their behalf?”

    As the two captains moved into chairs, the Lorekeeper met the gaze of the black-clad priest who stood just inside the door. The priest moved to stand beside the Lorekeeper, and offered an opening invocation for the meeting, calling for all present to remember the wisdom of the Good Man and conduct themselves in accordance with the Sevenfold Path.

    Servants moved around next, pouring gum cider into silver goblets for each seated man. It had to be gum cider, of course; offering any lesser beverage here would be an insult.

    The Lorekeeper said, “The Council has been called together out of season to discuss this news of outlanders.” He provided a brief summary of the contact between these Raw Men, the Atjuntja, and the Nangu in the west. “So the Council must decide whether restrictions should be placed on contact and trade with these Raw Men.”

    “A captain has the right to trade wherever he wishes,” the Beard said.

    Contentiousness rang clearly in his voice, offering a warning. In some bloodlines, the elder was simply one strong voice among many. Among the Kalendi, though, the Beard’s word was absolute. If he took offence at an action, a feud could follow, or worse yet a vendetta.

    “There is precedent for binding the bloodlines,” the Lorekeeper said, his voice calm. “In 183 [1422 AD], the Council agreed to restrict all contact with the Atjuntja to their designated trade ports, and to punish any captain who sought to trade elsewhere. That edict was allowed to lapse in 211 [1450 AD], and has been enforced by custom ever since.”

    All as it should be, Yuma thought. Custom and familiarity made it easier for men to walk the right paths, which was why they were usually followed. Of course, the custom was adhered to in this case due to the unspoken threat that any bloodline who broke the Atjuntja trade edict would find every other bloodline turning on them.

    The Lorekeeper added, “But the Council has that authority, if it so chooses.”

    The Beard grunted, rather than offering any substantive answer. That was an even more ominous sign that he was determined to force his own way. He had the determination to push that into feud or vendetta, too.

    Yuma hoped that the Beard could be persuaded to show restraint. Once there had been twenty-four bloodlines on the Island. Three had been destroyed utterly in vendettas, and over the centuries some others had come close to destruction. Bloodlines always competed with each other in commercial rivalries, but sometimes those rivalries became matters of pride or hatred. In those cases, a feud or vendetta could follow, with the knife replacing the trade bargain. No matter how much the priests decried them for bringing discord, vendettas could still be called, and inevitably turned out deadly for both sides. Not to mention for outsiders caught up in the chaos.

    When he spoke, Nakatta’s voice still had a slight rasp which betrayed his foreign origins. “Before we consider that, we must know more of these far westerners. What has been seen of them?”

    “Only their one visit to the White City,” said the Lorekeeper. “Everything else is rumour and wild tales.”

    “One should never give too much heed to rumours,” the Beard said. That remark produced a number of carefully blank faces around the chamber.

    “These Raw Men are real,” said Punalta. “Yet they are also strange. Strangeness leads to uncertainty, to tale-mongering, and to exaggeration. Rumours are inevitable, in such circumstances. We must not allow wild tales to lead us to discord.”

    “It is nature of their strangeness that concerns me,” Nakatta said. “Every people have their own customs which appear strange to others, especially peoples who have not learnt the paths of harmony. Are these Raw Men strange only because they are different, or because they have crafts and knowledge that we lack, as our forefathers did not know of the working of iron before we learned from the Atjuntja?”

    A sign! Yuma realised, at that moment. The Fire Brothers must have been listening after all, and allowed him to see it. He tapped his foot on the stone of the floor, a polite way of signalling that he wanted to speak.

    Wirnugal, fortunately, was alert. “I wish one of my captains to be permitted to speak,” he said.

    The Lorekeeper glanced around the elders. When none of them objected, he signalled for Yuma to speak.

    Yuma thought for a moment, considering how much information he should reveal. Knowledge was so often a trade good, often the most valuable of all. Yet he needed to be decisive, and knowledge was of no use if it was never acted on. “These Raw Men have some crafts which we lack. Shipbuilding, of a certainty, and perhaps others. I have seen their mighty vessels in the White City, large enough to make a great-ship seem small. Of the other rumours I cannot speak with assurance, but they are said to have great knowledge of weapons, too.”

    “How fast are those ships?” asked the captain sitting for the Wolalta elder; Yuma did not know his name.

    “I cannot be certain; I saw them only within the harbour. Their sails are large, though. I expect that they can run very fast with the wind. Into the wind, I think that our ships would be more agile.”

    “How would they have built ships so large?” another elder asked, but the Lorekeeper signalled for silence.

    The Lorekeeper said, “These questions should be answered, but not in this time and place. Thank you for your words to the elders, Yuma Tjula.”

    Nakatta said, “Shipbuilding or not, we must know these Raw Men’s interests. Have they comes as wanderers [explorers] or as traders?”

    “Both, so far as we can tell,” the Lorekeeper said. “They have concluded a trade agreement with the King of Kings. But they came first as wanderers, and wanderers they will no doubt continue to be.”

    “Will they wander to the island, then?” Nakatta asked.

    That question provoked some heated discussion. The Beard led a group of about a third of the elders who exclaimed about the myriad opportunities available for trade with these new Raw Man, whoever they were. Nakatta led a similar number of elders who pointed out the threat of competition, and the dangers of having these outlanders sail directly to the Island.

    Yuma wondered about the dangers himself. The only other true seafarers in the world were the Maori, and they did not sail further than the Cider Isle. That had always left the Nangu free to trade and sail elsewhere, whenever they pleased. Without competition, and without threat.

    Still, if these Raw Men had such marvellous trade goods, the wealth that they could bring would be fantastic. Even if they had superior knowledge, well, the Nangu could learn from them. They had learned ironworking from the Atjuntja, and, if the old stories were true, other arts of seafaring from the Maori. They could learn again, if they needed.

    After the elders had argued for a while, Punalta said, “This debate ignores the essential question. Do these Raw Men know of the Good Man and the Sevenfold Path?”

    The Lorekeeper said, “No, not according to the reports. They worship three gods like the Yadji, not two like the Atjuntja. They think that their gods’ will is absolute, that nothing men can do will change their destiny. They are even worse than the Atjuntja, apparently, for they believe that all men are depraved and will act to bring discord.”

    “Then they must be taught the truth,” Punalta said. “If we do not teach them to act according to the Sevenfold Path, then the consequences of their disharmony will not be limited to them; they will bring chaos and disruption to us all.”

    “So, then, we must contact and trade with them,” the Beard said.

    “And invite them to bring their disharmony to us?” Nakatta answered.

    Burra Liwang, who had been silent throughout the long argument, tapped his foot on the stone. An unusual action for an elder, but it got everybody’s attention. Burra said, “These Raw Men will come anyway, whether we hide or not. They already know we are here. The Atjuntja would have told them of us even if they had not met our own people. They are wanderers, so they will come. If so, better that we contact them in the west than on our own Island.”

    As he usually did, Burra had found a way to bring the elders to agreement. With him guiding the discussion, the Council agreed to circumspectly search for a way to contact the Raw Men’s trading posts in the western Atjuntja lands, when they were established.

    If that failed, then captains would be permitted to sail into the west beyond Sunset Point, if they wanted to brave the endless winds. Any captains who wanted to do so could see if they could sail directly to the Raw Men’s homelands. However, the Council ordered that any west-venturing captains must make absolutely certain that they gave the Atjuntja no warning, and that they did not land anywhere on western Atjuntja lands. That would break the Nangu’s own trade agreements with the Atjuntja, and in a way which brought no gain.

    With that agreement, the Lorekeeper called the Council meeting to an end.

    Yuma kept his face carefully impassive, but he now knew what he had to do.

    * * *

    [1] The Gunnagal calendar (adopted by the Nangu) divides the year into 30 cycles of 12 days, with an additional 5 or 6 intercalary days at the end of the year. Each of the days and cycles are both named and numbered. So 4.10.382 is the fourth day in the tenth cycle of the year 382, ie Serpent Day in the Cycle of Salt. There are also “months” of 30 days, which overlap this timing and are used for some social and religious purposes, but which are not used in the standard version of naming and numbering days.

    [2] Sea purple refers to a dye made from the large rock shell, (Thais orbita), a releative of the Mediterranean sea snails that produced purple and blue dyes which were extremely valued commodities in classical times. Even to the Nangu, sea purple is a rare and valuable dye; while there are no formal restrictions on who can wear it, the price it commands means that only elders, the greatest trade captains, and their most favoured wives and mistresses can afford to do so.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #27: Amidst The Falling Stars
  • Lands of Red and Gold #27: Amidst The Falling Stars

    “When tillage begins, other arts follow. The farmers, therefore, are the founders of human civilization.”
    - Daniel Webster, “Remarks on Agriculture”

    * * *

    Second Harvest Season, 23rd Year of King of Kings Kepiuc Tjaanuc [November 1625]
    Near Seal Point [Geraldton, Western Australia]

    Cerulean skies above, the boundless light of the Source unmarred by clouds. The bountiful illumination stirred the heat from the soil and drove any meddlesome kuru into refuge of shadows or underground hideaways. Warmth filled the world from horizon to endless horizon in all the sweat-inducing heat of second harvest, if not quite the baking dryness of full summer [1].

    A golden time, or so it should be, thought Ngutta son of Palkana. With his family, he stood among the wealth-trees [wattles] on the western edge of their holdings. No longer did the trees bloom golden, but their fallen petals still coated the ground in a reminder of the faded flowers. New shoots sprouted from where the flowers had been, small branches which ended in long pods. The pods were light green except where they had started to turn brown at their edges, and stood out in contrast with the much darker green of the tiny leaves.

    Gold still sparkled from the wealth-trees, occasional flashes from where the first drops of gum oozed from the bark of the trunk and lower branches. After the main harvest had been completed, Ngutta would return with his sons to prune the trees and cut gashes into the bark at carefully chosen points, to return a much larger yield of gum. For now, though, they had other work to do.

    After so many years, Ngutta and his family went about their tasks in smooth routine. His two youngest daughters – the only ones left in his household after their elder sisters had departed on their marriages – and his younger wife laid down mats around the base of one wealth-tree, then moved on to the next.

    Behind them followed his elder wife and the two youngest of the four sons who still lived beneath his roof. They used long hooked poles to shake the branches, releasing the pods to fall to the waiting mats. A few stray leaves, twigs, insects and other detritus fell with the pods. The pole-carriers ignored that, simply making sure that all of the pods had been shaken loose before moving on to the next tree where more mats waited ready for them.

    Ngutta followed with his eldest and third eldest sons. He still missed his second son, who had gone to Seal Point to work for the Atjuntja and find a town-born wife, despite Ngutta’s misgivings. But that absence would not impair the harvest; his remaining sons knew their roles.

    He and his elder sons collected the mats, and shook them carefully. The mats had been woven with small gaps, so that most of the leaves and other small material fell through the holes. They emptied the seed pods into canvas bags, and handed the mats to his younger sons, who had returned to collect them and carry them ahead. Then Ngutta and his elder sons carried the bags to the next tree to repeat the process.

    When all of the bags were full, the whole family would gather to carry them back to the nearest storehouse. There the seed pods could be until they popped open in a few weeks, with the wealth-seeds going into storage and the empty pods used to feed ducks and noroons [emus].

    The rhythm of the tree harvest was ancient. Ngutta had learned it from his father, who had learned it from his father before him, and back an uncounted number of generations. It had served him well all of his life. Even in drought years, the wealth-trees still produced a harvest of seeds, albeit a smaller one.

    Now, though, he wondered if all of their effort would be futile.

    Ngutta had always thought of himself as a successful manager of his family’s holdings. He knew how to divide his lands and rotate his crops so that he always received a good harvest of two kinds of wealth-seeds, of red yams, and warran yams. Depending on the year and his needs, he ensured yields of flax, of indigo, or of quandongs. When there were problems with fire, drought or poor soils, he knew what to plant or what to leave unharvested so that the bounty of the earth would be sustained.

    For the first time, though, his biggest problem was not harvesting crops, but storing crops.

    The last few years had been strange ones. Rumours permeated the Middle Country, speaking of raw-skinned strangers who had come from the west, and who had brought goods with them to match anything provided by the Islanders. With the strangers had come other tales, of new maladies that claimed lives or left their victims disfigured, of ill-favoured omens witnessed among the stars, of displaced kuru crossing over from the liquid eternity, and about the Lord turning more of his attention to the King of Kings’ dominions.

    Ngutta did not know how much credence to give those rumours, but he knew the affliction which was ruining his family’s holdings.

    Rats.

    Rats had always been a problem of sorts for raiding stored food. But their numbers could usually be contained by farm quolls and occasional hunts by himself and his family when farm work permitted.

    A new kind of rat had appeared around his farm this year, though. Black and alien. No larger than the more familiar kinds, but much less shy around people, and much more numerous. The farm quolls ate until they were full, gorging themselves on rats, but the rats kept breeding, and kept eating. Much of the first harvest of wealth-seeds had already been damaged, and Ngutta had little more confidence for this crop. As for what he would do when the Atjuntja came to demand their tribute, he did not know.

    As he laboured to collect the wealth-seeds, Ngutta had an even more unwelcome thought. When ill fortune became prevalent enough, the Atjuntja would think that the Lord had turned more of his attention toward the King of Kings’ dominions. If that happened, then there would be calls for volunteers for sacrifice. Many volunteers. And if volunteers were not forthcoming, what would the Atjuntja do?

    Ngutta did not know, but despite the heat of second harvest and of his labour beneath the Source, he still felt chilled.

    * * *
    “In nothing do men more nearly approach the gods than in giving health to men.”
    - Cicero

    * * *

    Eagle Day, Cycle of Life, 387th Year of Harmony (12.21.387) / 27 November 1626
    Milgawee (White City) [Albany, Western Australia]
    Tiayal (the Middle Country) [western coast of Australia]

    Lopitja, called the Red by some, had travelled far and wide within the Five Rivers, and even beyond. It was both a privilege and a necessity for one of the most acclaimed physicians in the world. In his travels he had seen many things, and accomplished many things.

    Yet never had he travelled so far, seen so much, or, in his own estimation at least, accomplished so much.

    A few months before, Lopitja had visited the Island to seek the wisdom of the priests at the Temple of Broken Chimes. A rare visit for a Gunnagal, but then he had always followed the Sevenfold Path, even if not in quite the same way as the Islanders, and he had found the priests’ advice useful in the past.

    The visit had been purely for Lopitja’s own insight. Rarely if ever did the Islanders bother to consult Gunnagal physicians – which was their loss – and in any case, few physicians were willing to leave the Five Rivers for the purposes of medical consultation. So Lopitja had been astonished when one of the Islander elders had asked for his professional advice.

    He had been tempted to refuse, since the request had involved much more than a simple consultation. Even among the few physicians who travelled beyond the Five Rivers, none in living memory had committed to the risks of a long Islander voyage. The Islanders were seafarers like no others within the circles of the world, but even their ships sometimes failed to reach their destinations. Especially into the winds and storms of a voyage to the far west.

    The Islander elder had been persuasive, though. He was Gunnagal-born himself, and he understood the value of physicians. As should anyone who came from the Five Rivers. Lopitja had accepted, out of a combination of curiosity, lucrative compensation for his time, the chance to extend his learning, and the knowledge that having an Islander elder owe him a favour was no small blessing.

    So Lopitja had found himself in the White City, the place beyond the western storms. Tales of that distant city had been exaggerated, or so he had always thought. He had found out how wrong he was. The White City was larger even that Tjibarr of the Lakes, more ornate than Garrkimang with its ancient glories of the long-vanished Empire. A tribute to the boundless power of the King of Kings, who wielded so much more authority than any monarch in the Five Rivers, or even the Yadji Regent.

    Still, for all of the splendour of the City Between the Waters, he had come here to examine people, not buildings. A new affliction had struck the Atjuntja lands, one severe enough that the Islanders had thought it worth sending for a Gunnagal physician.

    And so Lopitja had come. Now he had accomplished something which no other physician had achieved since the great Dulabul: he had diagnosed the symptoms of a new bushfire disease [epidemic disease]. The corpus of physicians’ knowledge included many maladies, but most of those were slow-burning, afflicting only a few individuals but persisting for years.

    Bushfire diseases were, fortunately, much rarer. When they struck, they spread very quickly, killing thousands or tens of thousands and burning their way across the world. So far as Lopitja had known, so far as any Gunnagal physician had known, there were only two: blue-sleep and Marnitja.

    Now there was a third.

    Hundreds, perhaps thousands were dying in the White City from this new affliction, and an uncountable number in the countryside beyond. Local rumours linked this bushfire disease to many sources, but Lopitja cared nothing for rumours, and still less for the misguided Atjuntja belief that any ill event was due to the Lord’s will.

    This new bushfire disease was a severe affliction, but it had nothing to do with the actions of some god. Like all maladies, it was indirectly an effect of discord somewhere in the world, but the disease itself was simply a physical manifestation of that discord. All physical aspects of the world could be understood, and in the case of diseases, sometimes even contained or treated.

    A bell rang three times. Among the Atjuntja, that was a polite way of announcing that someone of great importance had arrived and wanted to be admitted. The Islanders who lived in the Foreign Quarter had adopted the same habit, it seemed.

    Lopitja left the sickroom where the last afflicted survivors had been gathered to rest and recover their strength.

    Inside the antechamber of the sickhouse, the Islander elder, Nakatta, waited with barely-concealed impatience. After a brief exchange of polite greetings, Nakatta said, “You now understand this malady?”

    “With as much wisdom as the Good Man can grant in such a short time of learning,” Lopitja said. He paused, wondering how many details he should inflict on the elder.

    “I have called it swelling-fever,” he said. The Atjuntja gave it many other names, but it was a physician’s privilege to name a new illness which he described. “It is marked by severe swelling, like so” – he gestured to show swelling which started on both cheeks and ran down under the chin – “and pain in the jaw and head. Some men swell around their manhood, too. Many recover after that. Those who do not recover will suffer fever, afflictions of the head, and sometimes of the intestines, leading to vomiting. Some will die of the fever, or in delirium which is like a lesser form of Marnitja.”

    “Will this affliction spread to the Island?” the elder asked.

    Lopitja said, “I cannot be sure. But I can tell you that if any men on your ships show the signs which I have described, you must not allow that ship to land. It must remain offshore until a cycle [twelve days] has passed after the last person has shown any of the signs of swelling-fever. Only then can the passengers be allowed to return to the shore.”

    Nakatta said, “Will that be enough?”

    “I hope so,” Lopitja said, but he could offer no stronger reassurance than that.

    * * *

    “Sacrifice still exists everywhere, and everywhere the elect of each generation suffers for the salvation of the rest.”
    - Henri Frederic Amiel

    * * *

    August 1631
    The White City, Tiayal

    Drums beat out a slow two-beat, the rhythm echoing back and forth across the Third Audience Hall. The hall’s purpose was exactly as its name signified, the third-largest audience chamber in the Palace; the King of Kings had ordered its name changed from the former title of Hall of Lorikeets.

    The Third Hall could hold over two thousand people who had come before the King of Kings. Only a relative handful of nobles, officials and attendants were gathered here today. Namai of the Urdera, governor of Archers Nest, waited in their midst. He vaguely thought that it would be better to hold this audience in one of the many smaller chambers in the Palace. But then, apart from his oddly prosaic preference in names, the King of Kings had always thought that something which was worth doing was worth overdoing.

    The echoing drums shifted to a three-beat, a warning of who approached. Namai lowered his head slightly in preparation.

    A few moments later, the drums changed to a staccato four-beat, and the herald proclaimed, “Lower your eyes! He comes among you! Lower your eyes! He comes among you, the blessed of the Lady, the Voice of Divinity, the mightiest in the mortal realms, the occupant of the Petal Throne, the one who has no equal, the King of Kings, his exalted majesty Kepiuc Tjaanuc!”

    Namai lowered his head until he saw only the floor in front of him. Around him, everyone else did the same. He heard, rather than saw, the King of Kings enter the chamber and sit on the less ornate representation of the true Petal Throne. While he did, he strove to keep his breathing soft and regular. No matter what fate the King of Kings had in mind for him, he would not reveal any fear or uncertainty.

    The herald announced, “Namai, scion of the Urdera, you may raise your eyes and approach the throne.”

    As Namai walked toward the King of Kings, he struggled to keep his footsteps steady. The herald had not called him the governor of Archers Nest. That omission could hardly be accidental. Namai had always thought his governorship in such a distant garrison-city had been a sign of the King of Kings’ disfavour, being banished from the glories and comforts of the White City. Even having first pick of the Raw Men’s trading goods did not alleviate his sense of exile. Still, how much worse could things be if he was to be stripped of the title in such public circumstances?

    Namai stopped seven paces from the throne, and raised his head to meet the King of Kings’ gaze.

    His exalted majesty, Kepiuc Tjaanuc, wore clothes and head-dress of perfumed splendour, as he always did. Namai knew better than to look for any meaning there. But he noticed the gray in the King of Kings’ beard, the increasing web of lines which marked his forehead and cheeks. Time was always both a friend and an enemy; it wore a man down to nothing, and then allowed him rebirth. For this life, though, it had become the King of Kings’ enemy.

    The King of Kings kept his face expressionless, and gave no word of greeting. Instead, he made some gestures with his right hand. Lerunna, the chamberlain of the palace, stepped forward to stand beside the throne. “His exalted majesty asks you to tell him the state of his country of Archers Nest.”

    Oh, the humiliation! Namai made an effort to keep his face still, but he doubted that he succeeded. The King of Kings had refused to speak directly to him! Namai was of the blessed; as a scion of a noble house, it was his birthright. He was permitted to hear the Voice of Divinity... yet the King of Kings would not countenance it. And again, there had been no reference to Namai’s rank of governor of Archers Nest.

    Nor could Namai tell the King of Kings anything which he did not already know. Namai had been astute in sending parchments – and more recently, paper traded from the Raw Men– advising the White City of the troubles which plagued Archers Nest and its environs.

    “Archers Nest is both favoured and afflicted. The ships of the Raw Men call there often, engaging in the trade which your exalted majesty has permitted. They have brought many wondrous new things – steel, cotton cloth, donkeys, Coromandel works. Yet strange new afflictions have come with them, claiming the lives of many of your exalted majesty’s subjects. A swelling sickness – the little death [mumps]. Plagues of sores, rashes, and fevers, leading to broken men [syphilis]. The red cough [tuberculosis] spreads through the country. Many fields lie untended or have been abandoned for want of workers. Endless infestations of rats have ruined many storehouses. The tribute to your exalted majesty has been reduced.”

    Lerunna glanced at the King of Kings, then said, “These plagues have not all been confined to Archers Nest. Perhaps you have suffered worst, but all of his exalted majesty’s dominions have been afflicted. But what have you done to protect his exalted majesty’s interests?”

    “Everything I can,” Namai said. “I have consulted the omens, and been diligent in following them. I have ordered more quolls bred, and more ratcatchers trained. Builders have been ordered to strengthen storehouses and leave other construction work for a more auspicious time. I have released more peasants from garrison labour to help harvest the fields.”

    “Yet the troubles continue,” Lerunna said.

    It was not a question, so Namai simply raised his right palm to show agreement.

    The King of Kings gestured again, then Lerunna said, “The Lord has turned his attention to the mortal realms. Many sacrifices have been made, but the troubles continue. His exalted majesty asks what should be done to appease Him.”

    Namai shivered, despite all of his efforts at self-control. He had grown up with the language of the court, even if he had not been able to put this knowledge to proper use during his long years of exile. He knew a call for a volunteer when he heard one. And with the troubles which afflicted Tiayal, this would not be a call simply for a sacrifice to the pain.

    No, this was a call for a sacrifice to the death. That much, Namai was not willing to do. His long years in exile had been sacrifice enough, as far as he was concerned. He would prefer to let other nobles sacrifice themselves when the blood of peasants had failed.

    Except that the King of Kings would not be satisfied with that. Clearly, Namai was the chosen sacrifice, and the alternative was to be publicly humiliated by being stripped of his rank as governor. Unless...

    Namai said, “It is these Raw Men who have brought the Lord’s attention.”

    Lerunna said coldly, “His exalted majesty will not order the Raw Men to trade no more with the Middle Country.”

    Namai noted that the chamberlain had not bothered to consult with the King of Kings before answering that question. That made him wonder what other politics troubled the court. The plagues were worst around Archers Nest, but they had also reached the White City. The people must be unhappy. Were the nobles, too? Yet the nobles would also be the ones who received most of the wondrous new goods from the Raw Men, and would be greatly aggrieved if they lost this source of wealth. If the King of Kings ordered trade cut off, how secure would he be on the Petal Throne?

    Still, that would not help his own situation. Namai said, “If the Raw Men are the ones who have brought the Lord’s attention, then it can only be their blood which appeases Him.”

    That suggestion brought the King of Kings’ eyes back to meet Namai’s gaze. “No outlander has ever been called to sacrifice himself to the Lord,” the King of Kings said.

    “No outlanders have ever brought the Lord’s attention to the Middle Country before,” Namai said.

    The King of Kings remained silent for a long moment. Eventually, he spoke in a raised voice which carried clearly across the Third Hall. “Nami of the Urdera, governor of Archers Nest, you are ordered to return to the garrison-city. Once there, you will ask the Raw Men to provide three volunteers to be sacrificed to the death in the House of Appeasement, that the Lord’s attention may be turned away.”

    Namai lowered his eyes to the floor. “I hear and obey.”

    * * *

    [1] The Atjuntja divide the calendar into six unequal seasons. Second harvest is from late October to mid-December, and corresponds to the time when they collect the seeds from late-flowering wattles (mostly Acacia victoriae). The Atjuntja summer starts from mid-December and runs until roughly the end of February.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #28: Cruel World
  • Lands of Red and Gold #28: Cruel World

    “According to the judgement of all knowledgeable people it is considered certain that the war in this land will neither cease nor be ended as long as the king of Spain remains peaceably in possession of the kingdom of Portugal and that kingdom’s East Indian dependencies; and of the West Indies, which have made him powerful and rich such that he can afford to continue the war here in the Netherlands.”
    - Anonymous pamphlet printed in Amsterdam in the early 17th century

    * * *

    Renewal Season, 29th Year of King of Kings Kepiuc Tjaanuc / August-September 1631
    Archers Nest / Fort Nassau [Perth & environs]
    Tiayal / D’Edels Land [western coast of Australia]

    “Land ahoy!” came the cry from somewhere far up amongst the sails of the Wapen van Hoorn.

    Lars Knudsen uttered a silent prayer of thanks. He heartily despised long sea voyages. This leg of the journey from the new settlement at Port de Warwick [Mauritius] had been especially difficult, with endlessly strong winds, immense waves and storms. Two of the other ships in the fleet had been scattered by the inclement weather; no way to know whether they had been wrecked in the endless seas.

    He stood with a hand against a mast to steady himself. Sailors claimed that all men could learn to balance themselves on a rolling ship’s deck, but he had never acquired the art. One more reason to dislike sea voyages, along with boredom, risk of shipwreck, seasickness, ever-present danger of scurvy, and so much else. If not for the riches to be found here at the far end of the world, he would never have accepted this commission.

    The rocking of the ship lessened as it drew nearer to the shore. Behind him, Knudsen heard the ship’s officers shouting orders about turning to port and changing sails, but he gave it little heed. It was the captain’s job to command the ship; he would only interfere if he asked questions or watched too closely.

    Besides, he had much more interest in what could be seen on this new land. He made his unsteady way to the right side of the ship – sailors called it starboard, but he cared little for sailors’ talk – to look out over the land. To his disappointment, he was too far from the shore to see much other than glimpses of cliff faces interspersed with occasional beaches. No sign of the natives, or of their wealth.

    “They are nearby,” he murmured, only half-aware that he had spoken aloud.

    The land he saw now, however imperfectly, was the land which had sustained his hope throughout the rigours of the journey from Amsterdam.

    A land with many names, and many promises. D’Edels Land. The South Land. Teegal. A land of gold and sandalwood, of exotic animals and plants, of strange crops and stranger men. Smaller but more alien even than the first discovery of the Americas.

    A land of promise, balanced by horrors. A scourge had come out the South Land which ravaged Europe, felling monarchs and commoners alike. Calls had come both within in the Netherlands and from elsewhere in Europe – including his own Danish homeland – for closure of all contact with this land.

    The Company had refused those demands. So far, the Dutch Republic backed them. The South Land simply offered too much profit, and the Company and the Netherlands had great need of its wealth. Spain assailed the Dutch at home and around the globe. The South Land’s gold could pay for their homeland’s defence, and support Dutch actions in eliminating their Catholic enemy’s colonies wherever they could be reached.

    More, the English were reportedly gazing longingly at the Dutch outposts, too. Fellow Protestants they might be, but under the aggressive guidance of their new Regent, they were looking remarkably unfriendly. If war came, then there would be even more need of the South Land’s gold to pay for driving out the English, too.

    The Wapen van Hoorn sailed steadily north. Knudsen kept his place at the ship’s side. His broad-brimmed hat spared him from the sun, both its glare and its burning touch. He caught impressions of the features of the land as the ship passed: long beaches with sand stretching on sand; small, empty islands; and occasional signs of cultivation.

    The cultivation interested him most, for what it might tell him about the natives. Unfortunately, he could not recognise much of consequence. None of the fields had familiar crops or animals– no grain, no horses, no cattle. Of course, he had known that this land had strange crops. Many of the fields were empty, while others were covered with strange trees. The trees intrigued him; many of them bloomed with an abundance of yellow flowers, so that whole fields looked golden. He hoped that was an omen of what he would find when the ship reached Fort Nassau.

    As the day faded into afternoon, the Wapen van Hoorn rounded a large island and sailed into calmer waters. Soon afterward, Knudsen had his first glimpse of Fort Nassau.

    “Doesn’t look much like a fort,” he murmured. A cluster of buildings constructed from stone and timber, nestled in a triangle of land formed by sea and the inlet of a river. The buildings sprawled back out of sight, but there were no walls or other signs of fortifications. Only a rather impressive collection of docks – even the largest of Company trading fleets could anchor here – and the construction beyond.

    As the ship docked, Knudsen made a closer inspection of his new home. There was a sort of order to it; a broad cobbled avenue separated the docks from an open square behind, and a cluster of buildings in stone. That avenue looked as if ran around all of the stone buildings. Within that avenue, most of the people he saw were Dutchmen, or at least others of white stock. Outside of that avenue, away from the docks, most of the buildings were timber, and built up against each other in a slap-dash manner. All of the men he saw there had dark skins, like the natives here were reported to have. It looked as if the Company had built its own premises, and then the natives had decided to live nearby.

    I’ll have to check whether my command runs to those native buildings, he thought. He was, or rather was about to become, the governor of Fort Nassau. But how could he govern properly if Company authority did not run to the natives who lived right next to his hometown?

    Men on shore helped the Wapen van Hoorn to dock, but the current governor did not seem to have sent anyone out to greet the new arrivals. Maybe the current governor ran a lax fort. Knudsen hoped that was the reason, since anything other explanation would be worse – it would mean that he had arrived to face a major problem on his first day of his new governorship.

    Knudsen made sure that he was one of the first men ashore. If he had to arrive without being greeted, then he would make sure that he presented himself at the governor’s residence. A few murmured words to one of the sailors ensured that his goods would be brought to the governor’s residence soon enough. A brief question of one of the men ashore told him where that building was – just across the avenue and main square.

    Judging by the men constantly entering and leaving, the single-floored governor’s residence plainly served as the centre of administration too. That was reasonable enough; Fort Nassau was not that large, and the wealth it earned would be better used paying for the Company’s operations elsewhere than in building an opulent governor’s residence. For his own part, Knudsen expected to earn much from his tenure as governor, but he would take that wealth back home with him, not spend it here.

    Inside the governor’s house, a man smoothly moved to block Knudsen’s path. He had a thin face with pockmarks that showed he had survived smallpox. “You are...?”

    Impolite man, I will remember you, Knudsen silently promised. Then he pitched his voice to make sure that it carried. “Lars Knudsen, by the grace of God and the commission of the Lords Seventeen appointed to the governorship of Fort Nassau!”

    Stillness descended around him, as men stopped whatever errands or tasks they were performing to look at him. All as he had hoped.

    The thin-faced man, though, just nodded slightly and said, “We’d heard you were coming, but yours is the first ship from the Netherlands that we have seen in over three months.”

    Knudsen said, “Never mind that. Just take me to the former governor.”

    The thin-faced man said, “Governor Hermanszoon is at church. Would you like to join him there, or wait for him here?”

    “I’ll wait here,” Knudsen said. He had lived in the Netherlands for fifteen years, and worked for the Company in one role or another for ten, but he still followed the Lutheran creed of his youth. He had no interest in attending a Calvinist service except where protocol required it.

    The thin-faced man became somewhat more helpful then, showing him to a comfortable room to wait. Perhaps an hour later, a tall, full-bearded man strode into the room and gave a quick bow. “Governor Claes Hermanszoon. Welcome to Fort Nassau.”

    Knudsen returned the bow. “Governor Lars Knudsen... or I should say, Governor-to-be.”

    Hermanszoon waved a hand. “However you like. The appointment is yours. I have served my five years and more. I will leave for Batavia whenever the next ship is ready.”

    He took a seat.

    Knudsen returned to his, then said, “I will have questions for you first. Many questions. I’ve been told much by the Company before I left Amsterdam, but I’m sure there’s much still to know.”

    “Indeed.” The former governor tilted his head. “Duguba jangganyu ngarru, wirri [1]?”

    Knudsen said, “Warari.” He repeated himself in Dutch: “Some.”

    “Learn more,” Hermanszoon said. “A few of these Atjuntja understand Dutch, but they will usually not deign to speak it. Be careful, too. A few of the craftier natives will listen when you speak with each other in Dutch, or have interpreters with them who do. The better to help them trade.”

    “Trading is hardly my role,” Knudsen said. Apart from ensuring that he collected his rightful share of the profits, but that was another matter. “The factors will handle that, surely.”

    “The factors will be with you, of course, but the natives here have strange expectations. Most of those who you will be trading with are nobles – the nobles are usually the merchants here, too, with a few exceptions. Atjuntja nobles always expect to have what they think of as a man of substance present at any negotiations. Factors won’t count, I’m afraid. It has to you, as the governor. Even if the factors do most of the talking, the nobles will refuse to speak with them unless you’re nearby.”

    Knudsen nodded. No-one back in Amsterdam had seen fit to mention that to him. Perhaps they didn’t know, or just assumed that he would learn it when he came out. They had chosen him in part because he had a gift for learning languages, so maybe they did know a little.

    “Still, if the factors are doing the bargaining, why do I need to know the language?”

    “Anything you can do will help,” the former governor said. “Some of the natives are sharp negotiators.”

    “I’d heard that they were easy to bargain with.”

    Hermanszoon frowned. “At first, yes, but some of them have learned. They have a pretty good idea of the value of our goods. You will strike a good deal if you bring something exotic or unfamiliar, but if it’s something they recognise, then they will often bargain hard.”

    “Anything else I should know about bargaining with them?”

    “Yes. Grow a beard.” Hermanszoon saw the look which Knudsen directed at him, then said, “The nobles here respect beards, although they won’t allow the peasants to grow them. Not full beards, anyway – the peasants have to trim theirs short.”

    The former governor paused, then added, “Your black hair will be an advantage here, too. I wouldn’t be surprised if that’s why the Company sent you here.”

    Knudsen raised an eyebrow.

    “The Atjuntja equate black hair with being of their race, not their Yaora subjects. Not all of their nobles have it, and a few non-Atjuntja do, but still, it is never far from their minds. They will respect you more for it.”

    Knudsen considered that. It was not the most welcome of thoughts. No-one back in Amsterdam had mentioned this, either. He had believed that he had won appointment to the governorship because they had recognised his talents. No doubt that was true, in part, but how much of a factor had been the simple fact of his black hair?

    Something of his disappointment must have shown on his face, since Hermanszoon laughed and clapped him on the shoulder. “Don’t worry about it. When fortune deals you a card, you play it.”

    “I suppose. Apart from the trading, what are the biggest problems with governing this fort?”

    “Obtaining native labourers to do much of anything. You can’t just pay them wages to work for your. The natives have no idea of coinage. Payment of everything is in kind, and labour is usually commanded by their own governor, off to the east. You can sometimes bid for workers by negotiating with the nearer holdings – they will use our goods to meet their tribute. If not, you will have to work with the native governor for the use of their labour. I’ve done both, but it can be difficult. Sometimes they demand more valuable goods for their labour than I’d like to pay them – those are trade goods which could be put to better use. Expect the Governor-General to write you some threatening letters from Batavia condemning your wastage of trade goods. But it’s a price of doing business here. What we earn in gold and sandalwood more than makes up for it.”

    Knudsen nodded. “What about local news? Has anything important happened here?”

    “Recently?” The former governor shrugged. “The native governor has gone back to the White City for some reason. I don’t know why; it’s never happened before in all the time I’ve been here. It makes things difficult, since whenever I need any workers the natives just look blank and say I have to wait for the governor to return.”

    Hermanszoon drummed his fingers on his chair, then said, “Not much else worth mentioning. A couple of sicknesses have afflicted the locals – mumps, I think – but nothing for us to worry about. Oh, and two ships have recently gone missing along the coast of the South Land. I’ve ordered other ships to search for them, and apparently Batavia has done the same, but without any success so far.”

    “Ships sailing north, I presume,” Knudsen said, keeping his voice carefully neutral.

    “Yes. Our treaty with the Atjuntja forbids us from trading further south. We’ve sent a couple of ships south anyway and made contact with the Islanders further east, but no-one’s got around to establishing proper trade with them.”

    Knudsen nodded, although he had in fact already known that. One part of his instructions in Amsterdam – rather more secret than the rest – had been to do what he could to establish more regular contact with these Islanders and find out how to trade with them, bypassing the Atjuntja. He knew that the explorer Thijssen had made contact with them back in 1626, but the disruptions of war and plagues had meant that the Company had not yet put proper resources into trading with the Islanders. Now that things were stabilising, that would become more of a priority.

    Hermanszoon said, “How about your voyage here?”

    “Two ships scattered in storms, and the rest half a day behind us, we think. Hopefully they’ll arrive soon. Some sailors dead of scurvy, I hear, and many sick, as can only be expected.”

    “That can be dealt with.” The former governor rang the bell beside him. A moment later, the thin-faced man reappeared. “Send word to the new-come ship to have all of the sufferers of scurvy report to the hospice immediately. Their captain may not know about it.”

    The thin-faced man nodded and left.

    Knudsen looked a question at the former governor.

    Hermanszoon explained, “The natives have a very good remedy for scurvy. A kind of sarsaparilla which can be turned into a drink that will relieve scurvy very quickly. We give it to all of the ship captains who visit us here [2].”

    “Useful,” Knudsen said. “Many things for me still to learn about this place, then.”

    He settled down to question Hermanszoon in much greater detail.

    Knudsen had a week to familiarise himself with his new duties as governor. In that time, four more ships from the fleet arrived in Fort Nassau, including one of those which had been scattered in the earlier storm. He watched the native nobles begin to gather to trade with the fleet, although on the former governor’s advice, he did not let the trading begin yet. Better to wait until there were as many nobles present as possible, so that the natives could compete with each other for Company goods.

    He learned the name of the thin-faced man: Piet Janszoon. Unfortunately, he also found that Janszoon had the best command of the Atjuntja language of any European at this outpost. Removing him from office would hinder the efficiency of operations at Fort Nassau. Janszoon probably knew that, too; it would explain his attitude. Knudsen decided that there was nothing he could do about Janszoon for now, but he would remember.

    A week into his tenure, a native messenger came to Fort Nassau to tell him that the Atjuntja governor had returned to Archers Nest, and summoning him to attend.

    He thought the demand sounded ominous. Hermanszoon was of no real help, saying that the message could simply be because the Atjuntja governor wanted to meet the new fort governor, or it might mean something more dangerous, since the native commander had just come back from conferring with their Emperor.

    In any case, Knudsen knew he had to attend. He wanted to bring Hermanszoon with him, but the former governor declined, saying that would simply confuse the issue of who was the true governor of Fort Nassau. “The Atjuntja don’t like ambiguity,” Hermanszoon said, as if that was sufficient answer.

    Instead, Knudsen took Janszoon with him. Insubordinate the man might be, but a fluent speaker of the Atjuntja language would be extremely helpful. There were native interpreters available, both in Dutch employ and those which the Atjuntja used, but Knudsen did not trust them, and he was not yet completely confident in his command of the Atjuntja language.

    A Dutch boat took them up the river, then they had to walk the remaining distance to Archers Nest. A fortified city, of course. With towering walls of grey stone, topped by crenellations. The natives built fortifications, but they denied them to Fort Nassau. He would have to see what could be done to change that, after he had met the Atjuntja governor.

    Once at the gates, they were quickly ushered in to meet the Atjuntja governor. Janszoon murmured, “This is unusual. Normally he would make us wait for hours.”

    Knudsen did not take much notice of the buildings or the people. Time to think about them later. For now, he had to prepare himself for meeting with the native governor – Namai, if he remembered the name properly.

    Namai proved to look much like any of the Atjuntja: tall, skin almost as dark as an African, black beard growing far down his chest. The shape of his clothes was similar too: cloth wrapped around his body and arms, leaving most of his legs clear. But everything about him was much more ornate, from the intricately-dyed patterns of blue and scarlet on his clothes, to his gem-studded gold neck-ring and bracelets.

    Namai spoke in Atjuntja. Knudsen followed most of it, but he still turned to the thin-faced man for a translation.

    Janszoon said, “He offers you greetings in the name of his Emperor, and calls the blessing of the Lady on your term as governor.” The thin-faced man paused, then added, “The Atjuntja worship two gods: a good goddess and an evil god. He is offering you his best wishes, in effect.”

    “Return my best wishes in whatever manner is polite among these Atjuntja,” Knudsen said. He could have done that himself, but he thought it would be better to let Janszoon do it. That would let him hide his own knowledge of their language, for now. Besides, the thin-faced man would have more understanding of the natives’ protocols.

    Janszoon spoke, and then Namai looked directly at Knudsen. His words came slower than before, enough that Knudsen could understand without translation. “I have a request of you, on behalf of the King of Kings.”

    Knudsen waited for Janszoon to murmur a translation, for the look of the thing, then said, “Tell him to ask.”

    Namai’s next words sounded ritualised and formal, enough that Knudsen could not follow them entirely. He did recognise the Atjuntja word for sacrifice, though, and that was enough to make his stomach start to knot. He knew – all of the Dutch knew, by now – that the natives of the South Land were as bloodthirsty as the vanquished natives of the Americas.

    Janszoon turned paler than usual while he offered the full translation. “He says that, in the name of his Emperor, he asks you to send three Dutchmen to the White City to be sacrificed in their heathen rites.”

    “No,” Knudsen said, automatically, and then realised that he had answered in the Atjuntja language.

    Namai answered, “I did not hear you.”

    Knudsen opened his mouth to repeat himself, but Janszoon touched his arm. “He heard you just fine. That is the polite Atjuntja form for showing that he does not accept your response, and gives you a chance to make another reply.”

    “There’s only one answer to that heathen murderer,” Knudsen said. Namai’s eyes narrowed at that, perhaps at the tone, or maybe he understood more Dutch than he showed, too.

    “We need to give him a more diplomatic answer than that,” Janszoon said.

    “Any suggestions?”

    “These Atjuntja will only sacrifice volunteers. You could say that you will ask, and then a few days later say that no-one volunteered.”

    “That only puts off the problem,” Knudsen said. “But it gives us some time, I suppose. Tell him that I’ll ask.”

    Through Janszoon, Namai replied, “You have thirteen days. Leave me now, and return on the thirteenth day with volunteers.”

    Knudsen hurried out, before the Atjuntja governor could add any more demands.

    *

    Namai of the Urdera watched the new Raw Man governor scuttle out like a rat when a quoll stepped into its sight. Not for the first time, he was glad that he had troubled himself to learn the basics of their strange language. So, they would simply play for time and then refuse the King of Kings’ wishes, would they?

    “Attend me,” he said, and the three available scribes stepped forward. “Orders to Fingerman Nagan: he is to move his Fist to Sea-Eagle Tree, and conduct manoeuvres outside the town for the next thirteen days.”

    That town was the nearest to the Raw Men’s trading post. It would mean that they would know that the warriors were nearby, but not so close that their presence would be threatening. Let that be a warning to the Raw Men, if they were astute enough to understand it. Hopefully, it would be enough to make them see reason.

    It was not.

    Thirteen days later, when the Raw Men returned, it was the same two men, the appropriately-bearded governor and the strangely pock-marked scribe-translator who accompanied him. After the customary greetings, Namai said, “Where are the three men you have brought to be sacrificed to the Lord?”

    The scribe said, “The honoured governor expresses his regrets, but no men offered themselves up for the Appeasers.”

    Namai said, “Tell him that I did not hear his answer.”

    The scribe said, “The honoured governor expresses his disappointment, but no men would volunteer for sacrifice to the death.”

    Impertinent outlanders, who stand on the soil of the King of Kings but do not heed his will! Still, however much it troubled him, Namai knew not to say that. The Raw Men needed to be treated with care, for they had much knowledge, and many goods that the Middle Country needed. “Tell him that your people have brought the Lord’s attention to this land, in plagues and famines. It is up to you to appease this affliction. Only blood can divert the Lord’s attention. If men will not volunteer of their own will, persuade them to volunteer.”

    The scribe translated that, then the two outlanders had a heated argument in their own language. Namai followed only the gist: that the scribe wanted to make another delaying response, and the governor wanted to make an outright refusal.

    Their argument ended when the governor, Nuddhin, asserted his authority. He spoke in the true language: “It is against the law of our Lord to give up any man for sacrifice.”

    The scribe added, “The honoured governor asked whether your King of Kings will refuse us trade because we refuse sacrifices.”

    Namai said, “I do not speak for his exalted majesty. The land-stone permitting trade still stands. Unless he orders us to destroy it, trade is permitted.”

    And if Namai understood the political situation in the White City correctly, then the King of Kings did not dare to close off trade entirely. Perhaps he would subject it to restrictions, or perhaps not.

    “Your short-sightedness disappointments me. Death is part of the order of the world. If you choose not to conduct it properly through sacrifices, you will find that it comes anyway. Your inaction has brought affliction to the Middle Country, but it will come to your lands, too.”

    The scribe started to translate, but Namai spoke over him. “Nuddhin, I know you understand me. Leave my presence now. Your servant can interpret for you later, and may you consider my words and choose the path of wisdom instead.”

    When they left, Namai released a sigh he had only barely known he was holding. The Raw Men were great craftsmen, but it seemed that in their understanding of the divine order they were as ignorant as Islanders. They would have to learn wisdom through more direct attention from the Lord. He just had to hope that the lessons would not make the Middle Country suffer too greatly in the meantime.

    The first lesson came much sooner than he had expected.

    Five days later, an exhausted messenger arrived at Archers Nest. He was one of the soldiers in Nagan’s Fist, and he had run all the way from Sea Eagle Tree. He gave a confused tale of new outlander ships appearing in the sea, and using chained kuru to throw thunder at the Raw Men’s outpost, bringing fire and death. Outlander soldiers had landed from these ships to attack; strange new raw men who were enemies of the more familiar Dutch. Fingerman Nagan had responded with commendable urgency, leading his Fist to fight alongside the Raw Men, and sending the messenger back for reinforcements.

    Namai sent out orders for every available soldier to gather for a march to battle, save for one Fist retained to defend the walls of Archers Nest in case those ships came up the Goanna [Swan] River. The rest, five Fists strong, were at his command. If they could reach the Raw Men’s outpost – Fort Naddu, they called it – in time to matter.

    A column of smoke rose from the western horizon as the army set out. Despite forced march pace, no enemies remained by the time Namai and his soldiers reached Fort Naddu. Instead, he looked out over the ravaged ruins of what had been a thriving trading outpost only hours before.

    One of the Raw Men’s still burned beside the docks. The docks themselves had been badly damaged. Many of their grand stone buildings had smoke rising from their interiors, too. Some had walls collapsed, as if struck by some great force. Maybe the invaders here truly could chain kuru to serve their needs; the power to smite stone so effortlessly certainly appeared divine.

    The Djarwari peasants who had taken up residence outside the trading post proper had suffered even worse. Many of their timber homes were aflame. Without Namai needing to give any orders, the Fingermen ordered their Fists to help put out the fires and collect the dead – Atjuntja, Raw Men and peasants – whose bodies were scattered around.

    Finding out the details of what had happened took longer. Fingerman Nagan had survived, it turned out, along with many of the nobles who had been here waiting to trade. From what he could gather, Atjuntja soldiers had fought alongside nobles retainers and Raw Men guards against the enemies from the sea, who were another kind of Raw Men. They had come to raid and destroy, and carried away as much sun-kin [gold] and other goods as they could find.

    Namai ordered that some of the soldiers be sent to patrol outside Fort Naddu while the rest contained the fires and collected the dead. That done, he brought Fingerman Nagan with him and eventually found the Raw Man governor, Nuddhin, and his scribe-translator.

    “Who were these raiders?”

    “They are called Pannidj,” Nuddhin said. “We have been at war with them for years, but I never expected that they would come here.”

    “They were led here,” Namai said.

    “How could that be?” Nuddhin said. “We have been careful not to let the Pannidj or anyone else know exactly how to sail here.”

    “As I warned you, violence will come with the Lord’s attention. You have not turned His gaze away with sacrifices, or allowed us to do the same. So He turned his gaze here, and He has called these Pannidj in to make sacrifices for Him.”

    Nuddhin did not look convinced, but for now Namai did not care. The warning had been delivered; it would take time for the Raw Men to understand it. He had other things to worry about, such as how the King of Kings would respond to this latest affliction. He could only hope that his exalted majesty’s decisions did not include compelling Namai to volunteer for sacrifice to the death.

    * * *

    [1] This is an Atjuntja phrase which means “Speak you the true tongue, honoured one?”

    [2] As has happened in many other cultures around the world, the Atjuntja have identified plants with high levels of vitamin C which can be used to cure scurvy. The particular plant which is being used here is sweet sarsaparilla (Smilax glyciphylla), native to the east coast of *Australia but easily cultivatable elsewhere. While the native peoples mostly use it as a flavouring, it is also helpful for relieving scurvy.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #29: Shards of Pangaea
  • Lands of Red and Gold #29: Shards of Pangaea

    Something of a change of pace this time...

    * * *

    “For all mankind that unstained scroll unfurled,
    Where God might write anew the story of the World.”
    - Edward Everett Hale

    * * *

    From: “Three Worlds in Collision: The Globe in Upheaval”
    By Shimon Grodensky

    Step back in history for a millennium, and the blue-green globe we call Earth was not, in truth, one world. Mankind had reached all of the habitable portions of the globe save for a few scattered islands, but the planet remained divided. Not one world but three, each following separate paths.

    The Old World, with the four united continents of Europe, Asia, India and Africa and outlying islands, contained the bulk of the world’s area and population, the earliest agriculture, the earliest civilizations, and the most advanced technology. With their common geography, the fates of these four continents had been entwined since the emergence of the human species.

    The New World, with the continents of North and South America joined at the Isthmus of Panama, accompanied by the isles of the Caribbean, reached from the tropics to the poles. While smaller in area than the Old World, and only reached by mankind ten or so millennia before, it still provided a third of the world’s habitable land surface and supported substantial human civilizations.

    The Third World, the island continent of Aururia and the then-uninhabited islands of Aotearoa, held only a small fraction of the world’s area and an even smaller fraction of its population. In its flora and fauna, though, it had followed an independent path for so long that the first explorers who saw its plants and animals believed that it was the product of a separate creation.

    One thousand years ago, these three worlds had developed largely according to their own destinies, with only occasional contact which did not significantly affect their isolation. The Old World and the New saw limited crossings of peoples across Broch Strait [Bering Strait]; the Old World and the Third encountered each other in hesitant interactions across Torres Strait.

    In the course of the last thousand years, these three separate worlds were forged into one globe with a unified destiny. Still, the first efforts at fusion were abortive. Pioneering Austronesians had anticipated the joining of the worlds, visiting Aururia long enough to leave behind dogs, and visiting South America to swap chickens for sweet potatoes. Yet these landmark contacts were not sustained. Norse settlers colonised Greenland and landed on North America, only to be driven out by the indigenous inhabitants. The ancestors of the Maori colonised empty Aotearoa and then crossed the Tethys Sea [Tasman Sea] to encounter the Aururian peoples, but then lost contact with their relatives in Polynesia.

    Sustained contact, and the global unification which this would produce, awaited the birth of more determined explorers. Christopher Columbus’s discovery of the Caribbean islands set in motion a course of events which would join the Old World to the New. While Columbus was not the first to discover the Americas [1], his accomplishment was in making sure that this contact would endure. A century and a quarter later, Frederik de Houtman created a place for himself in history when he achieved a similar feat in discovering Aururia. Again, de Houtman was not the first discoverer of the island continent, but he was the first man to ensure that Aururia would not return to its isolation.

    The three paths of human existence came together in a crossroads forged by two men. The expeditions first of Columbus and de Houtman started to bring the three worlds together; two voyages which marked the first tremors of exchanges that would shake the globe.

    The Columbian Exchange and the Houtmanian Exchange were the most significant events in human history. They transformed the globe over the course of the last five centuries; no corner of the planet was untouched by the events set in motion by Columbus and de Houtman. The modern world as we know it was in large part created by the consequences of these two exchanges.

    The Exchanges marked an immense transfer of people, diseases, plants, animals, and ideas between the three previously separate worlds. These exchanges had massive effects on every human society on the globe. New diseases spread around the world, devastating many societies. Large-scale migrations transformed or replaced many cultures. The spread of new plants and animals marked a more beneficial aspect of the Exchanges; more productive or more resilient crops allowed increased human populations...

    Of all the changes to human ways of life which the Exchanges brought, none were more profound than the spread of crops and livestock. New staple crops transformed the diets of peoples on every continent, as much larger growing regions were opened up for cultivation. The spread of domestic animals revolutionised transportation, farming practices, and entire ways of life of peoples around the globe.

    Consider, for instance, that maize and cassava, when introduced into Africa, replaced the former dietary staples to become the premier food crops on much of the continent. Red yams and cornnarts [wattles] became the highest-yielding crops around most of the Mediterranean. South American potatoes had never been seen in Europe before 1492, but within three centuries they became so important in Ireland that potato blight threatened mass starvation on the island; the dire situation was only averted by expanding cultivation of another imported crop, this one from the other end of the globe: murnong.

    Horses had never been seen in the New World before Columbus, but they spread throughout the North American prairies, leading entire cultures to abandon farming and turn to a nomadic lifestyle. Coffee and sugar cane were native to the Old World, but the Columbian Exchange saw their cultivation expand to massive plantations in the New. Rubber was native to the New World, but its greatest use has now become in plantations in the Old. Kunduri was native to the Third World, but during the Houtmanian Exchange it became widely cultivated in plantations in both the Old and New Worlds, while cultures throughout the globe were transformed by the influence of kunduri...

    Some crops and animals which spread during the Exchanges have become so iconic to distant regions that it is hard to imagine that five hundred years ago, the peoples of those regions had never seen or heard of them. Who can imagine Tuscany without tomatoes, Ireland without potatoes, Sicily without red yams, Thijszenia [Tasmania] without apples, Tegesta [Florida] without oranges, West Africa without peanuts, Costa Rica without bananas, Maui [Hawaii] without pineapples, or Tuniza without quandongs? What would Bavaria be without chocolate, South Africa without kunduri, or France without the klinsigars [cigarettes] produced from it? Or who can picture Tejas without sheep, the Neeburra [Darling Downs, Queensland, Australia] without horses, or Argentina without wheat and cornnart and the immense herds of cattle they sustain?

    Indeed, the list of exchanged plants and animals that have become naturalised in new regions could be expanded almost endlessly. Before de Houtman, Ethiopia had no nooroons [emus] and no murnong, Brittany had no sweet peppers [2], Portugal had no lemon verbena [lemon myrtle], and Persia had no lutos [bush pears]. Before Columbus, there were no chilli peppers in Siam and India, no coffee in New Granada, no vanilla in Madagascar, no sunflowers in Daluming, no avocados in Ceylon, no rubber trees in Africa, and no oca in Aotearoa...

    Nothing offers greater testament to the agricultural benefits of the Exchanges than a comparison of the origins of the modern world’s major crops. The world’s agriculture is dominated by a mere twenty crops. They are the titans of the plant kingdom, which between them contain the best-suited staple crops for all of the diverse climes around the globe. Together, these crops account for around nine-tenths of the tonnage of all crops grown under human cultivation.

    Six of these foremost crops come from the New World (potato, maize, cassava, sweet potato, tomato, chilli & bell pepper), eleven are from the Old World (rice, sugar cane, grape, wheat, soybean, barley, orange, onion, sorghum, banana, apple), and three are from the Third World (red & lesser yam, cornnart, and murnong). Today their cultivation is global, but a millennium ago each of these crops was confined to one of the three worlds, and often had restricted range even within their native world...

    The two Exchanges have much in common in their effects on the globe: they transformed agriculture and cuisine, and made each world’s resources available to a much larger area. Still, the two Exchanges had distinctly different characters, particularly in their relative effects on the Old World, and in the fates of the peoples and cultures in the two smaller worlds.

    In the Columbian Exchange, many major crops moved in both directions, and Eurasia swallowed many of the New World’s resources. In most other aspects, however, the Columbian Exchange was in effect unidirectional. In the movement of diseases, Old World epidemics devastated the populations of the New World, while not a single significant human disease made the reverse journey back across the Atlantic to Europe or elsewhere in the Old World. The Americas did not provide a single major domestic animal that greatly transformed Old World societies – cavies, turkeys and muscovy ducks were only of minor importance – while Eurasia provided horses, cattle, sheep, pigs, and chickens which all transformed life in the New World. The shifts of language and peoples in the Columbian Exchange were all cases of Old World peoples expanding at the expense of the native languages and peoples of the New World. And while the resources of the New World would feed the burgeoning commerce and ultimately manufacturing of Europe, no significant changes to Old World religion or science came about as a result of Columbus’s contact...

    In the Houtmanian Exchange, as in its Columbian predecessors, major crops were exchanged in both directions. Yet the Third World did not provide as many resources to feed Europe’s growth, mostly because of the much smaller size of Aururia and Aotearoa.

    De Houtman’s legacy saw a true exchange of diseases between the Old and Third Worlds, although the character of this interaction was markedly different from that which followed Columbus. Aururian diseases were much swifter in their effects on the Old World (and the New), due to their individual nature and the facts of geography which made them easier to transmit around the globe. The effects of Old World diseases on Aururia were slower, more insidious and ultimately much more destructive.

    In the exchange of domestic animals, the Old World again provided many more kinds of livestock which would transform the societies of the Third World – horses, camels, donkeys, pigs and chickens. Nonetheless, the Third World provided one domestic animal, the nooroon, whose arrival changed human ways of life in a substantial part of the Old World.

    In the transfer of peoples and language, the Houtmanian Exchange was more complex than the Columbian, but ultimately bidirectional. Likewise, while the flow of ideas was largely a tide flowing from the Old World, contact with Aururia did lead to significant developments in the history of religion and science...

    * * *

    From: “Europe’s Assault on the Globe”
    By Hans van Leeuwen

    Chapter 7: Drive to the East

    Europe’s interest in the East began long before Columbus inadvertently began the European assault on the West; indeed, the misguided Genoan had intended to reach the East by sailing west. The lure of spices had inspired the Portuguese to explore Africa and round the Cape before Columbus set foot on the isles of the Caribbean, and even those intrepid explorers were merely seeking to gain easier access to Eastern goods which had previously passed through Muslim and Venetian hands.

    Vasco de Gama reached India a handful of years after Columbus’s wayward voyage led him to what he had fondly believed was the Spice Islands. In this era, Spanish conquistadors followed in Columbus’s wake, pursuing gold and visions, and delivered the first blows in what would become Europe’s assault on the Americas. With Spain thereby distracted from Eastern ambitions, it fell to Portugal to become the vanguard of Europe’s drive to the East...

    While the East held and holds many diverse regions, the early aims of the Powers were focused on four prizes that held the greatest rewards to match Europe’s interests. Cathay, then the most advanced nation on the globe, source of much silk and porcelain (and later tea), and an endless sink for bullion. The East Indies, politically divided and often unwelcoming, but the source of many of the most valuable spices in the world. India, dominated by the expanding might of the Great Mughals, had long been the emporium of the world, attracting many other goods even from the prizes of the East, and which offered cotton, dyes, silk, and saltpetre. Aururia, isolated, divided and primitive, but with supplies of gold to rival the resources of the West, home to and at first the exclusive supplier of kunduri, and a source of new spices, some of which offered new markets, and others which would ruin the market for what had until then been the most valuable spice in the world.

    These were the four prizes which lured the Powers to explore the vastness of the globe, and whose wealth drew individual Europeans to make long voyages even at the risks of privation, disease, and far too common death. Unlike in the West, where military might was quickly aimed at the native inhabitants, in the East, the early Europeans came as traders more than as conquerors. To be sure, European powers fought in the East where it suited their purposes, but their aims were not conquest, but access and ultimately control of trade markets. Commerce was their aim, military force merely their tool. In the East, when Europeans turned to force of arms, as often as not their targets would be other Europeans, not the Eastern peoples...

    Chapter 10: In Pursuit of Gold and Spices

    In Aururia, as elsewhere in the East, the early Powers who descended on the continent were the Dutch, Portuguese and English. Unlike the other Eastern prizes, in the South Land the Dutch were the pioneers, and the other Powers were the ones seeking to unseat them.

    As in the rest of the East, though, the Powers were competing for wealth. There was not yet any thought of major settlement, even though parts of this island continent were as empty as much of the Americas. Lucre drew them, not land, for the shipping distances were far longer and the diseases much more formidable, even in those parts of the continent where the natives were not yet any more advanced than the Red Indians. For those Europeans who wanted land, the Americas were closer and more welcoming. Those who were prepared to travel across half the world wanted something much more rewarding for their endeavours...

    The Dutch, in the guise of their trading company, had little difficulty establishing the first European trading outposts in western Aururia. Mutual trade suited both Dutch and natives, profitable enough to thrive despite the first ravages of Aururian plagues across the world and the first of many Eurasian epidemics in Aururia.

    The problems which the Dutch faced would derive from their rival Powers, not the natives. Rumours of gold spread even faster than the dying cough [Marnitja]. The Portuguese were the Power keenest to heed these rumours, and with the fortunate capture of a Dutch ship, received access to excellent charts, and were informed of the unprotected Fort Nassau. The temptation was overwhelming, the lust for gold insatiable, and Portugal launched the first strike in the European struggle for control of Aururia. There could hardly be a more telling omen of the fate that awaited the Land of Gold than that this blow had been delivered by one European power upon another...

    * * *

    [1] Of course Columbus was not the first to discover the Americas; for a start, they had already been discovered by the Americans themselves.

    [2] The plants which are here called sweet peppers are pepperbushes (Tasmannia spp) from *Australia. They are not the OTL plants which are called sweet peppers, bell peppers or capsicum (which ATL are usually called bell peppers or pimentos). Also unlike them, Tasmannia is very “hot”; the name “sweet pepper” came into use because the plant has an initially sweet taste, but an intense, hot aftertaste.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #30: An Aururian Miscellany
  • Lands of Red and Gold #30: An Aururian Miscellany

    This post is an assortment of disconnected parts which offer glimpses of some aspects of the LRGverse, but which aren’t large enough to form an entire post in themselves, so they’ve been included together here.

    * * *

    October 1629
    Crescent Bay, The Island [Kingscote, Kangaroo Island]

    The last curve of the sun’s fire glowed above the western horizon as the day began its descent into night, while in the east the first stars were emerging to complete that transformation. Almost directly overhead, the moon cast down its own incomplete light; this was the half-moon, perfectly balanced between the fading of the last new moon and emergence of the next full moon.

    In short, a most auspicious time, a time of perfect balance in the endless cycles of the world. This was a time when a man could hear the harmony of the world reflected within himself, if his mind and soul were properly ordered, and when he could use that wisdom to guide himself during difficult decisions.

    Lalgatja, elder of the Wolalta bloodline, needed a time such as this. Wisdom had always been the most valuable of commodities, and unlike anything else, he could not send out his trade captains to collect it. Guidance he needed, in this time when the Nangu were divided amongst themselves worse than any other time in living memory, with troubles afflicting the Island and the nearer parts of its hegemony, while an unknown people moved around the world in a way which could bring great profit or great destruction.

    The last light of the sun faded into the west while Lalgatja contemplated, and his three senior captains waited in fitting silence. He had chosen this site at the western door of the Temple of the Five Winds, and the priests had wisely left them alone. As they should; with the generous gifts which the Wolalta had given to this temple, time for private contemplation was the least they deserved.

    The Raw Men, he realised. It had all begun with them. The consequences of their arrival had rippled across most of the world, as consequences always did, but everything had begun with the Raw Men.

    Thanks to the Raw Men, the Nangu bloodlines had fallen back into the old ways of feud and rivalry. The Raw Men had arrived at the western edge of the world, showed magnificent goods which drew the interest of every true-blooded Nangu... and then refused to trade with them!

    Instead, the Raw Men had established trade with the Atjuntja, foolishly adhering to their pact with those bloodletting savages, and not sending their trade ships further east. A few of the Raw Men’s goods had reached the Island after being traded on by the Atjuntja, but those few items which had come at great cost did nothing but arouse competitive passions amongst the bloodlines.

    The Raw Men themselves had remained tantalisingly distant. Some of the bolder Nangu captains had sailed into the far west in the hope of discovering the Raw Men’s homelands. Those voyages had ended in disappointment for the fortunate and death for the rest. The arguments over those voyages – particularly the bloodlines who suspected each other of destroying their ships – had begun the first of the feuds which now troubled the Island.

    Other Nangu had sought to establish contact with the Raw Men via intermediaries, a course which risked arousing the anger of the King of Kings. One attempt had succeeded, that Lalgatja knew of; one of the Tjula captains had invited the Raw Men at their trading outpost to send a ship to visit the Island. That should have been a triumph for the Tjula, but once the other bloodlines had learned of this visit, the Manyilti had led a faction who blamed them for acting without the Council’s approval, and threatening all trade with Tiayal. Another feud had been born out of that dispute, adding to the Island’s troubles.

    The Raw Men had eventually heeded the Tjula’s call, sending a fleet of three ships to wander [ie explore] the seas, and visited the Island. One fleet only, with small quantities of valuable goods and only limited interest in trading [1]. The result had been endless disagreements among the Nangu, as the bloodlines competed with each other in a most undignified manner to secure some of the Raw Men’s goods.

    That had been the first great warning, as far as Lalgatja had been concerned. He had ordered his captains not to trade with the Raw Men at all. His judgement had been that any price paid would be too expensive, and that being involved in the bargaining would only attract the hatred of other bloodlines.

    Events had proved him right; more feuds had grown out of the Raw Men’s visit than any of the earlier troubles. So far none of those feuds had turned into a full vendetta, but the risk remained. Especially with almost three years passing, and no sign whether the Raw Men would ever return. The bloodlines grew ever more fractious, with whispered rumours accusing others of warning off the Raw Men, or of concluding secret agreements for exclusive access.

    Other troubles had followed in the wake of the Raw Men’s visit. Disease had struck; a new malady called swelling-fever [mumps] which had first appeared amongst the Atjuntja, and then in time followed the trading ships back to the east.

    Swelling-fever had struck first in the Seven Sisters [2], then on the Island. Many men had died of this new affliction. This had happened despite the best precautions of the Nangu, who had acted on the advice of Nakatta, elder of the Muwanna bloodline. Nakatta had advised of the need to quarantine any ship whose crew showed symptoms of the swelling-fever. That quarantine had been enforced, but the disease still spread to the Mutjing and then to the Nangu [3].

    The failure of Nakatta’s advice had discredited the Muwanna bloodline, but that had only been the start of the problems. The Lorekeeper, most senior elder in the Council, had been among the victims of the swelling-fever. With his departure to join his kin, the bloodlines had lost their most respected adjudicator, which had only worsened the feuds.

    Trade had suffered, too. With the deaths of so many farmers amongst the Mutjing, the price of yams, wealth-grain [wattle seeds] and other foods had risen. That always made the Nangu uneasy. The Island depended on importing food from the Mutjing, and paying more for it cost trade goods which had to be obtained from elsewhere. So far, prices had not risen unbearably, but the fact that they had increased at all had worsened the tension amongst the bloodlines.

    Even lesser events seemed to conspire to bring misfortune to the Island. From the mainland, word had come that the Yadji Regent [ie Emperor] was dead of the swelling-fever. Privately, Lalgatja suspected that the priests had simply used a convenient excuse to rid themselves of a mad Regent. Regardless of the reason, however, the Land of the Five Directions [ie Yadji lands] drifted leaderless while the priests squabbled among themselves.

    Normally, chaos among the Yadji would have been a welcome sign that the security of the Island was being maintained. Not now, though, when it let Tjibarr consolidate its decade-old conquest of Jugara and the Copper Coast. The safety of the Island had always rested on the balance between the Yadji and Tjibarr, so that both of them were too busy looking at the other to threaten the Nangu, but it looked as if that might no longer hold. Worse, in the short-term, the unrest in the Yadji lands meant that their rulers were disinclined to trade, which wove another thread into the tapestry of Nangu troubles.

    On the Cider Isle, worse than unrest had come; the Tjunini and Kurnawal had started another cycle in their endless war. Many times, such news would have had the trading captains flocking to their shores to profit from trading with both sides. Alas, this war had been more destructive than most, with cider gums deliberately burned by both sides, and gold mining curtailed while both sides focused on mining tin to make bronze for weapons. There was little worth trading for in the Cider Isle, until the war was done.

    So, in the midst of this time of troubles, Lalgatja had come to seek wisdom, to chart a course for his bloodline through rough waters. The Island afflicted by disease and riven by feuds, the world growing unsettled, and the Raw Men both mysterious and enticing beyond the fringes of the world.

    As he considered matters, he realised that he had already been given the most important insight. The Raw Men were the key. Know them, understand them, and the path would become clear. The other troubles would come and go, but they were merely ripples in the cosmos.

    “We must reach the Raw Men properly,” Lalgatja said, the first time he had spoken aloud since he reached the temple. “If they will not come to us, we must find a way to go to them.”

    With that invitation, his captains now knew that they could speak. If they had anything worth saying.

    Werringi, the second-most senior captain, said, “We cannot reach the Raw Men if we sail west. Most of the other bloodlines had tried and failed, even with captains and crews whose skills are not to be despised.”

    Lalgatja said, “That truth we knew before coming here.”

    “The truth we knew, but not what follows from it. The Raw Men come from the west, but when they have traded with the Atjuntja, they do not sail west again.”

    Now, that was a new thought. If true. “Are you sure?”

    “They go north. So agree those who have been to the White City,” Werringi said. “And we all saw the ships which the Raw Men brought to the Island. They cannot sail into the wind as well as our ships can, even if they are faster with the wind behind them. If the western winds have defeated our captains, then the Raw Men must be sailing north.”

    Kunyana, the most senior captain, said, “That will not let us sail after them. To voyage along the western coast of Tiayal is difficult, since we cannot secure landfall without being asked very difficult questions. Our ships would have even more troubles if they wander beyond Atjuntja lands. Going north, it is easy to sail away but hard to sail back, which makes it very difficult to judge how far a ship can safely sail before turning back.”

    Werringi said, “So we must sail east first.”

    Lalgatja raised an eyebrow. “You would reach the Raw Men by sailing further away from them?”

    “It is the route which the Raw Men took after visiting here. They would not have sailed there if they did not know that the voyage could be done.”

    Werringi stood, his enthusiasm carried in his voice as he spoke. “It would be a great voyage, but not an impossible one. I have sailed to the Spice Coast, to the Patjimunra lands [Hunter Valley, New South Wales] and even once to Daluming [Coffs Harbour]. That is the way which the Raw Men must have gone, and they would only have sailed there if they knew that they could find their homeland again. So I will take a ship east, then north, and sail west where I can, until I can find where the Raw Men go after they leave Tiayal.”

    Kunyana said, “Boldness is good, but suicide is not.”

    “It is the third path [ie decisiveness],” Werringi said. “This is a time of great change; we will not succeed by taking half-measures.”

    Lalgatja gestured for Werringi to sit again, then let them wait in silence while he thought. After a time, he said, “Do as you will, Werringi. I will not sanction your voyage, but neither will I oppose it. If you can persuade your crew to sail with you, and perhaps find another captain willing to take his ship with yours, then I will pray to Eagle for your success.”

    * * *

    This section is a summary of the key domesticated Aururian plants and animals and what effects they might have on the rest of the world. This is not a comprehensive list of all such plants and animals; it only includes those which have potential to be exported to the rest of the world and make a significant difference there.

    In this list, the allohistorical name is given first, if it differs from the historical name. Where there is more than one important allohistorical name, the name which is used is the one by which the plant or animal will be most widely known in English.

    Staple Crops

    Red yam (Dioscorea chelidonius) is a perennial vine which produces large, edible tubers, and for cooking purposes can be used much like a potato. It grows well in semi-arid conditions between latitudes of 25 to 45 degrees. Can grow in areas of higher rainfall, but does not tolerate waterlogged soils. Widely-grown throughout subtropical and temperate Aururia, and has excellent potential to be exported to other parts of the world. It will grow well in areas of Mediterranean climate and other mid-latitude regions, but will not grow in the tropics. It has a reasonably high agricultural yield, although on fertile, well-watered soils, crops such as potatoes would be superior.

    Lesser yam (Dioscorea chelidonius var inferior) is a hybrid of the red yam and the related long yam (D. transversa). It has a lower yield than the red yam, and has higher water requirements, but unlike the red yam, it can grow in the tropics. The plant is cultivated mostly in the northern fringes of Aururian farming [east-central Queensland], but if exported, could grow well in many drier areas of the tropics.

    Cornnarts / wattles (Acacia spp) are fast-growing trees which produce large quantities of edible, high-protein seeds and can be tapped to yield gum aururic [wattle gum]. As legumes, they also replenish soil nitrates. About ten species of cornnarts have been domesticated. Cornnarts are mostly suited for low-rainfall climates in the middle latitudes, although some of the domesticated species can grow in the tropics or cooler climates, and some can also tolerate higher rainfall.

    Murnong (Microseris lanceolata) is a perennial crop which produces edible tubers, which are used similarly to red yams or potatoes. Murnong does not tolerate excessive heat, and in lowland regions it cannot be grown as close to the equator as the red yam. However, it is more tolerant of cooler climates, poorer soils and shorter growing seasons, and can be grown at higher latitudes than the red yam. It also does not have the red yam’s problems with tropical day length, and can be grown in cool highlands within the tropics.

    Dutch flax / native flax (Linum marginale) is an Aururian relative of common flax (L. usitatissimum). Like the Eurasian plant, it is used to make fibre (linen, textiles, rope), and its seeds are edible or can be used to create a form of linseed oil. It does not grow as large as common flax, but if carefully harvested it will regrow from its roots for up to five years without needing reseeding. If exported, it will need lower rainfall or need less irrigation than common flax, although it will not yield as much fibre per acre. This will allow expansion of textile production by allowing linen to be grown in wider areas, although the Aururian fibre is still quite similar to common flax, and lacks the flexibility of some other plant fibres (such as cotton).

    Quandong (Santalum acuminatum) is a desert tree which produces large, sweet fruit (including an edible nut at the centre of each fruit). It has an odd habit of parasitising the roots of other trees, and so needs to be cultivated in mixed orchards with other trees. Choosing different host species produces different fruit flavours (cornnarts are normally used in Aururia). Grows well in hot, relatively arid regions, and would be suitable for cultivation around much of the world, particularly zones of Mediterranean climate.

    Luto / bush pear (Marsdenia australis) is a desert vine where almost of the plant is edible. The pear-shaped fruit has a sweet pulp and edible seeds. The leaves and stems are edible and used for flavouring. The vine also produces an edible root tuber. A drought-hardy species, the luto will grow even in relatively poor soils and semiarid climates throughout much of the world. In Aururia, it is nicknamed the “many vine” for the range of flavours which can be produced from its various parts, and some other countries will incorporate the luto into their cuisine when it is eventually exported.

    Spices

    Lemon verbena / lemon myrtle (Backhousia citriodora) is a tree whose leaves produce a sweet, strong lemony flavour. While it tolerates low levels of some nutrients, overall it needs better soils, warmer weather and higher rainfall than most Aururian plants. In pre-Houtmanian Aururia, lemon verbena’s cultivation was largely confined to the subtropical eastern seaboard, but it was traded across the continent. Lemon verbena has considerable potential to be exported as a spice, and could be grown in areas of similar climate around much of the world. The potential is similar for several other spice trees which grow on the subtropical east coast, aniseed myrtle (Syzygium anisatum), cinnamon myrtle (Backhousia myrtifolia) and curry myrtle (B. angustifolia).

    Sweet peppers / pepperbushes (Tasmannia spp) are shrubs whose leaves and especially berries have an intense peppery taste. The plant tolerates reasonably poor soils and frosts, and is grown across much of the southern half of Aururia, although it often needs some small-scale irrigation. Widespread in pre-Houtmanian Aururia, sweet peppers also have considerable potential for export; they have, per weight, up to ten times the flavour of the more common black pepper (Piper nigrum).

    Ovasecca / desert raisin (Solanum centrale) is a desert shrub related to the tomato, which produces a fruit with a taste reminiscent of tamarillo and caramel. The fruit conveniently dries while still on the stalk, making for easy transport and storage. The plant tolerates dry conditions and poor soils, but in the wild it only fruits after heavy rains; in cultivation this is mimicked by judicious irrigation. Ovasecca is cultivated in the Five Rivers and nearby areas as a condiment, and has the potential to be cultivated in semiarid regions around the world where there is access to irrigation.

    White ginger / native ginger (Alpinia caerulea) is a shrub whose fruit, new shoots and tubers have gingery flavours. Native to the warmer areas of the eastern Aururian seaboard, it can be grown much more widely with irrigation. It is cultivated widely in the Five Rivers, and less commonly elsewhere, as a spice. White ginger can be cultivated in subtropical climates around the world with reasonable rainfall and/or irrigation, and has some potential as a spice for export.

    Others

    Kunduri / corkwood (Duboisia hopwoodii) is a shrub whose leaves contain high levels of nicotine and other alkaloids, and provide Aururia’s drug of choice. The cultivated form of kunduri is grown in the Five Rivers, and is their most valuable export to the rest of the continent. Although Eurasians who first encounter kunduri will often find it too strong a drug (due to the elevated nicotine levels), it has very strong long-term potential for export and will influence the world (in several senses of the word). Kunduri could also be cultivated in subtropical arid or semiarid areas around the world (with irrigation).

    Spanish indigo / native indigo (Indigofera australis) is a relative of true indigo (I. tinctoria), which produces a similar dye to the more familiar (to Eurasians) plant. Spanish indigo is more versatile than true indigo, since by various treatments to the leaves, it can produce not just the true indigo colour, but a brilliant yellow and a useful green. Spanish indigo was cultivated over most of the farming areas of Aururia in the pre-contact period [4]. The plant can grow in poorer soils and drier climes and further into subtropical latitudes than true indigo, and so has considerable potential both for export from Aururia and for cultivation around much of the world.

    Jeeree / Lemon-scented teatree (Leptospermum petersonii) is a tree whose leaves produce an intense, lemony taste. It can tolerate reasonably poor soils, but needs reasonable rainfall and is sensitive to frost. In Aururia, it is grown almost exclusively on the eastern coast, where its leaves are used to make a lemon “tea” that is popular amongst all of the eastern cultures. It is not well-regarded in the rest of the continent. Jeeree has some potential for export as an exotic “tea”, and can be cultivated in most subtropical latitudes where there is reasonable rainfall or access to irrigation.

    Nooroon / emu (Dromaius novaehollandiae) is a large, flightless bird which is Aururia’s prime domestic animal. A fast-growing bird, it is a useful source of meat, leather and feathers. In comparison to big Eurasian domestic animals (such as cattle), the nooroon is less efficient as a grazer, but when grain fed, produces more usable meat in proportion to the amount of grain. The nooroon has reasonable potential for export to subtropical and tropical latitudes, particularly since as a bird it is unaffected by some tropical diseases which afflict domesticated mammals.

    Pole-cat / tiger quoll (Dasyurus maculatus) is a marsupial equivalent of the cat, domesticated to serve a similar rat-catching role. Pole-cats are widely distributed among the farming peoples of Aururia, who find them an invaluable asset for controlling native rodents and other pests. The pole-cat is not quite as efficient a rat-catcher as cats, but it still has some potential for export as an exotic pet, and it may also become an invasive species if introduced into some environments.

    * * *

    In Europe, the course of what another history would call the Thirty Years War would be changed by the ravages of Marnitja in 1628. At this time, the imperial forces under Albrecht von Wallenstein had made Christian IV of Denmark regret his intervention in the war, defeating the Danish allies and ultimately overrunning Jutland. To threaten the Danish capital on Zealand, though, the imperial forces needed a Baltic fleet, and plans were made to besiege the port of Stralsund.

    The effects of Marnitja changed that. The preparations for besieging Stralsund were abandoned amidst the disruption. While both sides suffered casualties from the epidemic, the Danish forces were in a better position to liberate much of Jutland, since they could draw on local support while the imperial forces were operating on hostile territory.

    A year of manoeuvring on Jutland followed, with a number of engagements which saw imperial forces pushed out of part of the peninsula, but never decisively defeated. By this point, both sides were inclined to seek peace. Diplomatic manoeuvring replaced its military counterpart, and by April 1630 the two sides had agreed on terms.

    By the terms of the Treaty of Lübeck, Jutland and Royal Holstein were restored to Denmark, while the Duchy of Holstein was granted joint overlordship of Hamburg. Prince Ulric, a younger son of Christian IV, was named Prince-Bishop of Verden, and Bishop of Schwerin, and was designated as the heir of the Lutheran Prince-Archbishop of Bremen, when the current incumbent died. The Dukes of Mecklenburg were restored, including the estates which Wallenstein had confiscated. In exchange, Wallenstein was granted estates around Stettin in central Pomerania, which allowed him to collect tolls from trade along the River Oder. As part of the treaty, Christian IV agreed to withdraw all Danish forces from elsewhere in the Holy Roman Empire, and not to provide any further support to Protestants in Germany.

    So, in April 1630, it appeared that the war which had begun eleven years earlier might finally come to an end.

    Other events, though, changed that.

    In Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus caught Marnitja in May 1630. He survived the pink cough, but now faced the prospect of waiting to see whether he would be claimed by a fevered delirium. Gustavus did not plan to wait passively for death to claim him, but decided that if he would die, he would leave a legacy behind. He wanted to make sure that his name would be remembered.

    The previous year, Sweden had ended its war with Poland by signing a six-year truce, the Truce of Altmark [5], which gave Sweden control of Livonia and some Baltic ports. Gustavus Adolphus was not inclined to break that truce in pursuit of further gains.

    Instead, he looked south. As he saw it, the Protestant cause in Germany had been betrayed by Denmark, but here was an opportunity to secure his legacy. Germany was in chaos, the Protestants needed support, and glory beckoned. Swedish forces landed near Stettin in June 1630, with Gustavus Adolphus at their head and conquest on his mind. He knew that landing here would inevitably draw the forces of Wallenstein, the greatest surviving general of imperial forces, and hoped that defeating Wallenstein would rally Germany’s Protestants under his banner.

    Gustavus Adolphus did not just hope to secure glory through victory in Germany, though. By now, Europe was rife with rumours of the wealth to be found in colonies, with the Spanish long ago acquiring dominions in the Americas, and the Dutch finding a new fortune in the distant South Land. Gustavus Adolphus chartered a new company, based in Gothenburg, with orders to explore North America and find a suitable place for founding a new colony there that would bear his name...

    * * *

    [1] This was François Thijssen’s 1626-7 voyage to Aururia and Aotearoa. He did not actually have limited interest in trading with the Nangu per se, but he had only limited samples of trade goods. He did not want to exchange them all with the first people he met, preferring to keep most of them if he encountered other peoples further east.

    [2] The Seven Sisters [Eyre Peninsula, South Australia] is the name given to the Mutjing lands.

    [3] The quarantine has failed because mumps produces a significant proportion of asymptomatic carriers, and some of them have carried the disease past the quarantine.

    [4] Although, naturally, the pre-Houtmanian Aururians did not call the plant Spanish indigo.

    [5] This truce was similar to what was signed historically, giving Sweden most of Livonia, some coastal cities in Prussia, and a substantial share of the tolls from trade passing through Poland’s Baltic ports.

    * * *

    Thoughts?

    P.S. The next post – coming soon, hopefully – will wrap up the main Dutch-Atjuntja thread to its conclusion. After that, the main focus will shift to European contact with the eastern Aururian peoples.
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #31: The Lord’s Will
  • Lands of Red and Gold #31: The Lord’s Will

    “You are to proceed to the southward in order to make discovery of the continent abovementioned [Aururia] until you arrive in the latitude of 40 degrees, unless you sooner fall in with it. But not having discovered it or any evident signs of it in that run, you are to proceed in search of it to the eastward between the latitude before mentioned and the latitude of 35 degrees until you discover it.”

    - Instructions issued to William Baffin by the Directors of the East India Trading Company in July 1635, prior to his first expedition to Aururia

    * * *

    Summer, 29th Year of King of Kings Kepiuc Tjaanuc [December 1631-February 1632]
    Milgawee (White City) [Albany, Western Australia]
    Tiayal (the Middle Country) [western coast of Australia]

    Water, water everywhere. Not plunging uncontrollably from the sky, or bubbling from the secret places beneath the earth, but flowing according to the desires and for the pleasures of men.

    Or were these bearded Atjuntja truly men? Might they not be spirit beings who lived in the Dreamtime as much as in the present time?

    Attapatta, chief of the Wurrukurr, could not decide the answer to those questions, much as he wondered. Before he had come to Milgawee, he had been confident that these Atjuntja were men like any others, even if possessed of different Dreamings [1].

    The Atjuntja knew different skills than the desert-dwelling Wurrukurr [2], but they still had their limits. Or so it had seemed. He had been invited to some of their smaller cities, earlier in his life, and seen that the Atjuntja had different knowledge. The Atjuntja could work metals and make food grow from within the earth, but they did not know how to listen to the world around them and were almost incapable of hunting properly.

    Now, though, he had seen Milgawee, the place of stone and water and boundless vegetation, and he could not decide whether these Atjuntja were truly men. The first time he had seen an Atjuntja city, he had called it a big place, but the local Atjuntja had just laughed. Now that he had seen the place they called the Centre of Time, he understood their reactions.

    Here at Milgawee, it was as if the Dreamtime still endured, where the ancient spirit beings had never stopped their work of shaping the earth. Here walked men – or perhaps more-than-men – who had the powers to call forth stone and water according to their desires.

    And they had welcomed him! The Wurrukurr came from a hotter and harsher land, where the sun burned brighter and water was life. Attapatta had guided his people through the challenges of that life, but he had never expected to be welcomed by spirit beings.

    Attapatta had been given rooms in their palace to live, and gifts of iron and clothes made of linen. Those were marvellous enough. The Atjuntja had even called him one of the blessed, who was permitted to hear the voice of their great ruler, the Many-King [3] who commanded all of the spirits of this place.

    Still, for all of these wonders, nothing matched the Garden. Here, the sounds of water were everywhere. Here was a truly sacred place created by the most powerful of Dreaming. Back in the hot lands of his home, the growth of plants was a rare, infrequent thing, in a land which had been baked red. In the Garden, though, water flowed everywhere, and the growth of plants was commanded entirely at the wishes of the Atjuntja.

    Here, too, was where Attapatta had been invited to meet with Lerunna Mundi, the voice of the Many-King, to discuss whatever reason they had for inviting him to travel so far.

    Lerunna said, “Your Wurrukurr people follow your lead, I know. How much do your neighbours heed your words?”

    Attapatta frowned, trying to follow the import of the question. He said, “I am chief, not a... king. All of the Wurrukurr elders have a voice, and our people will listen to them. As for our neighbours, we talk with them, but no-one can command another people. They do as they wish in their country, as we do in ours.”

    Lerunna said, “So long as you talk with them, that is enough for his exalted majesty’s wishes.”

    “Of course we talk with them. A people should always heed their neighbours.”

    Lerunna smiled. A normal expression if he was a man; perhaps the same held true for spirit beings. “His exalted majesty offers you gifts – iron knives and tools, linen and kunduri.”

    “What does the Many-King want from us, that he offers such gifts?” Attapatta said. He knew that desire stirred in his voice; the gifts which he had already received were incredible.

    “Your scouting, and your warning. His exalted majesty knows that the Wurrukurr know how to move through the red lands [desert] without being seen, when you need. He asks that you send word to our soldiers if you or your neighbours learn of ships coming from the sea.”

    “Ships?” Attapatta said.

    “The ships of the Raw Men, who come out of the sunset.”

    “Ah,” Attapatta said. He had heard word of this from the Atjuntja near his homeland, although he had never seen a ship himself.

    “There are two kinds of Raw Men. The Nedlandj [Dutch] are our sometimes friends. Tell us if they come. The other kind are called the Pannidj, and they are our enemies. Do not threaten them, for their weapons are powerful. But his exalted majesty wants to know if their ships come. If they try to build outposts in your country, send word to us, and his exalted majesty’s soldiers will capture the Pannidj for you.”

    “If they are so powerful, we should be wary of their anger,” Attapatta said.

    Lerunna said, “The Pannidj can be killed. His exalted majesty’s soldiers killed them when they attacked our friends the Nedlandj. But we will need your people to guide us. You know the red lands better than anyone, and you can bring our soldiers close to the Pannidj without being seen. If they come, we will defeat them.”

    An easy proposition, as far as Attapatta was concerned. The risks lay with the Atjuntja, not with his own people. “It is agreed,” he said.

    * * *

    From: The United East India Company: Reflections on the Golden Age”
    By Alexander Boniface

    The first decade of the Company’s deeds in Aururia was shaped by priorities set elsewhere in the world. Company merchants acquired Atjuntja gold and sandalwood as an excellent source of wealth, but they spent the profits of that trade elsewhere.

    During the tenure of Governor-General Coen, the Company’s efforts in the Far East were focused on building up an inter-Asian trading network whose profits would supply the spice trade to Europe. Aururian gold provided the capital to finance this trading expansion, but for the first ten years, Aururia itself formed only an isolated outpost on that trading network.

    In particular, under Coen’s leadership the Company did not seek to become deeply involved with the Atjuntja. Despite the consternation caused in Europe by accounts of Atjuntja religious practices – often exaggerated, but the reality was bad enough – or the frustration of Atjuntja trading restrictions, Coen did not wish any disruption to such a valuable source of gold.

    So for the first few years, the Company simply traded with the Atjuntja and complied with most of their restrictions. Where convenience allowed and the risk was low, the Company did ignore their treaty obligations, such as by sending ships to explore further east in Aururia. Blatant interference, however, remained forbidden...

    A variety of factors combined to change the course of the Company’s involvement in Aururia. With the passing of Jan Coen in July 1631, the prime focus was no longer building up inter-Asian shipping; a task which had in any case been largely completed by that time. His successor Hendrik Brouwer, had a much greater interest in exploration of new markets and trade goods.

    Aururia offered an inviting temptation for renewed exploration. François Thijssen’s voyage [in 1626-27] had offered tantalising hints of the potential new markets which could be found there. Action on these hints had been delayed by Coen’s Asian focus, and the chaos caused in Europe by the first sweating sleep [Marnitja] epidemic meant that no-one in the Netherlands had overruled him. With Coen gone and the situation in Europe stabilising, further exploration of Aururia became a much higher priority.

    Concerns about the security of their Aururian outposts also became an increasing source of friction between the Company and the Atjuntja. The Spanish raid on Fort Nassau in 1631 exacerbated these underlying tensions, since the Company now wished to fortify and garrison their outposts properly, but the Atjuntja administrators refused to allow fortifications.

    The infamous demand of the Atjuntja governor Namaidera [Namai Urdera] for Dutch sacrificial victims has been much-cited as bringing about the collision between Company and Atjuntja interests, but in truth this was but one symptom of an underlying conflict. Eurasian diseases and rats were causing increasing problems in Tiayal, and the flood of Old World trade goods caused economic disruption amongst the local aristocracy.

    With such growing sources of friction, it was inevitable that the Company would need to take more active involvement in Aururia. The critical moment came in 1632, in the aftermath of a new wave of disease, when the first epidemic of chickenpox swept across Tiayal...

    * * *

    The man called Nyumbin would become one of the most disputed figures in accounts of Aururian history, and indeed across the world. Over the centuries, a plethora of writers, historians, social activists, nationalists, revolutionaries and other figures would depict their own views of Nyumbin. Many would cite him as inspiration for their own deeds, many would condemn his actions, while a few offered a more nuanced view of his life and deeds.

    To some, Nyumbin would be seen as the first great Aururian patriot, a cultural hero who offered the first resistance to foreign influence. Others would see him merely as a nationalistic rebel, fighting for the Inayaki people against the Atjuntja, while being totally ignorant of the wider clash between Europeans and Aururians. Still others would view him as simply an aristocratic opportunist, who sought to take advantage of the arrival of the Dutch to obtain greater personal wealth and power by replacing Atjuntja rule with his own.

    In time, Nyumbin would be viewed by some as a bloodthirsty would-be tyrant who sought to oppress everyone. Some would see him as a traitor whose rebellion allowed the Dutch to impose control over the Atjuntja. Others would see him as an avatar of the Lord, sent to bring bloodshed and chaos into the mortal realms. A few more controversial historians would see him as demonstrating the first stirring of class-consciousness in Aururia.

    In the welter of accounts, the truth about Nyumbin is almost impossible to discern. Still, some facts are relatively undisputed. Nyumbin was born into one of the old Inayaki noble families. As was so often the case, his family had been partially assimilated into the Atjuntja hierarchy, and were recognised as noble, but they preserved their own language and something of a separate sense of culture.

    Of the man’s appearance and characters, the tales naturally vary, but through all accounts, some features are often highlighted. Nyumbin was a man of dark skin even by the standards of Tiayal, with the black hair that was so expected of Atjuntja nobility, but rarer amongst their subject peoples such as the Inayaki. He is reliably reported as a man who kept himself in prime physical condition: tall, well-muscled, flexible, and an expert with sword or spear.

    One seemingly minor point about his appearance will cause endless acrimony amongst scholars and in popular culture. Some descriptions of Nyumbin assert that he never wore the full beard so heavily associated with Atjuntja nobility, that he had always kept himself clean-shaven to distinguish himself from the Atjuntja overlords. Other descriptions claim that he had worn a full beard to fit with Atjuntja expectations – as did most of the other semi-assimilated nobility in the subject peoples – and that he only shaved his beard when he began his great rebellion. The point matters greatly to those who view him as a lifelong patriot and nationalist, or to those who see him as a mere opportunist, but it will never be truly settled.

    Whatever else Nyumbin may have been, he was certainly a gifted military tactician and a charismatic leader. Even hostile accounts of his life usually agree that he was a man of immense personal presence and charm, with an extremely persuasive way of speaking. His military talents were demonstrated first when he acted for the Atjuntja to lead raids against eastern desert peoples who had started to impinge into farming lands during times of drought [4]. In time, they would be demonstrated when he acted against the Atjuntja.

    Nyumbin’s deeds were ostensibly triggered by the passage of the chickenpox epidemic which swept through Tiayal in 1632 and claimed the life of the King of Kings, Kepiuc Tjaanuc. Certainly, he must have had some motivations which had been building for longer than that, but which of these reasons is seen as his true motivation depends on which later figure is offering an account of his life.

    It is known that Nyumbin had some resentment of the main Atjuntja noble merchants who came from the White City to trade with the Dutch at Fort Nassau. The Atjuntja aristocracy controlled the supply of gold which was the most valuable good to trade with the Dutch. Nyumbin and the other non-Atjuntja nobles had to trade using lesser goods such as sandalwood and sweet peppers, and it was a source of offence that he was not treated as being as good as an Atjuntja noble.

    Nyumbin may also have had a personal hatred of the local Atjuntja governor, Namai Urdera. Many stories will describe quarrels between the two. Some of those are undoubted later embellishments, but it is known that Nyumbin did not have a good opinion of the Atjuntja governor.

    Whatever his reasons, Nyumbin would lead the greatest rebellion which had been seen in Tiayal since the earliest days of the Atjuntja empire.

    Nyumbin launched his rebellion in May 1632. He acted two weeks after word came of the death of the King of Kings, when the Atjuntja governors had gone to the capital to attend his funeral, and before the kings [5] in the White City could decide which of the many sons of Kepiuc Tjaanuc most deserved the imperial dignity. Whether by intelligence or good fortune, his timing was impeccable. Late May marked the start of the campaigning season, when workers had finished the harvests and would normally be called to serve on labour drafts for the next three months [6].

    Nyumbin called on these workers to fight instead, in the name of the Inayaki and the Djarwari peoples. He found plenty of volunteer militia to supplement his own personal troops. He put his rebel troops to immediate use, gathering them around the garrison-city of Archers Nest and storming it using a combination of surprise and well-crafted ladders. The captured Atjuntja, both soldiers and non-combatants, were massacred, except for a few of noble blood who were kept as hostages. The Dutch at Fort Nassau maintained a wary neutrality, and he ignored them as posing no threat.

    Following this success, Nyumbin marched east to capture the major garrison-city of Verdant Valley [7]. In the absence of the governor, who perhaps would have been more judicious, the local military commander decided to engage Nyumbin’s numerically superior forces outside the city’s walls, rather than settling into a defensive siege.

    The Atjuntja commander trusted his troops’ discipline and superior armour to carry the day, but Nyumbin relied on a tactic he had learned when desert hunter-gatherers used against him: feigned retreat. He used his best-trained personal troops to stage an apparent retreat, and then others hit the pursuing Atjuntja in the flank. The Atjuntja army broke and fled the field, leaving Nyumbin’s forces to occupy Verdant Valley, where he conducted a similar massacre of all Atjuntja within its walls.

    In the space of two weeks, Nyumbin had captured two Atjuntja garrison-cities, when even capturing one had been a rare feat in previous rebellions. These triumphs attracted a flood of support for Nyumbin’s cause both from peasants and other non-Atjuntja nobles.

    Nyumbin sent some of his newly-raised troops east to capture the next major garrison-city of Spear Mountain, although that venture simply resulted in a long siege which would eventually be abandoned when word reached the besiegers of events elsewhere. However, the presence of those troops meant that the Atjuntja dominions were now cut in half, since the rebels controlled all of the major roads north.

    Leaving his eastern forces to continue the siege of Spear Mountain, Nyumbin marched northwest to the next major northern garrison-city, Lobster Waters. The commander here had the good sense to avoid battle too, with his troops defending the walls instead. However, they were betrayed from within, thanks to some local Inayaki servants who opened one of the smaller gates during the night, allowing the rebels into the city. This time, Nyumbin ordered only the soldiers killed, and spared the non-combatant Atjuntja to act as hostages, too.

    Nyumbin’s triple success at capturing garrison-cities and victories in the open field naturally provoked terror in the White City. No rebel leader before had been so successful. However, the capture of Lobster Waters did not give the same boost to Nyumbin’s cause as his previous victories. He had already attracted most of the available support from the Inayaki and Djarawari subject peoples. The Binyin people who lived further north were much less inclined to support him, thanks to a legacy of old hatreds and fear that they would simply be replacing Atjuntja dominion with Inayaki overlordship.

    Without additional support, Nyumbin was forced to return south to prepare for any Atjuntja counter-attacks. While he had gained control of considerable territory, the bulk of the Atjuntja armies were further south and east, in their old heartland. They did not march quickly to oppose him, but their threat remained significant.

    With his return to Archers Nest, Nyumbin had three choices. He could march south to try to capture the next coastal garrison-city of Corram Yibbal, although a siege risked becoming bogged down. He could go east to Verdant Valley and then take the major road to the White City, which was sure to bring about battle with the main Atjuntja armies. Or he could remain where he was, consolidate his control over his territory, and stage some meaningless negotiations with the Atjuntja while he tried to train and equip his soldiers up to Atjuntja standards.

    In the end, Nyumbin chose a middle course, opening negotiations with the Atjuntja over the possibility of recognition of his conquests, while he sent a portion of his forces south to besiege Corram Yibbal. The Atjuntja nobility sent representatives to conduct a pretence of discussing terms, but neither side treated these negotiations as anything other than a delaying tactic. The Atjuntja rarely bargained with rebels – and then only when they could find religious justification – but they welcomed the chance for a truce while they settled their own arguments about who should become the next King of Kings.

    The rebels and imperial forces clashed several times while these negotiations were taking place, but Nyumbin himself did not take the field until early in 1633, when he apparently felt confident enough to march on the White City. There were Atjuntja forts along the way, each of which would take some time to capture.

    Nyumbin never reached the White City. While he was besieging the third Atjuntja fort on the road there, he received word of disaster in his rear. Atjuntja troops had landed by sea, supported by men armed with strange thunder-weapons [ie cannon] that broke men and stone with equal ease. Archers Nest and Verdant Valley were quickly recaptured by imperial troops, destroying his supply lines.

    Nyumbin was forced to withdraw back toward Verdant Valley, only to be caught between imperial forces advancing from both directions. He accepted battle against the odds, and his rebels were systematically cut to pieces by Atjuntja soldiers. Nyumbin himself died in battle, preferring that fate to capture. His last words, according to most accounts, were to curse the Raw Men whose ships and thunder had brought about his failure.

    * * *

    From: The United East India Company: Reflections on the Golden Age”
    By Alexander Boniface

    In the aftermath of Nyumbin’s rebellion, the Company was quick to collect on the debt owed by the Atjuntja government. They were granted permission to establish a third trading outpost, which would later become Coenstad [Esperance, Western Australia]. All restrictions on fortifying and garrisoning their outposts were lifted. The Company obtained the right to sail east of Tiayal, although this was merely acknowledgement of a practice which had already begun.

    Further concessions followed, inevitably. Ostensibly little had changed after Nyumbin’s rebellion, since there was again an undisputed King of Kings ruling over Tiayal. In truth, the Company had been handed a wedge which it was quick to apply. The efficiency of Dutch shipping had been demonstrated, and the Atjuntja nobles continued to clamour for unrestricted trade.

    With those advantages, it took only a handful of years for the Company to demand unrestricted trade access, with the right to visit any Atjuntja port and trade in any goods they desired. For the Atjuntja monarchy, this had short-term benefits, since it placated an increasingly unruly aristocracy. In the long-term, though, it would benefit only the Company, since it disrupted the previous land-based Atjuntja internal trade networks, and destroyed the careful control of resource production which had been maintained by the King of Kings...

    * * *

    Third Harvest Season, 1st Year of King of Kings Manyal Tjaanuc [April 1633]
    Milgawee (White City) [Albany, Western Australia]
    Tiayal (the Middle Country) [western coast of Australia]

    Silence around him, at least as far as sounds carry to his ears. Namai Urdera lies in the centre of the public arena of the House of Pain, with twenty thousand people watching him, but he hears no noise save for a faint whispering on the breeze.

    He has been placed on a raised wooden platform, his wrists and ankles chained to four stakes. There is not much spare movement in the chains; his arms and legs are both spread wide. He has been left only a loincloth to wear, although he does his best to bear himself with dignity. His beard and head have been shaved, silent testament to the fact that this is no ordinary sacrifice.

    It is an execution.

    Namai has been condemned for failing to secure sacrifices from the Nedlandj, and for failing to prevent the rebellion of that infuriating man Nyumbin. He did volunteer to be sacrificed to the death, but that does not erase the condemnation. The King of Kings’ blessing has been withdrawn; Namai is no longer permitted to hear his voice or speak directly to him.

    Namai would not argue with the new King of Kings’ decision, even if he could. The Lord has been greatly angered, with what He has inflicted on the Atjuntja; only blood can answer the call. Namai does think, though, that his sacrifice will not be enough. Given the magnitude of the disasters, only royal blood can appease the Lord. The new King of Kings has about fifty surviving brothers. One or more of them must be sacrificed to the death.

    A shadow passes above him. The Appeaser is ready. No words are spoken, for none are needed.

    Namai does not know exactly what is coming, since every Appeaser has his own methods. He knows enough, though, after watching countless sacrifices, and now he will become one.

    The first cut is faint, oh so faint. Barely a touch of the knife. The second is slightly deeper, on the other side. The third cut is shallow, too, as far as he can tell.

    Something burns against him, the feel of hot metal. Air escapes his lips, but he does not scream. He will hold out against that for as long as possible. The more resilience he can show, the more that the Lord will be appeased.

    The Appeaser continues his work, slowly increasing the intensity of his efforts. Most of the cuts are shallow, and quickly burned afterward, to prevent too much blood loss. Namai knows this technique, too; he has witnessed it often enough.

    He blocks out the suffering as best he can, even when he feels the first of his fingers severed. Worse follows, but he tries to find a place inside himself. The pain becomes background to him, changing in form, slowly growing.

    It seems to Namai that the sky is slowly turning from blue to white. Intense white light, shining down on him. He knows what the Appeaser is doing, but it is as if the knife is being thrust into someone else. The white light grows, surrounding everything, replacing everything.

    Namai’s last thought, as the whiteness embraces him, is that no matter that the King of Kings has withdrawn his blessing, he has still been blessed, for he has been shown the colour of eternity.

    * * *

    [1] The beliefs which the Wurrukurr people possess are similar in many respects to those held by historical Aboriginal peoples, but differ in many of their details and interpretation. This is to represent the many changes which have arisen in *Australia.

    [2] The Wurrukurr are a people who live north of the Atjuntja domains, along the coast near historical Carnarvon, Western Australia.

    [3] This misinterpretation comes from the language of the Wurrukurr, who double many words to indicate plurals. When Attapatta hears a reference to the King of Kings, he interprets this to mean Many-King.

    [4] The desert peoples Nyumbin fought against were inland dwellers of the eastern desert, and only distantly related to the northern coastal dwellers such as the Wuurukurr depicted in the first section.

    [5] The “kings” amongst the Atjuntja are the heads of the thirteen greatest noble families, and who are formally responsible for naming the new King of Kings. Usually this is a formality, since the last monarch will have designated a successor, but Kepiuc Tjaanuc was better at encouraging competition amongst his sons than choosing one to be his heir.

    [6] The military campaigning season in Aururia is usually in late autumn and winter (by southern hemisphere standards). The weather then is usually cooler, and the harvests have just been collected. This allows both the conscription of farmers as additional soldiers or labourers, and ensures the largest possible food supply to support the armies.

    [7] Verdant Valley is the historical town of Northam, Western Australia. The general progress of Nyumbin’s campaign may also be easier to follow using the map of Tiayal shown here.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
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    Lands of Red and Gold #32: The First Seeds
  • Lands of Red and Gold #32: The First Seeds

    “Satisfaction comes from doing the proper works of a man.”
    - Plirite maxim

    “A man’s worth is no greater than the sum of his ambitions and his balance.”
    - Nangu saying

    * * *

    Werringi, or so his parents named him. One man among many born to the Wolalta bloodline, which itself was one bloodline among many which vied for wealth and pride in the endless struggle of the Nangu.

    Werringi would make a name for himself, though, as a sailor and as a trading captain. And, in time, much more. Before he breathed his last on this mortal world, where according to his devoutly held Plirite beliefs he would in time be reborn according to the balance of his own actions and the ripples in the wider cosmos, he had earned another epithet.

    Kumgatu, he would later be called, a name which meant “the Bold”. Awarded for the deeds he performed during his life – one in particular – it was the name by which he would be known in Aururia and, afterward, elsewhere.

    * * *

    April 1630
    Inner Sea, Southeast of Quamba [Mackay, Queensland]

    Stillness surrounded the Dawn Seeker; cloudless, almost windless sky above, and still, deep water below, so clear that it seemed as if the boat itself was floating in the sky.

    “Perfect weather,” Ouraidai said, from his place beside the steering oar. The same thing he usually said whenever he took the Dawn Seeker out to dive for coral. Of course, if it had not been a perfect day, Ouraidai would not have brought the twin-hulled vessel out of Quamba.

    Quailoi approved of that caution, naturally; Ouraidai had been his Elder Brother [1], and taught him so much of what it meant to be a man, including the need for prudence. Even now that Quailoi had married, the two men remained firm friends, and worked the Inner Sea together. Quailoi worked as the coral diver; Ouraidai now deemed himself too old for that kind of work, and steered the boat, watched the rope and helped from the surface.

    Ouraidai had steered the Dawn Seeker to the right location; a place where the water was shallow enough to let them see down to the sea floor below, but still deep enough to yield a particularly prized kind of scarlet coral. Any fool could harvest coral from the reefs which marked the boundary of the Inner Sea; finding a valuable sort in the depths was another matter entirely.

    Quailoi took his position on the poles which joined the Dawn Seeker’s two hulls together, and secured the rope to the poles in preparation to dive. Before he could enter the water, though, Ouraidai called out for him to wait.

    Quailoi followed the other man’s outstretched finger. Boats had appeared to the south. Three boats with sails of a proper triangular shape but with sails dyed a most peculiar shade of teal that nearly blended into the sea and sky. Doubtless that was why they had not noticed the boats before.

    “Have you ever seen boats with sails like that ?” Quailoi asked. It was a proper question to ask an Elder Brother; for a moment, it felt as if he was back in his youth, seeking guidance.

    “No. What proper Kiyungu would waste good dyes on a sail?” Ouraidai said. “Especially such an inauspicious colour.”

    Quailoi nodded. Sometimes Kiyungu from the southern cities were strange, but surely not so foolish as that. Still... “Yet who else sails the Inner Sea?”

    “None that I know of,” Ouraidai said. “Head-taking Daluming raiding the League cities in the south, yes. But I’ve never heard of them coming this far, and they prefer to strike by land anyway.”

    Quailoi could only agree. The Daluming could not be here, and no-one else could sail on the Inner Sea. To the north lay only barbarians who knew not how to farm; better to look for wombats to fly than for them to build boats with sails, let alone ones touched by dyes. But who did that leave? “Is there anyone else who might sail so far?”

    Ouraidai did not answer immediately; doubtless considering the question.

    While the other man thought, Quailoi looked at the boats again, and realised that they had sailed noticeably closer. Fast movement for ships in such a mild breeze; their sails must truly catch the wind.

    Now that the ships were closer, he saw more about them. They were double-hulled, like all decent boats, and large enough to carry several men. The sails were not just dyed teal, either. Each of them had a large hollow circle in the centre, dyed a brilliant yellow.

    “That pattern is to identify the ship,” Quailoi said. “It must be. The colours are to announce who the ships belong to. Like a banner, but without needing to attach it separately.”

    “It could be,” Ouraidai said. “Doesn’t tell us who they are though. Maybe, just maybe, they’re Maori from Aotearoa. They’d be from a long way away, but the Maori are said to sail to south of Daluming. Maybe they’ve decided to come further north.”

    Quailoi looked south again, to where the ships had come noticeably closer. They were truly moving quickly, even with the poor wind. “Well, we’ll soon find out.”

    * * *

    By 1629, Werringi had earned his path to the second-most senior trading captain of the Wolalta bloodline. His main voyages were to the eastern seaboard of Aururia, to what the Nangu called the Spice Coast, for the much-valued lemon and cinnamon verbena and other spices grown there. His main destination had been the caste-ridden, inward-looking Patjimunra city-states [Hunter Valley, New South Wales], but he had visited further north, too.

    In 1629, he found a new inspiration: to discover the homeland of the Raw Men who had come to visit the Atjuntja in the west. These Raw Men had made one brief visit to the Island in 1626, but now seemed to have spurned any further contact.

    Werringi decided that if the Raw Men would not come to the Island, then he would go to them. He had recognised that the Raw Men sailed north from Atjuntja lands, and knew that when they had visited the Island, they had continued east to visit the Cider Isle [Tasmania], and had then apparently turned north. So he reached the somewhat incorrect conclusion that the best way to reach the Raw Men’s homeland was to sail north along the Spice Coast and then on to unknown regions northward, turning west at some undiscovered point to sail west to the Raw Men’s homeland.

    Organising the voyage took several months, as Werringi sought to persuade other captains to join him, to find out what tales he could from people who had sailed north (or who claimed they had sailed north), gather provisions, and choose the most suitable ships.

    While as a senior captain he had a great-ship to command, Werringi chose to yield that ship and use a smaller vessel. Nangu great-ships could carry more cargo than any other ship, but they had a deeper draft and could not be pulled ashore on a beach at need, unlike the smaller Nangu trading ships. Given the risks and hazards of exploring such completely unknown waters, Werringi preferred to use a vessel which could land without needing a port.

    In time, Werringi persuaded two other Wolalta captains to join his voyage, and prevailed upon the Wolalta elder to promote another would-be captain to command of his own vessel. So, on what another calendar would call 14 February 1630, he set out from the Island, leading an expedition of four ships.

    The first part of the voyage was rapid, as Werringi guided his fleet through the familiar waters of the Narrow Sea [Bass Strait] and then north to the Spice Coast. The fleet resupplied at the Patjimunra city-state of Torimi [Port Stephens, NSW], a destination which Werringi had visited many times before, and which usually represented the northernmost limit of Nangu voyages.

    After leaving the Patjimunra, the expeditions proceeded north more cautiously. Werringi intended not just to reach the Raw Men’s homeland, but also to obtain a very detailed knowledge of the journey. After passing the Patjimunra lands, he started to chart the coastline, recording the general shape and key features, and keeping written records of the important events and what he and his crew had seen, including the shifts in the stars.

    The expedition visited Yuragir [Coffs Harbour], the capital of Daluming. Werringi had been to the kingdom before, but never as far north as the capital city. Here, he hoped to find out what the Bungudjimay knew about the geography and peoples further north.

    Instead, he experienced his first major misfortune. Due to a misunderstanding over cultural expectations [2], the Nangu sailors were challenged by a group of Bungudjimay warriors, and fled for their lives. Werringi himself narrowly escaped capture, but several of the sailors died, and Bungudjimay warriors boarded the last Nangu ship as it left shore. With a fight raging, the Nangu sailors fired their ship and abandoned it for the waves, swimming to the other ships and leaving the armoured warriors the choice of burning to death or drowning.

    After this escape, Werringi was careful not to land anywhere else in Daluming, although he maintained his careful charting of the coast. When he reached the Kiyungu lands of the Coral Coast [3], though, he found a much warmer welcome. Never any friends of Daluming, the southerly Kiyungu city-states had established a loose alliance to defend against raids from Daluming, and, in another form, proselytisation from the Yalatji people in the interior, who were increasingly strident advocates of the Tjarrling faith [4].

    The southern Kiyungu gave Werringi’s expedition a friendly reception, particularly the Kiyungu women, and this delayed the voyage for several days while the two peoples interacted. Werringi tolerated the delay because it served several purposes. It boosted the morale of his sailors, it let them learn the basics of a language which some of the other peoples further north might also understand, and it let him and his fellow captains find out what the southern Kiyungu knew about the world further north.

    After leaving the southern Kiyungu, the expedition passed west of Heaven of Sand [Fraser Island] and entered the Inner Sea. Here, they faced a new danger: coral reefs. They had been given sketchy descriptions of the region by the southern Kiyungu, and the reefs had been the feature which had most impressed Werringi. He ordered that their ships sail only during daylight and near low tide, so that they had the best chance to see any reefs, and if they did strike one, they could be carried off it by the rising tide.

    With these instructions, progress was slow within the Inner Sea, but much safer than could have been otherwise. The expedition made contact with some of the northern Kiyungu towns, including their northernmost major city at Quamba. These contacts were equally friendly, and led Werringi to recognise the value of sweet potato and lesser yams as tropical crops; the Nangu knew what they were, but had never seen them growing in the warmer climates to which those plants were most suited. However, these contacts did not add much to the expedition’s knowledge of the world further north [5].

    After leaving Quamba, the expedition reached truly unknown lands. The peoples who dwelt along the shore were mostly hunter-gatherers who were only slowly acquiring crops and domesticated animals from further south, while the waters were warmer and more filled with corals.

    Werringi ordered his ships to take even more care. He also decided that for the rest of the expedition, his ships would need to make regular stops along the shore to identify potential resupply points and ports. If possible, they should also establish relationships with the locals, and learn whether they would be amenable to ongoing contact. For the distance his ships were sailing had started to give him some appreciation of how far it might be to the Raw Men’s homeland, and if this were to become a regular Nangu trade route, outposts would need to be established along the way.

    The voyage amongst the reefs of the Inner Sea was arduous, but Werringi had never lacked for persistence, and kept his captains and crew motivated. In time, they found the reefs fading into the depths beneath them, and felt winds and currents coming out of the west. All of the seasoned Nangu sailors recognised this as a new sea, or at least a new strait, and Werringi ordered his ships to turn to the west, believing that at long last he was nearing the Raw Men’s homeland.

    In fact, the distance he still had to travel was greater than that which his ships had covered. After negotiating their way through several islands, the expedition found that the land now turned to the south, more than the west. Disappointed, Werringi could only order that the ships continue to follow the coast, and make regular stops to ascertain the nature of the country and the people.

    Discouragement followed disappointment as the great exploration continued. Werringi’s ships explored what their maps eventually let them realise was a great gulf in the mainland [Gulf of Carpentaria], and then kept going west. On one beach which he would name Blood Sands [on Melville Island, Northern Territory], his ships were attacked by the locals one night when they were beached, leading to a fight with several casualties on both sides, before the locals were driven off.

    Enough Nangu sailors were killed in that battle that they did not have enough crew to operate all three ships properly. Werringi made the reluctant decision to burn the third ship, and the surviving sailors crowded into the two remaining vessels.

    After Blood Sands, the expedition faced an even more difficult choice. The land started to turn southward again, and there was no indication whether it would ever continue northward. Werringi had to decide whether to strike out to sea and hope that he could find the Raw Men’s homeland out over the open ocean, or continue following the coast toward what would, most likely, eventually lead them to the Atjuntja lands.

    Had Werringi but known it, if he had sailed a few days across the open sea, he would have reached Timor and probably come into contact with the Portuguese. After much discussion with his fellow captains, however, he decided to continue following the coastline. The expedition had already lost half its ships, and losing another would mean that their sailors could not all make their way home even if they survived the ship’s destruction. Even if the Raw Men’s homeland could not be discovered on the first voyage, what his expedition had discovered so far would be invaluable to allow further expeditions. And if all else failed, the Raw Men had outposts in the Atjuntja lands; perhaps they could be visited there.

    So Werringi’s ships followed the coastline west and south with their usual slow, methodical progress. In time they reached peoples who had knowledge of the Raw Men; enough to recognise what ships were, even if not much more than that. That did not make Werringi change his mind; he still believed that the best course was to follow the coast, rather than strike out to wherever these ships sailed.

    And so, on 18 September 1631, Werringi’s two remaining ships anchored off the shore of the Middle Country, at a Raw Men outpost which its inhabitants called Fort Zeelandia...

    * * *

    18 September 1631
    Fort Zeelandia [Geraldton, Western Australia]

    Sails on the western horizon, or so the warning had come. That had been enough for Governor De Vries to order every available man with a musket to the docks, in preparation for whatever raid might be coming. Word had come by runner – Atjuntja runner; for once their roads brought word faster than ships. The Spanish had raided Fort Nassau a few days before, bringing fire and blood with them. If they planned to do the same here, then De Vries would make sure that they did not find easy pickings.

    When the two ships came closer, though, he saw that they could not be Spanish. Twin hulls, triangular sails dyed blue-green with a golden ring in the centre. Smaller than he had expected, too. Certainly not big enough to mount many cannon or carry a large group of sailors. Even if this were somehow a Spanish ruse, so few men would not pose a danger.

    “What sort of ships are they?” De Vries asked. “The Atjuntja can’t build anything remotely like this.”

    Pieter Willemszoon, next to him, said, “Can never be sure, but I think that they’re Islander ships.”

    Islanders? Here?” De Vries said. “The Atjuntja forbid them to come here.” A great pity, that, and a greater shame that Governor-General Coen had not pushed more vigorously for trade with the Island. From what De Vries had sampled of their kunduri, in particular, he thought that was a great loss.

    Willemszoon shrugged. “The Atjuntja forbid us to sail east of Cape Hasewint [Cape Leeuwin], too, but that hasn’t stopped us.”

    “I suppose. Still, I’d have expected them to go to Fort Nassau before coming here.” He paused. “Before the Spanish raided, at least.”

    The two ships quickly neared the shore, even with the breeze blowing out to sea. They tacked effortlessly, it seemed, and sailed closer to the wind than any ships which De Vries had ever seen.

    When the two ships were almost to shore, the crew on one pulled down the sail and threw a rock over the side, with a rope tied to it.

    “Anchoring off shore?” Willemszoon murmured.

    “Only one,” the governor said. The other ship kept on coming, straight to an open place on the dock. As if it had every right to do so.

    This close, he could make out the men easily enough. Dark skins like the natives here, although all of them had dark hair, too. That settled it. Nothing the Spanish could have done would have let them send these men here in a ruse. It had to be Islanders, and clearly coming to parley. Prudent, too, to keep one ship out to sea so that it could run for home with word if the first ship were attacked or its crew imprisoned.

    “When the Islanders land, send their leaders to my residence,” De Vries said. “With an armed escort, of course.”

    “Sir?” Willemszoon was usually efficient, but he did not follow the governor’s train of thought this time.

    “They want some sort of bargain, or they wouldn’t be coming. Better to discuss that in comfort in my residence than at the docks when surrounded by armed men, don’t you think?”

    Willemszoon nodded.

    Some time later, with De Vries sitting comfortably in his favourite chair, Willemszoon re-appeared. Along with three of these Islanders, dressed in a rather poor state, but then they had surely been sailing for a while. And five Dutchmen, all with muskets and swords. The Islanders did not carry anything more dangerous than knives, but better to take no chances.

    One of the Islanders, obviously the leader from the way the others regarded him, spoke in heavily-accented Atjuntja. “May this meeting bring harmony to both our peoples, with the guidance of the Good Man.”

    The words sounded stylised and formal, even through the heavy accent. It took De Vries a moment to realise that they were a blessing of sorts. Well, he had already known that the Islanders were no proper Christians. Hopefully their pagan gods weren’t as bloodthirsty as those of the Atjuntja.

    “May God smile on us,” he said, also in the Atjuntja language. Except that he used the proper Dutch word for God. He would not deign to invoke the name of the heathen Atjuntja deity, even indirectly.

    “My name is Werringi. I am of the...” He paused, and had a rapid exchange of words with one of his fellow captains. “Your pardon, but this Atjuntja language does not have the right word. I am a captain of the great family Wolalta.”

    “I am De Vries, governor of Fort Zeelandia.” He also noted that while this Werringi used the Atjuntja language, he was not very fluent in it. In fact, De Vries thought that he spoke it better than the Islander captain. A puzzle, perhaps, but one to be considered at another time. “Be welcome here, although I am surprised that you have come.”

    Werringi said, “Your people did not come back to our Island, so we decided to come to you.” He had a sly smile as he spoke.

    “I understand that the Atjuntja forbid you to sail past... Sunset Point,” he said, remembering the Atjuntja name for Cape Hasewint.

    “Our agreement with the King of Kings forbids us to sail west past Sunset Point,” the Islander said. “So I did not sail that way. My ships came here from the north.”

    “That’s impossible!” De Vries snapped. In Dutch, he realised a moment later, but the other man clearly understood the tone if not the words.

    “A bold feat, yes,” Werringi said. That sly smile returned at the word bold. “But we have mastered a feat of navigation to match that which you Raw Men have done.”

    That smug overconfidence needed to be punctured. If not, De Vries would not have revealed something he had always been ordered to conceal. “Not by a tenth, I think. Sailing to the Netherlands, our homeland, takes up to a year, most of it across the open ocean far out of sight of land.”

    That news weakened the Islander’s confidence, sure enough. “A year?” he asked, his smile falling into a frown. Then he and the other two Islanders broke into a heated argument.

    De Vries let them argue volubly for a time, as he considered his own position. Orders against revealing anything to do with navigation existed for a reason, although he supposed that mentioning that the voyage took a year would not do any great harm.

    Still, the Islanders would certainly have more questions. Unless he could distract them with something more important. He said, “You have truly sailed around all of this land?”

    Werringi said, “I said it, and it is true.”

    “What did you discover? What lands did you find on this voyage?” he said.

    Werringi said, “Offer me a cloak for a spar, or a spar for a cloak.”

    “What the... What do you mean?”


    Werringi frowned. “You Raw Men are traders. You know that knowledge comes with a price. You do not ask for a gift of knowledge. Especially not something as valuable as our maps and tales.”

    Charts? De Vries had not even realised that these Islanders made charts. He wondered, for a moment, what else they knew. “You want to bargain for maps?”

    Werringi shook his head. Among that Atjuntja, that was a gesture of agreement. Apparently the same held true for the Islanders, for he said, “I offer a copy of my maps and records of my voyage around the world. In exchange for charts and tales of your own. You will tell me about the land you Raw Men come from, and how you sail here.”

    This time, De Vries needed to consider for even longer. Charts were protected documents for very good reason; the Company hid its navigational knowledge to gain an advantage over rivals. Still, the bargain was extremely tempting. Learning about the geography of a whole new continent, and of the peoples who lived there, could be invaluable.

    Worth trading for knowledge of our own charts and voyages? Yes, he decided, after a while. If he told these Islanders how to sail to the East Indies, that would be nothing which the English and the Spanish did not already know... and the Spanish knew how to sail to the South Land too, now.

    In any case, he would not have to tell the Islander captain everything. And no matter what he told them, he doubted that these pagans would raverse the world’s oceans and sail to Amsterdam. To Batavia, perhaps, which might be a problem, but hardly any worse than the English who already sailed there.

    “Let us discuss this further,” he said, and they settled down to bargain.

    * * *

    With his landing at Fort Zeelandia, Werringi became the first Nangu captain to seal a trade bargain with the Raw Men. Or the Nedlandj, as he now knew that they were called. He was fortunate, too, that the Atjuntja governor was far too concerned with manoeuvring his soldiers against a possible Pannidj threat to argue much over the presence of Islanders in forbidden country. The Atjuntja governor simply informed him that what he had done was not forbidden this time, so he could visit provided that he did not attempt to trade, and that word would be sent to the King of Kings. It might prove that the treaty with the Nangu would be revised to forbid any travel to the western shores of the Middle Country, regardless of the route.

    Werringi quietly avoided mentioning the knowledge exchange, but simply resupplied his vessels with food, which was permitted under the treaty, then set out again. He kept his ships well out to sea this time, rounded Sunset Point, and visited the White City long enough to leave another copy of his charts and journals with the Wolalta who lived there, in case of misfortune on the final leg of the voyage. Then he took his remaining two ships into the seas of endless winds, and returned to the Island. There, his voyage quickly won him a new name...

    * * *

    Taken from: “A History of the Dutch-Speaking Peoples”
    By Hildebrandt van Rijn

    The Cape marked a great landmark to the intrepid navigators who first explored the world’s ocean, but as a land for settlement, it would take much longer to gain notice. The native Hottentots were not welcoming of outlanders, and the Portuguese who first explored the Cape had no interest in displacing them. The Portuguese established supply stations further east, and left the Cape largely neglected.

    As Dutch and English trade with the Orient expanded, the Cape became a useful stopping point for ships whose crews suffered from scurvy or other malnutritions. It lay at a convenient midpoint between Europe and the Indies, and so by the turn of the seventeenth century, the Cape was regularly visited by European ships.

    With the United [Dutch] East India Company’s trade with the Orient booming, by 1635 the Lords Seventeen approved the establishment of a permanent settlement at the Cape [6]. The original intent was not for large-scale colonisation, just for a suitable harbour for ships avoiding bad weather or needing repairs, and to allow sufficient provisions to resupply passing ships.

    The first expedition reached Table Bay in 1637. The early efforts proved to be a failure. European crops and farming techniques were poorly suited to the lands around the Cape, and food had to be brought in to resupply the settlement [7]. The Lords Seventeen were not pleased to have a victualling station which in fact could not supply victuals to passing crews.

    Plans were made to abandon the settlement, until a returning Councillor [of the Indies] who stopped at the Cape noted that the climate there was very similar to that in much of Aururia. He suggested that perhaps crops from the northern hemisphere did not grow as well in the southern, but that Aururian crops would provide a useful alternative.

    Given that this particular Councillor [8] was about to join the Lords Seventeen, his idea was well-heeded. The only difficulty was that the Dutch-speaking peoples at this time had very little knowledge of how to farm Aururian crops. There had been previous sketchy attempts to introduce various crops to both Amsterdam and Batavia, which had until then been unsuccessful except for some small success in growing murnong in the Netherlands.

    So the Company decided to procure both crops and workers from Aururia. Two hundred Mutjing men and women from Valk Land [Eyre Peninsula, South Australia] were persuaded [9] to settle in the Cape in 1640, and ample supplies of seed for their preferred crops were brought with them.

    In line with the Councillor’s expectations, the new crops thrived in the Cape. The first red yams were supplied to ships in the first year, and bountiful harvests of cornnarts [wattle seeds] from 1642. Harvests of their variety of flax were also plentiful, which laid the foundations for a weaving industry to supply new ropes and sails to damaged ships.

    The endeavour was successful enough, even after some conflicts with the Hottentots, that in 1643 another forty Mutjing families were invited to abandon their struggling homeland and move to the growing settlement at the Cape...

    The first significant problems arose in 1645. An outbreak of measles killed nearly a quarter of the Mutjing farmers. The distraught people turned to a religious explanation; they blamed the epidemic on the lack of guidance in how to avoid bringing disharmony. They demanded that the Company bring in a Plirite priest and allow them to build a small temple for him.

    The Company officials at the Cape knew that allowing the establishment of a heathen temple in a Dutch colony would not be viewed favourably in Europe. However, to a Company pragmatic enough to maintain trade with the Atjuntja, overlooking the presence of a Plirite priest or two in one of their distant outposts would be no difficult task. Keeping the Cape settlement functioning properly was deemed to be the greater priority, and a Plirite priest was duly invited from Valk Land. They expected, with some justification, that in time the Mutjing farmers would convert to Christianity.

    So the first Plirite temple was founded at the Cape in 1647...

    * * *

    [1] Elder Brother (or, more rarely, Elder Sister) is a social institution amongst the Kiyungu which involves an older man (or woman) assuming a role as a mentor and lover of a younger person. The mentor is always of the same gender as the younger, and it is considered a valuable way of teaching about love, life, proper values, the social order, and often a craft skill, too. The formal relationship is ended when the younger gets married, although usually the elder party will still be available to provide advice to the younger for the rest of their lives.

    [2] That is, the Nangu sailors thought that the best place for their heads would be attached to their bodies, while the priests of Daluming thought that those same heads would be of more use in niches in the Mound of Memory, ie the great pyramid where the heads of certain notables are kept behind glass.

    [3] Coral Coast is the name which the Kiyungu give to the historical Gold Coast, Moreton Bay and Sunshine Coast in south-eastern Queensland. This area does not actually produce coral; from here, the Kiyungu would sail north to the Inner Sea (ie the waters bounded by the Great Barrier Reef) to collect it.

    [4] The Yalatji people live in the Neeburra [Darling Downs], among the headwaters of the Anedeli [Darling River]. They have gradually converted to the Tjarrling faith, a related belief to the more orthodox Pliri faith, which treats the Good Man as a semi-divine figure.

    [5] At this time, the northern Kiyungu are slowly expanding their areas of settlement along the coast, thanks to the new crops of sweet potato, taro and lesser yams which let them farm the tropics. The process is relatively slow, though, since the Kiyungu don’t have much cultural drive for exploration or expansion.

    [6] This decision has been taken about fifteen years ahead of when the VOC would historically decide to approve a settlement on the Cape. The earlier settlement is because the VOC’s trade is both more profitable and higher volume than it was at the same point in OTL. Even with the casualties from the plagues, the Aururian gold, silver, sandalwood, sweet peppers, and first shipments of kunduri have significantly boosted revenues.

    [7] The historical settlement of Cape Town experienced similar early problems, although they were eventually resolved by better strains of European crops.

    [8] Van Rijn is being coy about naming the Councillor because the person in question happens to be one of his ancestors, and he considers it immodest to name him.

    [9] Persuaded in a manner of speaking, that is.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #33: Sprouting Stalks
  • Lands of Red and Gold #33: Sprouting Stalks

    “The Nedlandj are covetous and cunning, loud and quickly-spoken, and sail to the uttermost reaches of the world. Of balance they know nothing, for they proclaim for one god yet ignore his rules in pursuit of gold.”
    - Anonymous Nangu sailor, describing the Dutch after visiting Batavia

    * * *

    Azure Day, Cycle of Water, 392nd Year of Harmony (3.13.392) / 30 November 1631
    Crescent Bay, The Island [Kingscote, Kangaroo Island]

    “This place is no longer what it once was,” Yuma Tjula murmured.

    He needed only to feel the extra weight on his shoulders to know that, or glance at the men escorting him. Once, Yuma had walked alone anywhere on the Island wearing whatever sumptuous clothes he liked, armed with nothing but the common Nangu dagger which was as much tool as weapon.

    Now, he did not dare. Whenever he set foot on the streets of Crescent Bay, or almost anywhere outside of the lands of his own bloodline, at least four men came with him. Four men armed not with the usual knife but with swords and maces. Four bodyguards. It seemed surreal, even now, like something out of the old days of vendettas.

    Those old days had returned, though. Yuma no longer wore a gem-studded headwreath to proclaim his wealth. Instead, he protected himself with a bronze helmet of Tjunini manufacture, traded despite the war which consumed the Cider Isle. To protect his body, he wore an iron skin: Gunnagal mail, obtained in Jugara at a greater cost in dyes and spices than he cared to think about.

    Security had replaced ostentation. Oh, not entirely. He had still found time to have the helmet adorned with a few black and fire opals around the rim, and he still pondered what could be done to improve the appearance of the mail. But the fundamental problem remained: with the Island consumed by feuds, he had to protect himself, or the only adornment he wore would be blood.

    He guided his bodyguards past the docks, warily watching if any people in the crowd tried to press too close and slip in a knife. That was how the Beard, the elder of the Kalendi, had been hastened to his next life.

    Given the rumours of how the Beard had behaved in life, Yuma thought that his fate was an inevitable consequence, but the Kalendi did not see the outcome that way. They had declared a vendetta on the Nyumatta bloodline, the first called on the Island for many years. Inevitably, further death had followed in the wake of that call.

    As they neared the shipyards beyond the docks, Yuma saw that two ships were being built. Great-ships, from the size of the timber that had been assembled for the construction. Strange, indeed. Most ship-building had moved to the Seven Sisters [Eyre Peninsula] or the Cider Isle [Tasmania], since wood on the Island was more valuable for other purposes.

    Yuma almost stopped to see what purpose these new great-ships were meant to serve. Until he saw the banner hung between the ships, a scarlet triangle with stylised bone-white forked lightning in its centre. The symbol of the Manyilti bloodline. Who had declared a feud with his own Tjula bloodline, over Yuma’s actions in inviting the Raw Men to visit the Island. No, he did not dare go there. He was not yet ready to reach his next life, and the Island did not need another vendetta such as would follow from his death.

    Instead, he directed his bodyguards to step away from the docks and the water, into a street which ran between two warehouses. He wanted to keep well away from the Manyilti and their knives.

    In any case, he could guess why they were building new ships, if not why construction was taking place on the Island. Word of Werringi’s return was spreading, and the Manyilti must expect more trade as a result. They might even be right; the Raw Men were said to love kunduri, as their first visit had confirmed. The Manyilti were well-represented in the trade with Tjibarr, which would let them obtain it to trade to the Raw Men.

    Yuma stopped at an unremarkable stone building a short walk beyond the warehouses. Four more armed men stood at the front door, another reminder of how times had changed on the Island. This building was the official town residence of the elder of the Tjula, and served as the town headquarters for the bloodline.

    The residence was built of undecorated stone. The lack of ostentation suited its purpose. Almost all of the bloodlines, including the Tjula, maintained grand buildings and estates out in the country. A legacy of the old times when most of the Islanders lived in country holdings, not in the new cities. Those days had long passed, but most bloodlines chose to spend their wealth in country dwellings, not in the crowded environs of Crescent Bay.

    Inside waited Wirnugal, elder of the Tjula, and a half-dozen other trading captains. Wirnugal half-rose from his seat to acknowledge Yuma’s entrance. “Be welcome in my house, most senior of my captains.”

    Yuma returned the greeting with equally polite forms, but those words still brought a twist to his heart. Once, not so long before, Yuma had been only the third most senior of the Tjula captains. That had been before the swelling fever [mumps] and the red breath [tuberculosis] swept through the Island. Now the bloodline had been deprived of the knowledge and skills of those former two most senior captains, at a time of great troubles.

    For that matter, Wirnugal himself bore the marks of struggle; his face had more lines, his hair was white, and his voice lacked its former power. He had survived the red breath, but his days in this turn of life grew few. Which left Yuma feeling even more uncertain. He had always wanted to lead the Tjula, given time, but not so soon, and not this way.

    Wirnugal said, “You have all heard, by now, of what Werringi claims to have done.”

    “A very bold move, to sail around the world,” one of the captains said.

    If he speaks truth,” another captain answered.

    “If what he says is true, he has not sailed around the world at all,” Yuma said. “He has only sailed across a small part of the world.”

    Werringi had been coy about many of the things which he had discovered on his voyage. Doubtless he had carefully prepared charts, and those would be shared only amongst his bloodline’s friends. He had met with the Raw Men, and maybe he had established private bargains and obtained other secret knowledge

    But what Werringi had revealed had been amazing enough. Yuma was still trying to fit his head around the idea of how big the world might be. A year to sail to the homeland of the Raw Men? Twice that, or more, to sail around the world?

    Oh, he had always known that the world was round, as did any learned captain or other great man. To see that, a man only needed to stand on the hill of the Temple of the Five Winds and watch distant ships disappear below the horizon, their hulls vanishing first and only afterward their sails and mast. The scale, though...

    “Can that be true?” said Njirubal, now the second-most senior Tjula captain, and a man who Yuma thought had reached that rank too soon.

    Wirnugal provided the answer, though. “It can be. The world curves beneath our feet; this we have always known. Perhaps the Raw Men have told only half the truth, and they exaggerate the size of the world to dishearten us from sailing to their homeland. But this much my heart knows to be true: the world is much larger than we have ever known, and there are peoples whose wealth and power dwarfs that of the Yadji or Atjuntja.”

    The pause which followed was long. Each man filled it with his own thoughts. Yuma wondered how the Raw Men had so much decisiveness, that they could sail so far. The others, no doubt, had other things in mind.

    Sure enough, one of the captains said, “If we find them, the trade which would follow would surpass anything which the Atjuntja have, too.”

    “Or it may bring us nothing but torment instead,” Njirubal said. “Witness how the Island seethes with feuds since the Raw Men first visited.”

    That was a thought more worthy of the second-most senior trading captain. Yuma added, “And what if some kinds of Raw Men would bring war to the Island? The White City is full of stories of the war-making brought by some new group of Raw Men.”

    Wirnugal said, “My heart tells me that the Raw Men will come to us again, no matter what. Better that we find them, too, no matter what else may happen. To act otherwise would bring only discord from their visits, without any counterbalance to bring harmony.”

    Yuma nodded. As always, Wirnugal saw clearly. But then, what else was an elder expected to do? He said, “We need only decide, then, how best to contact the Raw Men.” Remembering Wirnugal’s words about balance, he added, “And whether to do it alone or in alliance with other bloodlines.”

    Wirnugal frowned. “Truth indeed. Feuds bring disharmony. Perhaps only through joint action can we bring back balance on the Island.”

    The Tjula settled down to discuss how best to reach the Raw Men.

    * * *

    For the first decade after de Houtman landed on the western shores of what they now called the South Land, the Dutch had only limited contact with the eastern inhabitants of the Third World. Failures of early exploration, the intransigence of Governor-General Coen and the disruption of the plagues combined to delay any regular contact with the east.

    Motivation for more extensive contact came from several sources: the shock of the Spanish raid on Fort Nassau in 1631, obtaining copies of the charts of the first Islanders to circumnavigate the continent later that same year, and a growing appreciation of the native drug called kunduri. Rumours of more gold and spices to the east only added to the growing desire.

    Lars Knudsen, the governor of Fort Nassau who had taken office in 1631, had been instructed as part of his orders to establish trade links with the Islanders and any other peoples of commercial interest in the east. While he spent most of his time rebuilding the damaged outpost, he also discreetly gathered what intelligence he could obtain about the eastern peoples, their languages, and their habits.

    By a stroke of good fortune, one of the labourers obtained to help rebuild Fort Nassau had previously been drafted to work in the Foreign Quarter of the White City, and had gained a basic knowledge of the Islander language. With the help of generous gifts of steel, Knudsen arranged for the labourer to work permanently for the Company.

    With this, copies of charts obtained from the Islanders, and other information garnered from Atjuntja sources, Knudsen decided that he knew enough to organise another expedition to the east. Using authority which was not formally his, he redirected two of the next group of ships to visit Fort Nassau, the Fortuin and the Zuytdorp.

    The two ships were loaded with a variety of trade goods, particularly steel swords and other metal goods, textiles, and two rather expensive clocks procured by Knudsen after their original owners failed to interest Atjuntja merchants in trading for them. Knudsen had a hunch (correctly, as it turned out), the eastern peoples might find them of more value.

    Knudsen gave command to Willem Cornelis, a young man [1] who showed talent, and gave him the services of several interpreters, most of whom spoke only the Atjuntja language, but including the one Nangu speaker available. The governor issued only broad orders. Renew contact with the Islanders and their neighbouring peoples. Validate the charts which the Company has received. Explore the potential for extending the Netherlands’ protection to any of the eastern peoples you may visit. Obtain a good price for the trade goods which you have been provided, and gather information about what goods are in most demand and of highest value in the east. Establish trade agreements or at least ongoing trade relationships, particularly for kunduri.

    The two ships left Fort Nassau in February 1632, just as a chickenpox epidemic was sweeping through the Middle Country, brought either by those ships or others in the same fleet. After a quick voyage in strong winds, they reached the coast of what the Dutch knew as Valk Land [Eyre Peninsula], a shoreline dominated by bleak cliffs but with occasional openings. Venturing into one of those openings, they discovered a sheltered bay [Venus Bay] with tidal flats, islands and lagoons, but enough deep channels to let them sail further in.

    On the shore, they discovered a city and port nestled among flat expanses of yam and cornnart [wattle] fields. The city’s inhabitants proved friendly enough, and through the Nangu-speaking interpreter, explained that this was the city-state of Luyandi [Port Kenny, South Australia]. Its elected ruler was named Maralinga, and he offered warm greetings to the newcomers, along with an invitation to trade food for any goods they might have to offer.

    Luyandi was a Mutjing city-state, and like all of those cities it was under the economic hegemony of the Islanders, although it took some time for the Dutch to discover this fact. Islander hegemony had never been exercised through direct rule, only through trade contacts, religious pressure where required, and through mediating disputes between the Mutjing cities.

    Always a man with an eye for opportunity, Cornelis extended a tempting offer to Maralinga: gifts of steel and textiles in exchange not just for food, but for a trade agreement with the Company. The Lords Seventeen are powerful, he explained, and their influence reaches across the world. They offer you their friendship, and more besides. Exclusive access to these trade goods, the only Mutjing city which would be granted that privilege. And protection from your enemies, if needed.

    To cement his offer, Cornelis provided a demonstration of what sort of protection the Company could offer: first muskets, then cannon. Maralinga was most impressed, and indicated that he would welcome a trade agreement. With one codicil: Luyandi would not fight against the Island, and if the Dutch attacked the Island, the trade agreement would be void.

    The Company offers only friendship and trade with the Island, Cornelis assured Maralinga. Wars are nothing but trouble and interrupt peaceful trade.

    So Willem Cornelis became the second Company officer to strike a trade agreement with a South Land people, and started what would become a very long period of Company presence in Luyandi.

    After sailing on from Luyandi, the expedition charted the coast of Valk Land, making brief contact with other Mutjing ports, but making no attempts to engage in further trade. Cornelis steered his ships along the eastern side of Valk Land, in the gulf which opened before him [Spencer Gulf], and thus he and his crew became the first Europeans to discover Dogport [Port Augusta] at the head of the gulf. This ancient port linked to the opal mines inland, and while under nominal Tjibarr rule, in practice it was controlled by the local Nangu port captain. Here, Cornelis traded for opals and other goods, and found that textiles and steel were again profitable goods, but he received only evasions when he tried to set up any more lasting trade agreements.

    Sailing down the eastern shore of the gulf, which he named Brouwer Gulf after the new head of the Company in Asia, he had more contact with areas which were genuinely ruled by Tjibarr, but had no more fortune in securing trade agreements. Whenever he tried to find out who ruled any particular city, he would provoke an argument amongst the inhabitants, which would usually never be resolved.

    He only had more success when he worked far enough along the coast to reach Jugara [Victor Harbor], a port which had previously been visited by François Thijssen in 1626, and where the Nangu port captain was only too eager to allow trade. The local Gunnagal factions quickly bid against each other to obtain European goods, and most particularly the two clocks. The holds of the Fortuin and Zuytdorp were nearly emptied and refilled with a large weight of kunduri, and smaller amounts of Gunnagal jewellery, perfumes, dyes, new flavours of sweet peppers unlike those grown in the west, and a new spice somewhat reminiscent of ginger [native ginger].

    With his trading triumph, Cornelis deemed this an auspicious time to visit the Island, where he planned only to renew contact before sailing west for home. His reception on the Island was much less welcoming than he had expected; the Islanders had heard of his visits to Valk Land and Jugara, and expressed opinions varying between puzzlement and resentment about why he had not reserved his best goods to trade on the Island. Cornelis had held a few goods back, but they were the least valued of his ships’ contents, and the astute Islander captains recognised it. He secured some vague agreements from some of the bloodlines to consider his goods next time, but for the immediate time, most of them refused to take trade goods which they viewed as leftovers.

    Worse was to follow. Cornelis wanted to sail directly home from the Island, but to do that, he needed a favourable wind. The prevailing winds blew out of the west, and his ships could not sail effectively into those winds. He waited for what he hoped would be a brief time, but week after week passed, with no sign of a change in the winds. His ships remained effectively trapped in Crescent Bay, unable to return to Fort Nassau.

    The Islanders’ reactions changed from resentment to amusement, and in time to mockery. Cornelis and his crew were held on the Island while Nangu trading ships set out, week after week, including the departure of the main trading fleet to the Atjuntja lands. One less than tactful captain asked Cornelis how he expected to trade if he had only ships which were at the mercy of the winds [2].

    Still, the time which his expedition spent in Crescent Bay was not wasted. Cornelis was not idle; he learned much of the Nangu language, and discovered much more of their customs and beliefs. He evinced a polite interest in the Pliri faith, enough to visit several of their temples, and established friendly relations with some of the priests. He built his knowledge of the bloodlines and the commercial rivalries which dominated Nangu society, and he kept detailed descriptions of what he had seen.

    After four months on the Island, Cornelis in increasing desperation began to consider even sailing east around the South Land and returning to Batavia that way. He was spared that decision when, a few days later, the winds changed to blow steadily out of the northeast, and he launched the Fortuin and Zuytdorp back into the west. He returned to Fort Nassau after a total of eight months voyage, much longer than he had originally planned, and with a much greater appreciation for Islander seamanship.

    * * *

    [1] The Company has a lot of young men in its service at this time, since many of its more experienced employees have died of the plagues.

    [2] The Nangu ships use a variation of the Polynesian crab claw sail (adopted from the Maori) which allows them to tack easily even into strong winds.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #34: Intermission
  • Lands of Red and Gold #34: Intermission

    Not a very long post here - more of an interlude. Writing the next instalment has taken much longer than I had planned, so I've separated it into multiple sections. Here's the first part.

    * * *

    17th year of Regent Boringa Yadji [June 1629]
    Kirunmara [Terang, Victoria]
    Land of the Five Directions (Yadji Empire)

    Drums beat, voices chant. Sunlight spills over feather-bedecked, thread-of-gold wearing priests and singers. Leather shoes click on tiles; the floor awaits its mistress.

    Lenawirra glides into the centre, her movements sinuous, her limbs moving in patterns shaped in memory and in song, never resting. One step flows into the next, arms and shoulders matching in counterpoint. Stillness cannot prosper, jerkiness would be betrayal. All must be continuous, her body as fluid as the water which drives history. Only the ears can distinguish the separation of her movements, her shoes falling in a staccato of their own, the tap of leather on ceramic.

    In the centre she halts, the pattern suspended to await command. Before her rests a cushion, in the hands of one she dares not name, even in the sanctity of her own thoughts. He is the... No, think not of him. Look instead at the object that awaits.

    A shape of gold and feathers, a mask that conceals the face and will reveal the soul. Two golden rings to surround her eyes, with a leather strap at their sides to fasten around her head, while the shape of the mask below the eyes first expands slightly, then closes in a wedge that will fit just below her chin, with delicate feathers carved into its shape. She has been honoured beyond words with this gift; no-one else in the court is permitted to wear the shape of the eagle [1].

    Gleaming is the mask, polished of gold, a mirror of power. Visions are blurred, in feathers and shapes, but herself she sees, imperfectly yet fittingly. Her skin dark of nature, her hair green of artifice, her clothes woven of determination.

    “Wear what calls to you, fear it not,” he says, the man before her. Look at him now she must, for all that she would declaim that privilege. His name she still will not think, for to speak it while he yet lives is to bring misfortune or worse upon oneself.

    The Lord of All is he, the Regent of the Neverborn, the supreme ruler of the Land of the Five Directions, the first above the earth. His name belongs to himself alone, and it will not be spoken by another living being until he goes to fight his Last Battle [ie dies], where if he is victorious he will hear a voice calling to him: “Truly fought, my noble Regent, but now seek rest; your Emperor awaits you now.”

    That voice has not yet called him, but another voice calls to her. It is the Regent, speaking not according to the forms, but outside of them. “Take up the mask, Lenawirra. It belongs to you, if it belongs to anyone.”

    With such a command, she cannot refuse, even if it brings her pain. Coherent now, the Regent sounds. Such a division it brings, the two sides of her heart beating against each other. Better if he were consumed entirely by madness. A fully insane Regent would have forced the priests to resolve the situation. Where sanity flits like a banner caught in the wind, how can anyone know whether to honour the Regent or mourn him?

    Take the mask, she would prefer not, yet. Right yet, the time is not. The sun shines on the floor, but not yet on her.

    Commands the Regent, though, and obey she must. Rhythm returns, hands moving in the pattern that has become part of her soul. Dons the mask she does, the drums beat again, and the chanters raise their cries. The music dictates her movements, Lenawirra steps outside of herself, and the Mask Dance consumes her.

    Woe is unto the night, or so comes the chant, and her limbs move in accord. Flowing, outstretched arms circling her, above and below, banishing the darkness.

    Goanna steps into the sun. The dance shapes into a new rhythm, balancing her as she leans back, as if she were poised on two legs and tail.

    Owl lands on the tree. Arms outstretched again, swooping down this time, coming into what would be a perfect landing and then stillness, except that the dance calls her into the next steps.

    Sun glints off the waves. Undulating patterns of arms, legs, chest and head, dipping and raising, circling slowly around the motionless figure of the Regent.

    Whirlwind calls to the dust. Arms upraised above her, still for the first time in the dance, her body twirling in not-quite-circles as she mimics the unpredictable shifting of the eddies of the call of the Lord of Night.

    Duck takes to flight. A gliding crouch she shapes, rhythmic and sensuous, with arms calling to the wind in ever-increasing flaps.

    Dingo calls the hunt. Circles again, she does, with arms folded and mask uplifted, evoking the cries of the wild dogs now more memory than presence.

    Echidna protects itself. With practiced sweeps of her feet she suggests the exploring snout of the spiny totem, and curls her head down into a roll which brings her body briefly into the shape of a ball, as the echidna protects itself. The roll brings her to the feet of the Regent, where she stands with secreted knife now clasped in hand, and plunges it into the Regent’s chest.

    Move she will not, as agonised cry comes from the Regent’s throat, overwhelmed at first the chants. Soon those fade as witnesses observe, the criers falling silent, the drums ceasing their beat.

    Confusion and shouts, anger and despair, all beyond her. Lenawirra removes the mask, and she returns to herself. The rhythm has fled, the pattern broken, the Regent gone to a contest he must face alone.

    “It had to be done,” she says, words that he can no longer hear, and which no-one else cares to know. Where sanity is an occasional refuge, the Land of the Five Directions leaderless, no man dares to take up the knife, to her it has fallen.

    It is a crime beyond redemption, they will say. The Lord of the Night has taken on womanly form, they will declare. She cares not. Blame her they will, but praise the outcome they must. Where lunacy ruled, now a new Regent must be named to reign.

    The dance of her life has ended, but may the rhythm of the Land of Five Directions resume, moving always until the end of time when the Neverborn breaks free from the earth to claim His own.

    * * *

    [1] The largest Australian eagle, the wedge-tailed eagle (Aquila audax) has an extremely distinctive wedge-shaped tailed which is easily recognised in flight. The wedge-tailed eagle is associated with royalty and power amongst eastern Aururian peoples, including the iconic representation of a wedge to show its tail.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #35: Blooming Flowers
  • Lands of Red and Gold #35: Blooming Flowers

    “The Nangu fear neither God nor danger. They care for naught but lucre and glory.”
    - Vasily Mikhailovich Stolypin

    * * *

    The 1632 voyage of Willem Cornelis to Valk Land, the Copper Coast and the Island marked a watershed in the history of eastern Aururia. Its long isolation from the rest of the world had been broken; from this time forward, it would remain in contact with the wider world, and in particular with Europe.

    For the investors of the United East India Company, the promise of new wealth in the Orient appealed, particularly given their unstable situation at home. Europe still reeled from the aftermath of a wave of epidemics whose combined death toll was exceeded only by the Black Death as the greatest plague in history [1]. The shock of those plagues had destabilised a continent already in upheaval, and set it aflame with religious and trade wars. The situation had grown unfortunate enough that one English statesman saw fit to remark: “it is as if a ring of fire has encircled the Continent”.

    Still, for all of Europe’s troubles, markets remained for Oriental goods. Cargoes of silk, porcelain, peppers, cloves, nutmeg, and other spices still commanded high prices. The Company had to pay higher wages to attract employees from Europe to make the voyage to the East, but it remained a highly profitable enterprise.

    Into this volatile environment, Cornelis’s voyage offered new opportunities, such as dyes, opals, new spices, and an additional source of gold. Above all, though, ranked kunduri. The natives chewed the drug with wood ash, but the Dutch sailors quickly discovered that it could be smoked, to most pleasing effect. Its effects were both like and unlike tobacco; more intense per weight, usually with a calming effect, but in large doses, it acted as a hallucinogen.

    Kunduri created a new market for the Company, in the Indies, in India, and potentially in Amsterdam and Europe. Unfortunately, obtaining a reliable supply of the drug initially proved to be a difficult enterprise. Sailing to eastern Aururia was easy enough, with Dutch ships driven by the seemingly endless winds of the Roaring Forties. Sailing back to Batavia from eastern Aururia, though, posed more problems. It required waiting a long time for a change in the winds, or a long voyage around the east of the Great South Land. These difficulties were particularly galling when the Islanders were effortlessly able to sail west from their homeland to the Dutch trading posts on the western edge of the continent.

    In time, these problems were resolved, and trade in kunduri boomed. With the booming trade, however, came competition...

    * * *

    Taken from: “People of the Seas: The Nangu Diaspora”
    By Accord Anderson
    New London, Alleghania: 1985

    Chapter 2: Early Ventures

    Venturesome yet restricted, the Nangu had been. Confined by a horizon of misknowledge, their voyages had been begotten of the possible, not the unknowable. Where rumours or faint existing knowledge preceded them, the Island’s trading captains had ventured in search of profit. Yet restrained they were by falsity of belief, by unwholesome fondness for the notion that all the tradeworthy civilizations were confined to the southeast and southwest of the continent. Beyond those confines, the Nangu ventured not.

    Kumgatu [Werringi the Bold] shattered those old limits with his first great feat. Circumnavigation of Aururia beguiled the Island, yet his true accomplishment lay in the relocation of the horizons of knowledge. The Nangu learned of the great expanse of the globe. With the barriers of the mind now lifted, the trading captains could venture forth.

    Truly great voyages could not yet be made, until sufficient Nangu acted in dandiri [bringing harmony]. From first knowledge of the Dutch and their goods, disharmony had been the reaction, with feud and vendetta the consequences. Bereft of balance and committed to waal [bringing discord] were too many, Nangu both high and low, those who listened not to better counsel, and those who followed where the imbalanced led.

    Mistrust fed among the bloodlines in the early years, a poison on the Island. Rivalry had been ancient, competition and striving for achievement a mark of men of decisiveness, yet most Nangu had forgotten the need for balance with cooperation. Bloodline had always sought to undercut bloodline, but not where this meant weakening the Island against the world.

    With the wealth and diseases of the wider world, too many Nangu forgot the old lessons. Feuds ruled the bloodlines, knives ruled the cities, and desperation ruled trade. Waal became the norm, the Council an argument rather than a mediator, and bloodlines sought to outbid each other at the expense of the Nangu.

    Bought at unreasonable prices were Dutch goods, captains most astute at bargaining with Atjuntja or Yadji or Tjunini slavered over steel and silks. Marked the purchases were in unrealistic hope, that an excessively-priced commodity bought now could be resold at a price truly exorbitant to a greater fool. While plentiful the world supply of fools has been, it is not truly limitless; the overbidders found in time that they ran out of greater fools to resell to.

    Contest and discord at home made for inaction abroad. Long had the Mutjing looked to the Island. Now they started to turn away. The Dutch called, found the Mutjing willing. Help did not come enough to those Mutjing who resisted Dutch influence. Decisiveness could have restored the drifting Seven Sisters to the Nangu orbit, yet hesitation and squabbling marked the Island’s response.

    Inevitable were the consequences, in an Island where struggle predominated. Disharmony ruled too many, bringing them to ruin; time would bring an extinction to many ancient bloodlines.

    Yet as each man’s fate is a balance between his own actions and the ripples of the cosmos, so the Island itself shook on waves born on another shore. Calamities afflicted the Island, many consequences of the Dutch. While misguided reactions to doom consigned many bloodlines, gravely troubled even the most harmonious still would have been.

    Outlander goods, ships and merchants gravely weakened the old Nangu trade monopolies; Atjuntja gold and sandalwood increasingly sold north to Batavia, not east to the Island. Dutch ships ventured east in numbers ever greater; even if inferior in sailing technology, superior still in armaments and in cargo capacity. Kunduri, the greatest trade good of all, lost its exclusivity, Jugara [Victor Harbor] witnessing Dutch merchants bidding, often with Atjuntja goods brought east on Dutch not Nangu ships.

    Superior westward-sailing ships preserved much Nangu advantage, granting them some wealth still, buoyed by the foresight of Gunnagal who refused to sell all of their greatest harvest to the Dutch. Bold Nangu captains brought kunduri and spices to the White City, although the fading authority of the King of Kings still stretched far enough to forbid the Nangu to sail around Cape Sunset to Fort Nassau. Yet still the old trading roads [2] were gravely weakened.

    Plague and illness marked Dutch contact; death stalked ahead of them. Mumps, tuberculosis and chickenpox were scourges early and heavily felt; worse than one in ten Nangu died on the Island from the marks of the Dutch. Knowledge faded, labour grew scarce, markets grew smaller; scarcity brought its own consequences.

    Discord reigned, yet not all bloodlines let feud consume them. The more aligned sought return to the old, better ways; competition between bloodlines, but cooperation between Nangu. Desperation and astuteness combined purposes to shape alliances.

    Most determined, and most astute, was Kumgatu and his Wolalta bloodline. Negotiations opened with Yuma, elder of the Tjula, with bargaining most astute leading to pact. Old knowledge of cooperation forged with new concepts acquired from the Dutch. The outcome a syndicate, with proportional sharing of profit from all trading voyages that ventured further afield than Cape Sunset in the west or east of the River Gunawan [3]. The benefits obvious to anyone who heeded the counsel of the priests and sought harmony, two other bloodlines swiftly joined the syndicate.

    Under the aegis of cooperation, the Nangu became venturers again...

    * * *

    The first sustained contact between Nangu and Nedlandj influenced both peoples. The Nedlandj were influenced by what they found – particularly kunduri – and were quick to report back on the wealth which could be found in what Cornelis’s report called “a land of gold, and more than gold”.

    What the Nedlandj were slower to grasp was that in the Nangu, they had found a people unlike any they had met before. A people who were not content merely to trade with the Nedlandj, but prepared to sail out in search of new trade markets, and to seek to control trade on their own terms. A people of an alien faith whose priests sought, politely but persistently, to persuade all Nedlandj visitors to adopt their creed.

    A people, in short, who would be influenced by the Nedlandj, but on their own terms.

    The early Nangu reactions to the Nedlandj activities were a combination of concern, bemusement, and desire for the new opportunities. Concern, because the Nedlandj had started to displace Nangu influence in the Seven Sisters [Mutjing lands], with the potential to interfere with the food imports which sustained the Island. And because the Nedlandj trading directly at Jugara threatened to cut the Nangu entirely out of the kunduri trade.

    Bemusement, because for all of the apparent wisdom of the Nedlandj, their ships could not manage as simple a task as sailing into the wind. And because of some of the prices the Nedlandj were willing to pay for commonplace goods, such as indigo and (especially) sweet peppers.

    Desire, because for all of the factionalism and disease-induced strife which troubled the Island, the Nangu had never been a people to pass up on an opportunity. The sight and tales of European ships inspired the Island’s shipbuilders, and several bloodlines started to build bigger ships even before Cornelis’s visit.

    Those efforts were intensified in the months after Nedlandj contact. Most of the bloodlines intended only to move larger volumes of cargo west to Atjuntja lands to trade with the Nedlandj. One group, though, had more ambitious ideas.

    During the Nedlandj visit to the Island, many curious Nangu asked questions about the nature of this “Company” that the Nedlandj all obeyed – or was it worshipped? The answers were puzzling and misinterpreted in part by the Nangu; joint-stock companies were not a concept which mapped easily onto their worldview. Collaborative trade and profit-sharing, though, they understood easily enough, even if to most of the bloodlines, three centuries of rivalry prevented them putting it into practice.

    Some, though, applied the new lessons.

    Werringi the Bold wanted to build on his first circumnavigation of Aururia, while Yuma, the new elder of the Tjula bloodline, knew that his bloodline’s experience trading with the Atjuntja was obsolete with the new rush for direct trade with the Nedlandj. The Tjula had wealth and ships, the Wolalta had the knowledge and contacts with the eastern peoples to make truly long-range voyages possible.

    A pact of cooperation and profit-sharing suited both of the bloodlines, and the terms were quickly and discreetly negotiated in 1633. Over the next year, two further bloodlines were quietly recruited to join the syndicate. The Muwanna bloodline were discredited politically within the Island, but preserved excellent contacts with the kingdom of Tjibarr, which promised access to large yields of kunduri. The Nyugal bloodline had voyaged to the Spice Coast [eastern Aururian seaboard] almost as much as the Wolalta, and were willing to bring their own ships and wealth to the new syndicate.

    The syndicate had one major goal: to establish direct trade with the Raw Men in their trading posts in the Indies. They knew of the Nedlandj at Batabya [Batavia], and their rivals the Pannidj who had an outpost somewhere east of that land [Timor]. Werringi argued – and his collaborators agreed – that despite the risks, such voyages would allow much better terms for trading kunduri than bidding against other bloodlines to bring the drug to the White City.

    Werringi first negotiated a treaty with the Patjimunra city-state of Torimi [Port Stephens, NSW], which was ideally placed to serve as a safe harbour and resupply point on voyages north. With the support of the Nyugal bloodline, he established a broader treaty with the Kiyungu city-states further north. The pact with the Kiyungu involved supplying iron weapons and armour, in exchange for spices and for farmers who would serve for several years at the more northerly resupply port which the syndicate planned to establish.

    With Kiyungu support secured, the syndicate set up a new victualling and repair station in the northernmost reaches of Aururia, at a place which Werringi called Wujal [Cooktown, Queensland]. Here, on his first voyage north, he had found a natural harbour with suitable land for farming, and whose river offered easy inland access for any timber required to build or repair ships. The new outpost had a Wolalta port captain, a handful of permanent Nangu residents who were mostly carpenters and loggers, and a larger number of Kiyungu recruits sworn to serve five-year terms as farmers of kumara [sweet potato], taro, lesser yams, and wattles.

    By 1635, Werringi was confident enough in his ships and knowledge of the sea routes to undertake a new long-range voyage. With four great-ships – one from each bloodline – and a few smaller vessels, his second great voyage set out from the Island with a cargo of previously-acquired kunduri. They sailed east and then north along the Spice Coast, including a visit to the Kiyungu to trade for additional cargo of eastern spices: lemon verbena, cinnamon verbena, aniseed verbena, and strawberry gum.

    After visiting Wujal, they passed through the strait which Werringi had named the Coral Strait [Torres Strait], and sailed west and north toward the islands which they knew only as the Indies. Astute interpretation of the Nedlandj charts, combined with traditional Nangu stellar navigation, let them recognise the larger islands. Werringi led his ships through the Lombok Strait and then west along the north coast of Bali and Java until he arrived at Batabya.

    The presence of Nangu traders in Batabya itself caused consternation, both amongst the Nedlandj and the native Javanese who lived around the port. The Governor-General of the Indies, Hendrik Brouwer, wondered for some time about how best to respond to these audacious Nangu.

    Profit won in the end, though; the first shipments of kunduri to Europe were already showing marvellous profits, and having the Nangu ship them to Batabya would avoid the complication of sending ships to the eastern reaches of the South Land and having to deal with the difficulties of coming back [4]. The new spices which the Nangu brought offered intriguing potential too, especially since the Javanese had experimented with lemon verbena and were effusive in its praise.

    So the Nedlandj and Nangu concluded their first trade deal outside of Aururia, and Werringi the Bold led his ships back east laden with wealth. They sailed from Batabya via the Coral Strait and the Inner Sea, south against the prevailing winds, until they arrived at Torimi to resupply.

    Other strange ships waited in that harbour: large multi-masted vessels which were recognisably ships of the Raw Men, but flying an unfamiliar flag. These were the ships of William Baffin, sailing for the English East India Company...

    * * *

    12 April 1636
    Amsterdam, United Netherlands

    A dimly-lit room, with comfortable but widely-spaced chairs whose occupants can make out only outlines of each other. This is not a place for men to know who speaks to each other. What they discuss here is not treason, precisely, but it will gravely anger powerful men when it is revealed. If it is known too soon, the endeavour will fail.

    Pieter Nuyts stands in the middle of the circle of chairs; he, at least, does not fear if his identity is known. Those same powerful men have already judged him and cast him out; he no longer fears their displeasure [5].

    “A new world beckons,” he says. “A new people in a land of gold. Yadji, they are called. A people with more gold and silver than the Atjuntja, or the Aztecs before them.”

    “Trading for gold would violate the Company’s monopoly,” someone says.

    “The Company has ignored the Yadji and their gold,” another speaker says.

    “Even so, to trade for gold would invite their retribution,” the first speaker answers.

    “Let the Company keep their trading licence,” Nuyts says. “What I plan is more direct.”

    Several of the occupants make polite inquiries.

    Nuyts says, “The Company scratches around for gold, and for goods they can trade for it. They find some... but there is so much more to be had in the South Land. Why pay for eggs when you can own the chicken?”

    That brings about a rustling of bodies on chairs, and quiet mutterings. At length, one speaker ventures, “You want to conquer the Yadji?”

    Nuyts nods. “Indeed. Bring them to their knees, and their gold will be ours for the taking.”

    “You think you can conquer their Empire?”

    “It can be done,” Nuyts says, every word dripping with confidence. “Cortes broke the Aztecs. Pizzaro conquered the Inca. Both with only a handful of men.”

    That produces a long, thoughtful silence. He knows what must be filling their thoughts: visions of gold. Is it time to make those visions more real? No, not yet. Let them consider for longer first.

    A speaker says, “The Indians fought with stones. These South-Landers have iron.”

    “Iron, yes, but not steel,” another speaker says.

    Nuyts says, “The Yadji are a pagan rabble. They know not gunpowder; they lack both cannon and muskets. They have no cavalry. Given me a thousand good men, armed and trained, and I will have the Yadji bowing to me, and their wealth will give you recompense a hundredfold.”

    “Bold, if it works. Foolhardy, perhaps, to strike at a land so far away,” says one speaker.

    Another says, “The Company has allies nearby... Valk Land, is it called? Perhaps we could operate from there. If not, there is the Island. They will do anything for lucre.”

    The first speaker says, “Even if so, how can a thousand men overrun an Empire? Cortes did not fight alone. We must have local allies, if this is to work.”

    Nuyts smiles. “The Yadji rule over alien subjects. A people called the... Yadili on their border, who embrace the same pagan faith as the Island. They yearn to be free of the Yadji, and will surely help us. Better yet, the Yadji fight among themselves. Their last emperor was assassinated. His sons contest over his legacy.”

    “Are you sure about this?” the first speaker asks.

    “Quite. The one who slew their emperor wore this.”

    He pulls the cloth from a podium beside him. This is the one place where there is bright light in the room, the better to reveal the golden eagle mask. Feathers delicately traced, fitting over a shape of gold, gleaming in the light. A worthy treasure in itself, but an auspicious omen of what can be found among the Yadji.

    “They see this mask as damned, now; it was traded to the Yadji’s enemies the Tjibarr, who sold it to the Island, and then to us. But the Yadji still fight among themselves. They are weak, and ripe for conquest. Who wants to be part of this endeavour?”

    This time, there is no pause, just enthusiastic acclamation.

    * * *

    [1] Across the world as a whole, the Aururian plagues have inflicted a higher absolute death toll than any previous epidemic in history, although the Black Death and some earlier plagues were worse in proportional terms.

    [2] The Nangu word translated as “road” has a much broader meaning than the modern historical English equivalent.

    [3] The River Gunawan is the Snowy River in historical eastern Victoria. In allohistorical Aururia, this marks the eastern border of the Yadji Empire. The Wolalta and Tjula have made, in effect, a trading company which will share profits anywhere outside of the core areas of Nangu trade.

    [4] That is, the Dutch ships would need either to wait an interminable length of time for the prevailing winds to change, or sail all the way around eastern Aururia and New Guinea (or the Torres Strait) to come back to Batavia.

    [5] Pieter Nuyts (senior) in actual history was a Dutch diplomat, explorer and politician. He was on the first Dutch expedition to visit southern Australia in 1626-7, where several geographical features are named after him today. After that expedition, he became a Dutch emissary to Japan, and governor of Formosa (Taiwan). He proved to be a failure both as diplomat and governor, angering the Japanese when he was there, causing resentment amongst the Taiwanese, and eventually taking some Japanese merchants hostage. Nuyt’s eldest son Laurens was one of the Dutchmen taken hostage by the Japanese in retaliation; Laurens died of dysentery in 1630 while still in Japanese imprisonment. Nuyts was so despised that he was extradited to Japan in 1632 to be punished there for his actions, and was imprisoned there for four years before his release was negotiated. When he returned to Batavia, he was given a large fine for his part in the whole mess with Japan, and sent back home.

    In allohistory, Nuyts’s 1626 voyage never makes it to southern Aururia, since like most VOC expeditions by this time, it stops off at Fort Nassau instead to resupply. Here, Nuyts keenly noticed the wealth of gold in this new, barbaric land. (In both real history and allohistory, Nuyts had a low opinion of ‘natives’.) He still went to Formosa to serve as governor, where while the details were a bit different, he bungled relations with Japan badly enough that he was still packed of to Japan for punishment. The disruptions of the Marnitja and blue-sleep plagues, and a wealthier VOC being better able to negotiate, meant that Nuyts was released two years earlier (1634), and he was also fortunate that Laurens survived with him. Nuyts was still fined heavily and sent home to the Netherlands, though. In allohistory, though, he has found a suitable way to take revenge on the Company. (And thanks to Ran Exilis for suggesting the allohistorical potential of Pieter Nuyts).

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #36: Breeze Ruffles The Petals
  • Lands of Red and Gold #36: Breeze Ruffles The Petals

    Life is keeping me rather busy of late, which has delayed me from writing what was planned to be the second half of this post. Rather than keep everyone waiting even longer, I thought I’d at least post the first half.

    * * *

    “For then there will be great tribulation, such as has not been from the beginning of the world until now, no, and never will be.”
    - Matthew 24:21

    * * *

    Year of the Twisted Serpent [June 1629]
    Kirunmara [Terang, Victoria]
    Land of the Five Directions (Yadji Empire)

    Without any false modesty, Gunya Yadji knew that he looked splendid today. Of course, he had no modesty in him, false or otherwise. But then, today of all days, he had to appear in his finest attire.

    Gunya wore his most splendid tunic, woven from a base of dog-wool collected from the packs of hair-dogs maintained on the royal estates to the east of Kirunmara. The dog-wool had been carefully dyed into a pattern of azure and scarlet. Around his chest, golden thread had been woven into the pattern, and four small silver plates studded with freshwater pearls. The weight of his anjumi [headband] spoke of the gold thread which had been used in that, too. Fortunately, the lorikeet feathers which decorated his anjumi were as light as they were spectacular.

    He strode out of his private chambers, where his scale-armour-clad bodyguards awaited him. The four bodyguards went down on one knee and ritually pressed their lips against the cold floor tiles.

    “Obey me,” he said, using the ritual words, and they rose to stand around him.

    “To my cousin’s chambers,” Gunya added. The first bodyguard led the way toward the private chambers of the Regent, who was after all the only cousin whom Gunya would never refer to by name.

    They never reached the Regent’s chambers, of course. All as Gunya had known, or rather, hoped. If Gunya’s mad cousin who called himself the Regent could still be found in his chambers, or even found breathing at all, then events had gone terribly wrong.

    Jirandali, Third Watcher of the Dreams [a senior priest], intercepted him about halfway to the Regent’s chambers. Jirandali wore finery almost a match for Gunya’s own: a single gold plate adorned with polished rubies and diamonds covered his chest, and his anjumi was decorated with tanned goanna-skin leather. An unusually splendid outfit, which meant that the priest must have been attending the Mask Dance.

    Sure enough, Jirandali said, “I bear the gravest of news for you.”

    The man used the neutral version of the pronoun when referring to Gunya [1]! Either he was distressed enough to commit a major social blunder, or he presumed far above his station. Gunya was a prince of the royal family, who even his worst foes admitted was second in line to the succession – and in his own opinion, first in line. No priest could claim him as an equal!

    Gunya did not answer, waiting for Jirandali to admit the gravity of his error.

    The priest did not appear to notice. He looked instead to the bodyguards. “This news should not be overheard.”

    After such an insult, Gunya was not of a mind to make even minor concessions. He inclined his head to his bodyguards and said, “Speak of this to no-one without my permission.”

    Jirandali fixed him with a level stare. Gunya matched it.

    After a moment, the priest relented. “Your cousin, the Regent, has been hastened on his journey to join your royal ancestors.”

    “That is an abomination,” Gunya said. He carefully did not pretend to show shock at the news. Astonishment would be expected, in one sense, since this was a crime which had not happened since far beyond living memory. In the more important sense, though, showing surprise would also show weakness. “Which man has served the Lord of Night with such a deed?”

    “Not a man. A woman. Lenawirra, who was to perform the Mask Dance, stabbed the Regent.”

    “This will not be publicly announced,” Gunya said, using the commanding form of the verb [2].

    “Quite. Let it be said that the swelling-fever [mumps] has claimed him,” the priest said.

    “Well-chosen. The sickness caused by these strange Raw Men is believable,” Gunya said.

    Such a good answer, in fact, that suspicion stirred in Gunya’s heart. How did Jirandali have such a plausible excuse so ready to bring out? Perhaps the priests had been making plans of their own.

    Well, I’ll have to see about that. “No matter how the truth is concealed from the world, we must find it. How convenient it is that the... now-departed? Yes, good, the now-departed Lenawirra was able to conceal a knife? Who was responsible for searching her before she came into the presence of my cousin?”

    “I do not know,” Jirandali said, using the commanding form of the verb. Interesting.

    “Find out, then, and quickly,” Gunya said.

    In truth, he neither knew nor cared exactly how Lenawirra had concealed the knife. It may well have been that respect for the dignity of the woman chosen to dance the tribute to the Regent [ie perform the Mask Dance] had kept anyone from searching her. But asking the question would make the priests uncomfortable until they had an answer. Anything which gave discomfort to the priests was valuable, and doubly-so at a time when he would need them distracted.

    All that Gunya cared about was that he knew that the trail would not lead back to him. He had nothing to do with the means Lenawirra had used, only her motivation. It had taken considerable effort to bring her to think of the need to commit this deed. No doubt she even thought to her dying moment that it was her own idea. Her own inception.

    Gunya knew better, of course. His departed, unlamented cousin Boringa had been only an occasional guest in the halls of sanity. That had suited the priests well – far too well, since they could claim to speak for him, and ignore the wishes of those who knew better how to renew the vigour of the realm.

    The Land of the Five Directions had drifted leaderless for too long, weakened inside its borders. While outside the treacherous Tjibarr had seized the wealth of the Copper Coast, and the mercurial Gutjanal had seized the northern gold mines of Djawrit [Bendigo, Victoria]. A firm hand was needed, one which could slap down the priests and then strike the enemies abroad.

    “I will ensure that an investigation is undertaken,” Jirandali said. “Questions will be asked, as vigorously as needed. In the meantime, who will oversee the rites for the Regent?”

    A dangerous question, that one, and another reminder that the priests must be playing games of their own.

    “I will do that,” Gunya said, as he had long been planning.

    “Then I leave it to you to inform Bailgu Yadji,” Jirandali said, then turned smoothly on one heel and withdrew.

    Gunya decided, then, that Jirandali would have to suffer the same fate as his recently-departed cousin. Such a barb, such insolence, could not be tolerated. Well, there were many ways that a man could die.

    Bailgu! How dare that meddlesome priest speak of him now? Bailgu had far too much ambition – everyone knew it – and would surely bid to follow Boringa into the Regency. He would have to be dealt with, one way or another, but Gunya did not need the priests interfering.

    “To the Eagle Tiles [3],” he said. “Much must be done.”

    * * *

    The Yadji Empire had long been ruled by the family of the same name, but in the centuries of its existence, it had never solved two fundamental questions: how the royal succession should be determined, and what the relationship should be between royal princes and senior priests.

    The royal succession was complex since there had never been any formal system of primogeniture. Any close male relative of the current Regent could be chosen as successor. Yadji stability relied on the authority of the current Regent to name a preferred heir, which could usually be honoured after his death. Occasionally the succession had been challenged, but the only serious bloodbaths had been fought when the succession was unclear.

    The relationship and lines of authority between senior priests and the royal princes was equally complex. Priests in the outlying towns were little more than extensions of the Regent’s will, and relocated regularly to prevent them establishing a local power base. Senior priests were another matter entirely; their tenure in the capital was usually for life.

    During times of a strong Regent, senior priests in Kirunmara were often given considerable de facto authority, since they were perceived as more reliable than often quarrelsome princes. In times of a weak Regent, the senior priests sometimes had even more authority, since they were able to persuade a Regent to follow their lead. When the Regent was gone, the senior priests often had some influence over his successor.

    Nevertheless, no matter how much unofficial power the priests had, no priest could ever formally rule the Land of the Five Directions. All authority ultimately derived from the Yadji family, from the descendants of Narryani. The royal princes might seek the support of the priests, or the priests might find a means to use a royal prince as a figurehead, but the princes could never be ignored entirely.

    With the assassination of Boringa Yadji, and an investigation into his murder which would ultimately prove fruitless, the worst aspects of the Yadji power structure were now brought to the fore.

    No clear successor existed. Boringa had never fathered a legitimate child. Nor had he named a chosen successor. Given that he had been known to speak as the interpreter for his pet rock, any designation of a successor would likely have been ignored anyway.

    Without a son, the most likely candidates for the succession were the two oldest cousins, Gunya and Bailgu Yadji. Neither had a clear advantage over the other. Gunya was older, but was the son of Boringa’s youngest aunt. Bailgu was younger, but the son of Boringa’s elder aunt. Both believed that they had the strongest claim, and both were prepared to fight to back their claims.

    Worse, the senior priests were bitterly divided about which prince to support. The arguments turned into recriminations, which turned into rows. Ultimately, the Yadji succession would be determined on the battlefield...

    * * *

    “In battle, never a step backward.”
    - Yadji saying

    * * *

    [1] All Junditmara pronouns and personal titles come in six versions: dominant, submissive, masculine, feminine, neutral, and familiar. A complex set of social codes dictates which form should be used in which circumstances. (See post #16 for more information). In this instance, Gunya is concerned because the priest used the neutral form, which suggests either that he does not know whether Gunya is a superior or not, or that they are of equal rank.

    [2] In the Junditmara language, most verbs have two flavours, which can be roughly categorised as “directive” or “suggestive”. Directive implies command that something must be done, or in other circumstances, indicates that a person is certain that something was done. Suggestive describes a request or a preference, or in some cases, indicates that a person is uncertain whether something happened in a particular way.

    [3] ie the room where the Mask Dance is performed.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #37: The Time of Troubles
  • Lands of Red and Gold #37: The Time of Troubles

    “Nothing is stronger than the bond between brothers, except the hatred between brothers who have fallen out.”
    - Batjiri of Jurundit [Koroit, Victoria]

    * * *

    Year of the Twisted Serpent [August 1629]
    Kirunmara [Terang, Victoria]
    Land of the Five Directions (Yadji Empire)

    Around him, the familiar stone of the House of the Dawn [1]. Much less splendid than his own chambers in the great palace, but much safer. Gunya Yadji did not risk setting foot inside the palace these days, unless surrounded by a host of bodyguards.

    “I welcome you,” Gunya Yadji said, using the masculine form of the pronoun [2].

    “You are generous [3],” said Bidwadjari, his guest, shaking his head [4].

    Gunya raised a palm, acknowledging the statement, then picked up a ceramic flagon and filled two goblets with a ganyu [yam wine] spiced with cinnamon myrtle and limes. He raised his goblet and announced, “To the memory of my departed cousin Boringa. Whatever his faults in life, may he find rest after fighting his final battle.”

    Bidwadjari held up his goblet in turn, repeated the invocation, and they both drank.

    After a moment, Bidwadjari said, “And with your cousin now consigned to memory, you” – he used the masculine form of the pronoun, too – “want to secure his legacy. With my aid.”

    “You are direct,” Gunya said, with what he hoped was a convincing imitation of surprise. He knew how Bidwadjari conducted himself; the general’s reputation preceded him. “But largely correct.”

    Bidwadjari frowned. “Soldiers have a saying: Safer to step barefoot into a pit of tiger snakes [5] than play in the politics of princes.”

    “With what is coming, all men must choose where they stand,” Gunya said.

    Bidwadjari said, “I would stand apart. I will lead the Fronds [his army group] wherever the chosen Regent commands, but I would not become involved in the choosing.”

    “These are not usual times,” Gunya said. “Omens stir, new plagues come out of the uttermost west, and a Regent has been slain. What would in ordinary times be most proper deference will in this time become impossible, for now there may not be a chosen Regent.”

    Bidwadjari stirred in his seat, then. Not standing, exactly, but flexing the heavily-muscled shoulders which had borne armour for longer than most men had lived. His hair – or what was left of it – had gone white, but he remained a most formidable figure of a man. Not to mention the most experienced army commander in the Empire; a man of such reputation that he could speak his mind to anyone he wished, without fear of retribution.

    At length, the soldier said, “It is for princes to decide which of them believe they should be the most worthy Regent.” He paused, then added, “Which, in your opinion, would be you.”

    “Of course I believe I would make the best Regent, or I would not have invited you here,” Gunya said. “Unfortunately, it is the first of your two statements which is incorrect.”

    Bidwadjari raised an eyebrow.

    “If it were princes who decided who will be Regent, I would not need to ask where you stand,” Gunya said. “But now priests interfere in the business of princes.”

    “Do you doubt their wisdom?”

    Gunya felt his lip curl. “Too many of our priests grew used to speaking for the Regent.”

    “Someone needed to rule while a mad Regent reigned,” Bidwadjari answered, his tone cool.

    “If they had ruled properly, I would not be concerned,” Gunya said. “Look at what happened while Boringa whispered and the priests claimed to interpret his words! Tjibarr seized the Copper Coast, Gutjanal took the gold of Djawrit [Bendigo, Victoria], and the savages grew restless on our eastern frontier [6]. All this happened, and the priests cared not.”

    “Our armies were not idle during those defeats, nor lacking in courage,” Bidwadjari said.

    “No man could ever doubt your valour, or that of our soldiers,” Gunya said. “What you lacked was support. The priests cared for nothing outside of Kirunmara’s walls, and you did not send you what was needed.”

    Bidwadjari had met Gunya’s eyes only briefly during the whole of the conversation, as was proper. Now, he turned his gaze squarely on Gunya. “You believe that if you become Regent, our armies will be victorious?”

    The old soldier had a truly penetrating gaze, when he chose to use it. Gunya did not hesitate before it, though. “I cannot promise that. What I do know is that they will not lack the support they need.”

    “And you think that your cousin will not do the same?”

    Gunya snorted. “Bailgu listens too much to the priests, and cares for naught but pleasure. He will not attend to the defence of the Empire. Oh, he can command armies – do not underestimate him – but he is lazy. A wastrel. He will be happy to sit in Kirunmara eating fish, drinking gum cider, and surrounded by concubines, while the priests rule and the Empire’s glory rots.”

    “I will consider this,” Bidwadjari said, his tone as neutral as the form of the pronoun he used. He rose to leave, and Gunya made no move to stop him. The great commander would decide alone which way he moved; no further persuasion would be effective.

    *

    Silence. Far too much silence.

    Immense though the royal palace might be, it had always seemed too small to contain the sounds of the people who filled it. Regents, princes, priests, cooks, soldiers, scribes, cleaners, and an endless stream of others moved in and out as duty demanded, and were rarely silent when doing so.

    Now, though, Bailgu Yadji found himself overwhelmed with silence. Many people had abandoned the palace, with no Regent to steer the Empire on its right course. Those who remained trod lightly and carried out their duties as quietly as they could, as if fearing that someone would notice them and order them to depart. When they had to speak, it was usually with lowered voices and brief sentences, as if every surplus word would become a fresh weapon raised against them when they went to fight their final battle.

    For himself, Bailgu Yadji cared nothing for the silence. He spoke as loudly as he always did. Louder, if anything. Let the fools and cowards mutter in their meanderings. He had a Regency to win; an Empire to put to rights. He strode the corridors of the palace, speaking to people whenever he could, reminding them of his existence while his foolish cousin had fled under the excuse of conducting a long vigil for the fallen Regent.

    This morning, he had one of the more devout priests awaiting him, so he kept his conversations briefer than usual. He did not want to keep one of the Neverborn’s more pious followers waiting too long.

    Still, one of the men he passed made him pause longer than usual. A man busily writing at a table hardly made for an unusual sight in the royal palace. Until Bailgu noticed the checked pink and gray pattern on the man’s anjumi [headband] which proclaimed him as a death warrior.

    There’s an incongruous sight. Rarely would a literate man be one who embraced the frenzied glory of the death cult. Nor was it common to see a death warrior without the white dye [7].

    Intrigued, Bailgu coughed to indicate his presence. The death warrior looked up, and said, “A moment please.”

    The death warrior wrote rapidly until the ink on his pen was exhausted, then rose.

    Bailgu said, “What is your name, sworn one?” He used the neutral form of the pronoun [8].

    “Batjiri of Jurundit,” he said. “Of the Fearless.”

    “Did you learn to write before you took the oath?”

    “Afterward,” Batjiri said. “So I could read the Nine Classics [9].”

    “Oh.” Strange. A man who waited calmly for battle and a frenzied death did not strike him as a man who should trouble himself to know the Nine Classics. Bailgu nodded at the writing table. “Are you preparing a new copy?”

    “No, I am writing a new text. I hope that someday it may be considered the Tenth Classic.”

    “Ah... Ah, that is... not what I would have expected from a man whose oath means that at any time he may be called to battle to chant his name until he is ready to make the ultimate sacrifice.”

    Batjiri shrugged. “Every man will go to fight his Last Battle sooner or later. They know not when it is, but act as if it will be far into the future. For me, the difference is that I accept that I could die at any time, if I am called. Even if my classic is unfinished, what I have written will still be worthy.”

    “A commendable ambition,” Bailgu said, carefully keeping his face blank. He understood what drove most death warriors, but this man...? He gestured to the writing desk. “If you want to resume your writing...”

    Batjiri’s lips twisted into a smile, one which did not touch his eyes. “If the oath has taught me one thing, it is the value of time.” The death warrior sat back down again, and Bailgu hurried on.

    Soon enough, he reached the chamber where Jirandali, Third Watcher of the Dreams [10] awaited him. Polite greetings took up some time, with mutual invocations of good health, long life, and listening to the voice of the Neverborn.

    After that, Jirandali said, “It is certain: your cousin met with the Head of the Fronds this morning.”

    If he had not been in the presence of a priest, Bailgu would have muttered a curse. Clenching his fists made for a poor compromise. “Bad enough that he meets with other Yadji [ie members of the royal family]. If he is trying to sway soldiers... Do you know if they reached any agreement?”

    “No-one is certain. If so, neither of them has said anything about it where our listeners can hear.”

    “Do you think that Bidwadjari would side with Gunya?”

    The Watcher looked thoughtful. “I think that he would prefer that a Regent is chosen quickly, without bloodshed.”

    “Which won’t happen,” Bailgu said. “I will not stand by and let that man lead the Land. He thinks only of this world, and cares nothing for preparing the Land for the world to come.”

    “All truth, and truth which you have said before,” Jirandali said. “Yet will it convince enough of your family?”

    Bailgu said, “I fear that too many of them share his obsession. Gunya thinks only of recapturing the Copper Coast.” He waved a hand in dismissal. “A folly believed only by those who cannot see clearly. We have fought Tjibarr for centuries, and never defeated them badly enough to hold onto the Coast for more than a generation. The blood and treasure we pay to take it are greater than the province is worth. Better to let Tjibarr have it, and the joy of holding it.”

    Alas, despite the self-evident truth, too many princes refused to see it. Gunya and his ilk cared more for glory than for reality. Perhaps the Empire should fight more for Djawrit and its gold, but the Copper Coast was worth nothing. Better secure borders for the Empire than endlessly trying to extend them. Then he could concentrate on holding the peoples already within the Empire, and preparing for the Cleansing [11].

    “If so, that means that we must prepare for war,” the Watcher said.

    “Perhaps it can still be avoided, but yes, preparations are essential,” Bailgu said. And, my dear cousin Gunya, there you will be defeated.

    * * *

    Civil war: almost an impossible proposition to consider for the Yadji, a royal family who had prided themselves on their ability to present a united front to their subject peoples. Rebellions against the Yadji were common enough, but rarely was there a Yadji at their head.

    Disputed successions were reasonably common, but were usually resolved by politicking or the intervention of the senior priests. Only in a few instances had this led to combat between princes. Even then, on most of those occasions, the conflict had ended quickly when it became clear that one prince had much more support than the other, or was a better general.

    When it was clear that one prince was superior in support or in martial skills, the traditional solution was for the other prince to swear the oath of a death warrior. Taking this oath meant that the defeated prince was dead in law, no longer considered part of the Yadji family, and could not inherit the Regency. Depending on the generosity of the new Regent, the new death warrior sometimes found himself fighting in every battle on the Tjibarr frontier until he had fulfilled his oath, or sometimes was allowed to live out his life in reasonably comfortable exile in a distant city.

    The Time of Troubles (1629-1638), known to the Yadji of the time as the Year of the Twisted Serpent [12], was an unfortunate exception to the usual practice. Gunya and Bailgu, the two main princes involved in the struggle, were bitterly opposed both in pride and in policy. Both could draw on considerable support from their fellow princes, from the priests, and from the generals. Politicking failed to resolve the impasse, and the outcomes was civil war.

    For a war fought at least nominally for ten years, the destruction was not as severe as might have been expected, particularly in comparison to European wars of the time. Wanton destruction was uncommon; both sides exercised restraint since they wanted to have a well-populated, prosperous empire to rule afterward.

    Gunya’s forces won the first great battle, near Jerang [Lorne], and after that, Bailgu’s main force retreated into fortified positions. For most of the war, the focus was on sieges of key enemy cities. These typically involved long periods of boredom followed by brief periods of intense interest.

    The death toll for sieges was usually low. The Yadji had large food stores available [13] – one reason the sieges lasted so long – and their siege weaponry was not particularly advanced. In a disease environment less hostile than the Old World, great disease outbreaks during sieges were also relatively unknown [14]. Even when sieges were successful, the civilian population of the captured town was usually spared; after a couple of early massacres failed to intimidate other besieged towns into surrender, both Bailgu and Gunya largely abandoned the practice, except on a couple of occasions when attacking troops got out of control.

    This practice of restraint during sieges was only consistently violated during another odd example of the conventions of Yadji politics: the response to the Kurnawal uprising early in the Troubles.

    In 1631-1632, the Kurnawal [inhabitants of the easternmost Yadji provinces] tried to take advantage of the civil war to assert their independence [15]. Regardless of how much the two imperial pretenders despised each other, there were family dictates to be honoured. The two quarrelling princes negotiated a temporary truce, assumed joint command of their armies, and marched east to subdue the Kurnawal.

    Here, they ended sieges with fire and blood, the better to force the rebels back under imperial control. When the Kurnawal were reconquered, as per the terms of the truce, the two princes’ armies returned to their former positions [16] and resumed their civil war with mostly the same restraint as before.

    Of course, for all that the two princes tried not to undermine the foundations of the Empire, the effects of so many years of warfare were considerable. A significant portion of the Empire’s soldiery died, and many of the valuable food stores were exhausted. While both sides did not directly interfere with the harvests, and famines were rare except inside besieged cities, disruptions were inevitable with soldiers called to war.

    For most of the Time of Troubles, the course of the war still hung in the balance. Gunya’s forces were generally more successful in open battle, but that led in turn to them conducting more of the sieges and losing relatively more men in assaults. The outcome of the war was still in doubt in April 1636, when William Baffin’s ships sailed into the harbour of Gurndjit [Portland, Victoria] and became the first Europeans to make direct contact with the Yadji Empire...

    * * *

    [1] The House of the Dawn (several exist in most Yadji cities, despite the singularity of the name) is a place where people go to hold vigils for fallen comrades. It is considered the utmost in sacred ground, even more than a temple. Staying there serves Gunya two purposes: implying he is still holding a vigil for his assassinated cousin, and means that not even the most determined of enemies would send someone to assassinate him.

    [2] All Junditmara pronouns and personal titles come in six versions: dominant, submissive, masculine, feminine, neutral, and familiar. A complex set of social codes dictates which form should be used in which circumstances. (See post #16 for more information).

    [3] Because Gunya used the masculine form to imply informality and near-equality for the purposes of the meeting, rather than the dominant form which would have showed clear superiority.

    [4] In most Aururian cultures, including the Yadji, shaking the head is a form of emphasis or agreement, not denial.

    [5] The Australian tiger snake (Notechis scutatus), usually considered the fourth most venomous land snake in the world [17]. It is abundant in southern Aururia. Its preferred habitats include wetlands and small creeks, including the extensive Yadji artificial wetlands. Tiger snake bite is a frequent cause of death among the Yadji.

    [6] ie the Nguril and Kaoma of the Monaro plateau, who sometimes raid into the *Murray basin, and sometimes into the Yadji’s eastern provinces.

    [7] Death warriors who are going into battle dye their face with white dye in a pattern which makes it look like a skull. Most death warriors keep that dye on all the time.

    [8] All death warriors are referred to using the neutral form of the pronoun, except among themselves. This is because death warriors are treated as being outside of the social order, with neither dominance nor subordination to others. Those who swear the oath of a death warrior are treated as dead in law for most purposes, with their worldly goods handed over to their kin. The death warriors are then supported by the temples and the royal family.

    [9] Nine venerated texts among the Yadji, regarded as the epitome of literature, both for the quality of their written language, and the virtues espoused within them. Most of the Nine Classics date back to the days of the feudal Empire of the Lake, and were written by or about (sometimes both) briyuna, the sworn warriors of the feudal lords.

    [10] The rank of Third Watcher of the Dreams originally meant a priest who was charged with interpreting the omens contained in the Regent’s dreams. There were four such priests, each serving for one month in four, in succession. (The priests were equal in rank; the number simply indicates which months each priest would serve). The role of Watcher has gradually evolved into a more general spiritual counsellor and adviser for the Regent. While there are several priests whose formal rank is higher than the Watchers, the direct access to the Regent gives the Watchers significant informal authority.

    [11] In Yadji eschatology, the Cleansing is when the Neverborn will break free from the earth, defeat the Lord of Night, and remake the world.

    [12] The Yadji traditionally name their years by that of the current Regent. When there is no Regent, another name is used for the period in question. The Year of the Twisted Serpent was thus rather a long year.

    [13] The Yadji traditionally store enough food to cope with four years of famine; enough time to wait for a new planting of wattle trees to produce large amounts of seed. Having such large food stores allows them to minimise the effects of long-term droughts or severe bushfires burning out their crops.

    [14] The Aururian disease environment is more hostile than that of the New World, but considerably less so than that of Eurasia (or worse yet tropical Africa). There are diseases and waterborne parasites around which can cause problems for besieging armies, such as Marnitja, but the overall effects of these is less than in comparable sieges in the Old World, where the disease toll in sieges could be horrific. The Yadji are also fortunate in that the main sieges in the Time of Troubles were in the central and eastern provinces. This meant that that they were spared a heavy toll from the worst siege-related disease in Aururia, swamp rash [18].

    [15] Or, more precisely, to assert their independence from Yadji tribute-collectors, particularly those seeking to pay for the civil war.

    [16] More or less. Both sides resumed control of the same ground as before the truce. They still took advantage of the truce to resupply and move troops into better positions within their current territory.

    [17] The top ten most venomous land snakes in the world are all Australian. So is the world’s deadliest spider (funnel-web). Australia’s coastal waters are also visited by the world’s deadliest octopus (blue-ringed octopus), deadliest jellyfish (box jellyfish) and deadliest shark (great white shark). Oddly enough, people who know that still visit Australia.

    [18] Swamp rash (an allohistorical descendant of Barmah Forest virus) is a mosquito-borne disease which for centuries has been endemic in the artificial wetlands along the *Murray. It has recently spread to the western wetlands of the Yadji Empire, and is slowly expanding east. Swamp rash does not usually cause epidemics, being more of an endemic disease afflicting people who are exposed to mosquito bites. However, it does have the potential to cause epidemics if besieging armies are encamped near wetlands.

    Swamp rash is also one Aururian disease where the mortality rates vary considerably between Aururian peoples. The Gunnagal and other peoples who live along the Middle and Upper *Murray have had centuries of exposure to the virus, and have evolved some natural immunity. The Yadji (and other non-*Murray peoples) have no such resistance, and their mortality rates from the disease are roughly twice those of the Gunnagal. The endemic nature of swamp rash also means that most Gunnagal will have been exposed to the disease in their childhood, and thus (if they survived) will be immune to an outbreak as adults. This means that when Tjibarr and Yadji armies fight, an outbreak of swamp rash will take a significant toll of the Yadji armies but have little effect on Tjibarr. (This is one factor which has helped Tjibarr defend its core territories from Yadji invasion.)

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #38: The Portuguese Yam
  • Lands of Red and Gold #38: The Portuguese Yam

    It has been rather longer than I’d planned since the last instalment of LRG. Life gets in the way, sometimes... and I still haven’t had a chance to complete the next post about the Yadji and their would-be Dutch conquistadors

    In the meantime, though, I can offer this rather different insight into the LRG world...

    * * *

    Taken from Intellipedia.

    Red Yam

    The red yam is a starchy, tuberous crop from the perennial Dioscorea chelidonius of the Dioscoreaceae family (also known as the bread vines) [1]. The name red yam can refer to the plant itself, as well as the edible tuber. The name is also sometimes misleadingly used to refer to the related crop Dioscorea angustus, properly known as the lesser yam. However, in Portuguese, no such ambiguity arises, since the same name, inhame vermelho, is used to refer to both species. [citation needed]

    In southern and eastern Aururia, there are other closely-related wild yam species, none of which are cultivated. However, the warran yam (Dioscorea hastifolia), native to the south-west of the Third World [this phrase has been reported as offensive: discuss] has been cultivated [2]. Despite having first been introduced outside of Aururia four centuries ago [dubious: Aotearoa is not in Aururia!], red yams have today become a fundamental component of much of the world’s cuisine. Today, the red yam is the world’s fifth-largest food crop, after rice, wheat, potato and maize [3].

    Related Dioscorea (yam) species are distributed through tropics of the globe, and a few extend into temperate latitudes. However, domesticated yams are derived only from the Old World and Aururia; no yam crops have been domesticated from the Americas. [citation needed] The red yam (and lesser yam) is by far the most widespread and commercially significant domesticated Dioscorea crop. However, other yam crops are equally important to the peoples who cultivate them, particularly white and yellow yams in West Africa [irrelevant addition: discuss].

    Based on historical records, local tradition, and genetic analysis, the red yam is known to have been first domesticated in the Nyalananga basin. Although the precise location has not been identified. Archaeological evidence has clearly demonstrated that domesticated red yams were grown by 2500 BC [4]. However, the red yam was cultivated as long ago as 10,000 years ago [5] [unreliable source].

    Introduced to the world by the Netherlands after 1619, the red yam was then distributed by European and Nangu mariners to territories and ports throughout the globe. Hundreds of varieties remain in Aururia, where a single agricultural household may grow half a dozen cultivars. Once established across the globe, the red yam soon became an important staple crop, particularly in the Mediterranean littoral and the subtropical Americas.

    Characteristics

    Red yam plants are herbaceous perennial vines that grow up to 6 m long (depending on variety), with the yam stems dying back in late autumn. They bear purple, white, pink or yellow flowers [1]. Red yams are cross-pollinated mostly by insects, including bees and moths, which carry pollen from other red yam plants, although a few cultivars are capable of self-fertilisation. Tubers form in response to decreasing day length, although a few commercial cultivars start forming their tuber earlier than the summer solstice.

    After red yam plants flower, some cultivars produce small fruits, although these are toxic. All new red yam cultivars are grown from seed. Any domesticated red yam variety can also be propagated vegetatively by planting the tuber, or the uppermost portion (called the head) [citation needed]. Red yams can also be bred from cuttings, which are most commonly used in greenhouses. A few commercial cultivars cannot produce seeds, and are cultivated only from cuttings or tuber heads [1]. However, the “Sombra” cultivars of red yams, bred in Portugal, are grown for ornamental purposes. Sombra yam vine stalks grow year-round, and are much-favoured for decorating buildings in Lisbon and the Algarve, but do not form viable tubers.

    Genetics

    The major species grown worldwide is Dioscorea chelidonius (a tetraploid with 160 chromosomes), and modern varieties of this species are the most widely-cultivated worldwide. There are also three hexaploid species, most notably the lesser yam D. hastifolia, and the less widespread D. stenotomum and D. siliqua [6].

    Including the hexaploid subspecies, there are about a thousand genetically distinct varieties of red yams globewide [7]. Seven hundred or so are confined to Aururia and Aotearoa, and about six hundred of those are exclusively found within the Nyalananga basin. No truly wild form of Dioscorea chelidonius survives today; genetic pollution and habitat destruction has meant that all surviving wild varieties of red yam contain some introgression of domesticated genes. Archaeological digs have recovered the genome of apparently wild forms, and Hani Tarun, a genetic pioneer, is actively leading research into identifying genes from preserved varieties of wild red yams which can be used to enhance cultivated forms for better growth or resistance to disease and pests [this appears to be a personal advertisement: flagged for removal: discuss].

    History

    Red yams yield abundantly with little effort, and with appropriate care and replanting after harvest an individual plant can be made to yield tubers for up to a decade. They are best suited to moderately dry climates, and together with cornnarts are the most water-efficient of staple food crops. Red yams are vulnerable to moulds and rotting if stored in damp or humid conditions, although their thick skins mean that they are less vulnerable than other major root crops such as potatoes or sweet potatoes. Red yams can rarely be stored for more than a year except in specialised conditions, in contrast to cereal crops which can be safely stored for several years.

    Aururia

    The red yam originated in south-eastern Aururia, somewhere on or near the Nyalananga, although the precise location remains disputed. Red yams were first domesticated sometime between 3500 and 2500 BC, and spread over the southern half of the continent before 1 AD. They formed the basis of native Aururian agriculture, providing the principal energy source for the Atjuntja, Yadji and Tjibarr states, and their predecessors and successors. Even today, red yams provide the single largest source of food energy for Aururia [1].

    Aotearoa

    Red yams spread to Aotearoa, together with other Aururian crops, sometime before 1350 AD. Its properties were so respected by Maori farmers, and its cultivation so widespread, that it completely displaced the Polynesian crop package which the Maori had brought with them. Sweet potatoes, taro and Asian yams were cultivated during the early days of Maori settlement, but were abandoned before first European contact in 1627. They survived only in archaeology and where they were imported into Aururia. However, some have argued [who?] that without the Maori bringing sweet potatoes to Aururia, the northern half of the continent would have been largely empty until European invasion [this term has been flagged as offensive: discuss].

    Africa

    Red yams were introduced to southern Africa in 1640, with the first Cape Maddirs who were forcibly deported from their homelands [citation needed]. Plirite missionaries carried red yams along with their faith beyond the borders of Dutch control, until the missionaries reached the Tropic of Capricorn. The missionaries progresses further, but the red yam did not [1]. However, the D. chelidonius ssp. hastifolia varieties of red yam spread along the eastern coast of Africa, until by the mid-eighteenth century they were being grown as far north as the Habeshan highlands...

    Europe

    Dutch East India Company sailors brought red yams with them back to the Netherlands in the 1620s, but the crop did not grow well at such northerly latitudes [8]. The red yam was first introduced into Europe in 1648 by the Portuguese sailor Miguel Ferreira do Amaral, who successfully replanted red yam tubers which he had taken on as food at the Cape. Mastering the cultivation of this native Aururian crop would have been impossible without the help of Yadilli farmers who willingly shared their knowledge with the Portuguese despite being forcibly brought to Europe.

    The red yam spread to Spain and then to Spain’s dominions in Sicily and elsewhere in Italy, and from there to Venice and the Turks. During the later seventeenth century and the early eighteenth century, the red yam became integrated into Mediterranean farming, particularly given its ability to give good yields even on poor, parched soils in southern Italy. Sicily grew so many red yams that even today, many Mediterranean countries call the plant the Sicilian yam. Historians believe (Kant, 1987) that the red yam-fed population boom in Sicily led to social tension over land tenure and inheritance, and ultimately to the Advent Revolt which replaced Spanish rule with the native Piazzi dynasty...

    Elsewhere

    Historical records of red yams in South America date to the late seventeenth century. Contact is presumed to have been via the Cape, where some Portuguese ships resupplied, or Spanish ships during times of peace with the Dutch. Buenos Aires is noted as an early centre of New World red yam cultivation, and from there the red yam spread throughout the Spanish Americas [citation needed].

    Role in World Food Supply

    The Food and Agricultural Bureau reports that the red yam plays a vital role in maintaining and expanding the global food supply in subsistence economies. Although mechanised farming of the red yam remains problematic, its qualities as a perennial, low water demand crop mean that is suitable for low-capital agriculture and intensive dryland farming...

    [1] “Red Yams: Notes”. Jessup University Department of Landscape Architecture.

    [2] Tjula, D.S. “100 Recipes for Warrans”.

    [3] FABSTAT.

    [4] Hylla S.A., Dusel F (eds). “Aururia in Prehistory”

    [5] Meyer, J.B., personal communication.

    [6] Burani, K. “Molecular description and similarity relationships among native yams”

    [7] Schultz, K.G., Thiele, A.M. et al “Dioscorea Taxonomy Reconsidered: Insights from Genetic Similarity Testing”

    [8] Boniface, A.E. “The United East India Company: Reflections on the Golden Age”

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
    Lands of Red and Gold #39: Ripening Pods
  • Lands of Red and Gold #39: Ripening Pods

    “No matter what their course in life, all men will fight one battle at their death.”
    - Batjiri of Jurundit [Koroit, Victoria]

    * * *

    London, 1635. A city less crowded with people than ten years before, but it seems that it has become more crowded with rumours to make up the difference. Tales and gossip abound in the English capital; accounts factual and fanciful of the intent of their rulers, and of the world beyond the shores of their island.

    Stories abound of the grand designs which the Duke Regent [1] has whispered into the ears of the infant monarch. Of plans for intervention on the Continent, in Germany or France or Spain. Rumours are rife of the inexorable fate that Sweden faces after its royal lion finally succumbed to the Waiting Death. Some gossipmongers claim that France itself will finally join the war on the Continent.

    The wildest and most oft-repeated tales, though, are of a far more exotic locale. They feature the newer new world that the Dutch have discovered. Ten thousand rumours fill the streets, it seems, each one stranger than the last. The recently translated account “My Life in the South Land”, written by a Dutch sailor [2], has only added to the gossip.

    The South Land. The Great Spice Island. Teegal. A land of strange crops, strange people, and stranger animals. A land of wealth and mystery, where even the most commonplace thing becomes part of the bizarre. A place where the trees keep their leaves on their branches all year round, while their bark falls off every winter. Or peppers which are first sweet to the tongue, then burn hotter than the most intense peppers ever known before.

    A place of exotic mystery, a blend of promise and terror. Trees which smell like they come from another world, maybe hell, for they fuel fires that can consume the landscape in a heartbeat, while the trees themselves then regrow within weeks. A land inhabited by beasts of mystery. A race of half-men, half-rabbit creatures who can hop like rabbits but stand upright like men. A duck-otter with fur, a duck’s beak and which lays eggs.

    Tales most of all about wealth for the taking, of spices and sandalwood and bullion. A drug so fine that it makes tobacco seem like sawdust. A land where the people have battled so intensely over the centuries that their blood has stained the dust red. But gold, above all there is gold. Gold so common that the natives use its dust to dye their hair blonde.

    The directors of the English East India Trading Company have heard all of these rumours. Indeed, they have started a few of their own over the years, judiciously calculated to add to the interest in London for foreign ventures. Yet for all of their knowledge, they have not been in a position to act.

    Ever since a truce signed in this very city in 1619, the English East India Company has been officially at peace with its Dutch counterpart, and claims a share of the trade from the Spice Islands. The peace has been strained at times, but not yet formally broken [3]. Alienating the Dutch risks losing a guaranteed share of the sure wealth of the Spice Islands, particularly for a company which needs to rebuild after the strains on manpower and finances caused by the plagues. So the directors have never acted, especially since the rumours seem so fantastic that they must be more myth than truth.

    That peace, though, grows ever more precarious. The directors have heard, through sources much more reliable than the word on the street, that the new Duke Regent shares their frustration with the Dutch. That there has been discussion of alliance with Spain against them.

    Word has come, of course, of what Spain achieved in their raid on the Dutch outpost in the South Land. Of what wealth it brought them. Now the Dutch grow ever more protective of their self-asserted monopoly... but thanks to the belligerence of the Regent, the directors wonder whether it is time to challenge the Dutch.

    After much discussion, they decide to take the crucial first step. Commission a fleet to explore where the Dutch do not wish other Europeans to be. If they are discovered by the Dutch, well, they will have to deal with that problem then. It is time to find out how much truth lurks within these rumours.

    The captain they choose for their fleet is named William Baffin.

    * * *

    Year of the Twisted Serpent [April 1636]
    Gurndjit [Portland, Victoria]
    Durigal - Land of the Five Directions (Yadji Empire)

    “We draw near to Gurndjit,” the Islander said, in his passable Dutch.

    William Baffin glanced port-side, following the Islander’s gaze, and saw nothing but waves and high clouds to the north. “How can you be sure?”

    The Islander nodded, a gesture which Baffin had come to learn meant disbelief to these strange men. “How can you Inglidj sail so far around the world, and yet be blind to something so plain?”

    Baffin shrugged. The Islander, who answered to the name of Jerimbee Manyilti, had an often-frustrating manner. In the voyage from the Island, he had been sometimes impressed by what he saw, but often contemptuous. His views of navigation were only the most recent example. Jerimbee had been effusive in his praise of the compass, but dismissive of the English charts as lacking details such as currents, and openly mocking of the English lack of knowledge of the stars.

    Still, after all that, how could he be so sure that the Intrepid and the other Company ships were nearing the Yadji port? “What should I see?”

    “Watch the waves,” Jerimbee said. “Can’t you see how they change when they pass the...” He paused, as if his Dutch had run out. “The shallowing shore?”

    Baffin looked, but he could not see what the Islander meant. The waves were not breaking at all, and he could make out no pattern in the swells. Of course, this Islander had led ships along this route for years, according to his claims. Perhaps he knew the route better. “So should I turn the ship north?”

    “Not yet,” Jerimbee said. “This is a dangerous shore. The winds and waves will drive you ship into the cliffs if you draw too near, and your Raw Men ships cannot sail properly into the wind.”

    “When should we turn?”

    “Soon,” replied Jerimbee. “I will tell you.”

    Baffin shrugged again; it was something he found himself doing often around the Islander. Jerimbee asked many questions, and sometimes dismissed the answers, but remained endlessly curious. Still, he was worth tolerating, since he revealed a wealth of knowledge about this Great Spice Island. He could also serve as an interpreter; his Dutch was if anything better than Baffin’s own, and other Dutch-speaking sailors were on hand to clarify words, if needed.

    This time, though, Jerimbee stayed silent, watching the waves, and sometimes glancing up at the sun. Judging its height, if Baffin understood that gaze properly.

    “We near the cape,” Jerimbee said. “Turn north.”

    Baffin snapped out orders, and the Intrepid started to turn to port. Trailing behind, the other ships of his fleet – Godspeed, Lady Harrington and Delight – did the same.

    The breeze blew steadily off the port quarter, driving the ships easily before it, toward the north shore. Where the greatest empire in this South Land awaited them. The Yadji. A people both capricious and wealthy, according to all reports.

    Back on the Island, most of its people had told him he was a fool for sailing there without invitation. Fortunately, one of their captains had thought otherwise. And been willing to join his voyage, in exchange for a rather heavy price. Still, some prices were worth paying.

    Land appeared to the northwest, a rugged, cliff-lined shore. “Steer around the cape,” Jerimbee said, waving vaguely to starboard. “Gurndjit is in the bay behind.”

    Sure enough, the rocky faces of the cliffs gave way to sandy beaches, then, as the ships steered further to port, to where a natural headland had been extended by a stone breakwater. The sheltered bay beyond it looked to offer protection against even the fiercest storms.

    “A safe haven,” he murmured, and then realised he had spoken in English.

    The Islander recognised the word haven, though; it was close enough to the Dutch word for port. “The Yadji built that sea wall because we asked them to,” he said. “It makes this a safe port; something they would not care about otherwise.”

    “They build a port like this and then do not sail from it themselves?” Baffin asked. As the Intrepid tacked into the bay, he saw a few ships tied up at quays, but they looked to be tiny, primitive boats. Nothing like the relatively elegant Islander ships.

    “Oh, a little here and there, but they know nothing of navigation,” Jerimbee said. “They fish, and move a few things along the coast, but they fear to sail at night.” He nodded. “The Yadji are a peculiar people. There is nothing they do not know about building with water, or in water, but they fear to sail into deep water. They think they will be separated from their god within the earth.”

    “So this port is for you Islanders?” Baffin asked. It looked to be an impressive construction for a people who would not use it themselves.

    Jerimbee laughed, as if he had discerned the intent behind Baffin’s words. “Yes, built for us. The Yadji are master builders; what they can accomplish with stone and water is without equal.”

    Baffin held up a hand, and gave quick orders for the helmsman to anchor the Intrepid within the bay, but away from the docks. He did not want to be trapped here, not yet, and boats could take them to shore. Then he turned back to the Islander. “It still seems... strange.”

    The other man just smiled. “Trade matters to all men, does it not? Strange though the Yadji can be, they still know its value. So they built Gurndjit into a better port for us.”

    “How many more ports have they built?” Baffin said.

    “None quite like this,” the Islander answered. “There are two ports in all the Yadji lands which can safely harbour a great-ship. Or your Raw Men fluyts [4]. Other ports can hold smaller vessels, safely up on a beach or in sheltered coves.”

    Baffin briefly wondered which other Yadji port offered such a safe haven, but filed the question for later. “We are safe from storms here, but will be we safe from the Yadji themselves, if we seek to land?”

    Jerimbee shook his head. “Simple as getting a Gunnagal to argue. Row your little ships to shore. When you near land, hold up a blue flag... dark blue, you would say. Then you will be greeted with words, not swords.”

    “That will keep us safe?” Baffin asked. There had to be more to it than that, or so many of the Islanders would not have warned him against coming here.

    “It will keep you from being attacked simply for landing on Yadji soil.” Jerimbee chuckled. “Nothing is a complete guarantee of safety when you visit the Water People.”

    “You said you could keep us safe amongst the Yadji,” Baffin said.

    The Islander raised an eyebrow. “Reward comes hand in hand with danger. A man who risks nothing earns nothing.”

    Baffin kept his voice as calm as he could, telling himself that the Islander brought benefits, too. “What should we do when we land, then?”

    “Be careful. These Yadji are strange. Even stranger than you Inglidj, in many ways. They expect everyone to think as they do, and will not hesitate to call you out for not agreeing with them.”

    Beside them, the first boat was being prepared. Baffin gestured for the Islander to walk ahead of him to the boat. Perhaps being a boat might make him more useful. “Warn me if I am about to offend them, then.”

    “I will, as much as I can,” Jerimbee said.

    Two boats full of sailors rowed toward the shore, both with blue flags held aloft, and with Baffin and Jerimbee in the leading boat. Landing was simple enough; the bay had wide stretches of sand to choose from.

    A party of men awaited them on the shore, just above where the sand ended. With slightly darker skin than the Islanders, unless he missed his guess. The men wore a diverse mixture of garments, in a multitude of hues, but one and all they bore elaborately-patterned headbands. About half of the men had spears, too, but they were held aloft. So far as he could tell – which probably wasn’t far, given what the Islander claimed – they did not look hostile.

    “Greet them in whatever manner is polite amongst the Yadji,” Baffin said.

    Jerimbee talked with the Yadji at some length, with words going back and forth a few times. It seemed too long for a simple greeting, but perhaps these Yadji were as strange as the Islander claimed.

    Eventually, Jerimbee said, “It is strange. We are not being greeted in the name of their priests.”

    “What about their priests?”

    Jerimbee said, “The Yadji priests command their people, not guide them as proper priests should. Normally, whoever welcomed us would offer us greetings in the name of their head priest, along with an invitation to attend their temple and deliver the twelfth.”

    Baffin already knew about the twelfth. Before leaving the Island, Jerimbee had warned him that the Yadji temples demanded a twelfth of all trade goods from a ship as tribute to the temple and their king, before they would deign to trade at all. The rest, though, made little sense. “Who is greeting us, then?”

    “A man of... stature, would you say? The... most prominent man of good birth.”

    Baffin shrugged. “The headman.”

    “Headman, yes, thank you. He gives commands to these Yadji as if he were their royally appointed priest. Most unusual.”

    Baffin said, “Offer their headman my greetings, then, if you haven’t already done so. And ask if he invites me to meet him.” After a moment’s thought, he added, “Without offering the twelfth, unless they ask for it.”

    Jerimbee spoke again to the Yadji. The exchange was quicker this time, but long enough for Baffin to notice that the language which Jerimbee used with the Yadji – and which they answered – sounded exactly like the Islander tongue.

    “Is the Yadji language close to your Islander speech?” he asked. Better for English traders if it was; easier to learn one new language than two.

    “No, the Yadji language is nothing like ours. Alien, alien. Even the Atjuntja tongue is easier to learn than theirs [6].”

    Baffin said, “Why not use their language? You said you could speak to the Yadji.”

    Jerimbee shook his head. “I can. I have traded with the Yadji for years. I know how to speak with them.”

    “No, why...” Baffin paused, wondering whether the problem was translating his question into Dutch, or just Islander deviousness. “Why don’t you know the Yadji language, if you have traded with them for years?”

    “Only a fool tries to speak to the Yadji in their tongue,” Jerimbee said. “They are capricious, their language intricate, and to use it incorrectly can be taken as a mortal insult. Better to use another language which does not offer the same risks. The Yadji understand Nangu, usually. Or Gunnagal, sometimes.”

    The Islander turned back to the Yadji, and after a brief exchange, said, “Their headman invites you to meet him, if you wish. And they have not mentioned the twelfth.”

    “Lead on, then.”

    Striding through the roads of Gurndjit, Baffin was struck by a sense of orderliness. Of careful organisation. Both of the city itself, and the people who inhabited it. The streets were wide and paved with black basalt fitted together in regular patterns. The inhabitants moved quietly on those streets, rarely obstructing each other, and with none of the arguments or tempers he would have expected to see in an English city.

    It took him longer to realise what else was strange about Gurndjit: the smell. Or, rather, the lack of stench. Oh, the city had odours – the smell of salt wafting up from the bay, of bread or something like it being baked in a couple of buildings which they passed. But none of the smell of refuse or excrement which would have been normal in an English city. The people here did not empty chamber pots into the streets. He wondered, briefly, what they did with them [7].

    The Yadji led them to a building complex surrounded by a low wall constructed from some pale yellow stone. The wall looked to be more ceremonial than functional; it was only about three feet tall. About half a dozen buildings stood within the complex, and beyond that was a lagoon.

    The Islander muttered something in what sounded like his own language, although it was too quiet for Baffin to be sure. The Islander continued in Dutch, “Very strange. This is their main temple... but with no sign of any priests.”

    “Where could they have gone?”

    Jerimbee said, “To await rebirth, probably. I know nothing else that would remove all the priests.”

    “Won’t they tell you?” Baffin asked. It would help to know just who he was negotiating with.

    “Do not ask! Never risk that kind of question with the Yadji. That is true at any time, and doubly so in a civil war. That’s why I haven’t asked which prince they back for the throne.”

    “The winning one, surely,” Baffin said.

    Jerimbee said, “Gunya, probably – he is said to mistrust priests. But for now, simply talk to their headman as if he is the ruler, and you should do well.”

    Inside the temple, he found it easy to believe that anyone who lived here was a ruler. It seemed as if gold glinted everywhere. Gilt lining to the shutters on their glassless windows. Gold ornamentation on vases, columns and statues. Most of all, gold as personal decoration – most of the people they passed wore some form of gold, either as jewellery or woven into the threads of their clothing or headbands.

    The headman himself had outdone his fellows, naturally. Gold and silver armbands, gold and pearl-studded tunic, a single thread of gold in his headband, and some staff in his hand which had a golden orb at the top.

    The headman sat on a chair, but there was nowhere else to sit in the chamber. Did that make the chair a throne? Baffin considered asking that question, but the headman started talking, and then Jerimbee translated.

    “He bids you welcome to Gurndjit, but does not offer his name,” the Islander said.

    “Why does no name matter?” Baffin asked.

    Jerimbee muttered something in his own language again, then went on in Dutch. “The Yadji do not speak the name of their king while he lives. It is as if this headman claims the royal privilege.”

    Baffin shrugged. While he wanted to know who he was negotiating with, he cared little for the intricacies of Yadji customs. “Tell him that I am Commander William Baffin, sailing for the East India Trading Company.”

    The Islander relayed that, then said, “He asks if you are of the same people he has heard tales of from the far west. The Nedlandj, he says.”

    “Tell him no, we are Inglidj. We know of the Nedlandj, but we are not of their kind.”

    Through Jerimbee, the question came back, “Are you friends of theirs?”

    A good question, Baffin thought. Part of his orders were to do what he could to loosen the Dutch grip on the South Land, but he did not know if there were already relations between these Yadji and the Dutch. If they were already established friends, then denying Anglo-Dutch friendship would annoy the Yadji. If the two were enemies, then he would be missing out on an opportunity.

    In the end, he said, “Tell him we and the Nedlandj have been both friends and enemies in the past.”

    “A good answer,” the Islander said, before he translated it. “The headman says that he would like to hear more about the Inglidj, and invites you to eat with him.”

    “Tell him yes, of course,” Baffin said.

    The headman barked what were clearly commands, even though Baffin understood not a word. Two men at either side of him hurried out. More plain-clad men and women entered the chamber, carrying linen-lined cushions which they handed to Baffin, Jerimbee, and the dozen sailors with them.

    The cushions were surprisingly soft; Baffin could not guess what filled them. The two dozen attendants around the headman sat, too, leaving only a handful of guards and servants standing.

    Food arrived soon thereafter, carried on wooden plates, and accompanied by knives as the only utensils. The centrepiece of the meal was some sort of fish, cut into long fillets, baked dark, and covered with some sort of thick, peppery sauce. It was accompanied by some odd long, black, thin creations of dough [egg noodles], and what looked for all the world like chopped celery.

    After the headman invited them to eat, the Islander cut one slice of the fish, and his eyes widened. “This is an honour!”

    “We are honoured by being served fish in a port?” Baffin said. Personally, he would have considered a fine cut of beef as a greater honour, but the South Land had no cattle that he had heard of.

    Jerimbee made a dismissive gesture. “This is not sea-born fish. The fishing is very poor in Yadji waters, anyway [8]. The Yadji grow their fish in lakes and ponds which they build for themselves. Fish here is under noble control. And this fish is eel, the most prized of all.”

    During the meal, the headman asked a variety of questions about England, about its people, and about why Baffin had come. He gave general answers as best he could, not wanting to reveal too much. He explained that he was here to explore, not to trade, and offered gifts as a sign of gratitude for the welcome he had received. He explained that he sailed on behalf of a company, not a king. The headman did not seem to grasp this concept at all – although Baffin noted that the Islander looked much more interested when translating it – and Baffin ended up by saying that he sailed in the service of a group of powerful men.

    In time, the headman asked what else Baffin planned to do among the Yadji. Jerimbee took the opportunity to add a few words of his own as advice. “Make it plain that you are not going to interfere in their civil war. Not in any way.”

    “Why not?” Baffin had been contemplating the idea, although his four ships did not carry much in the way of cannon or anything else which might help. These South Landers knew nothing of guns, though; perhaps something could be made of that.

    “Yadji are mistrustful of outsiders, always. Prince Bailgu has already turned down offers of assistance from Gutjanal [9]. Even if you are offered a pact, that will likely alienate many of the other... royal men, who will turn to the other prince.”

    That sounded strange, to Baffin’s way of thinking, but this was why he had the Islander here. “What do you suggest, then?”

    “Stay out, as we of the Island have done.” Jerimbee’s eyes narrowed for a moment. “Most of us on the Island. But let one prince win, then negotiate for terms.”

    Sound advice, but Baffin doubted he would still be here whenever the Yadji princes finally settled their differences with pact or with blood. Or perhaps when Tjibarr invaded from the northwest . That was one other idea which he had considered; much talk back on the Island had been about whether Tjibarr would take advantage of the confusion to invade the Yadji. He had considered contacting Tjibarr instead of sailing here, but had decided that there were more advantages here.

    Wait. Perhaps there is a way. “Do you think that this headman would agree to let some of my men wait here – in peace – until I return?”

    Jerimbee looked surprised. “Perhaps, for the right gifts. And if you offered the right reason.”

    “Tell him that I would like to leave men behind... while my ships return home to discuss possible trade. Tell him that I do not offer trade now, just friendship, but trade can follow in time, if he is willing, and after I have carried his words to my powerful men.”

    The Islander talked to the headman; the conversation went back and forth for some time. Baffin wondered if Jerimbee was taking the time to throw in some trade negotiations of his own; he still did not fully trust the Islander, and he knew that all of that man’s people had a lust for profit.

    “He asks how long your men would stay here,” Jerimbee said, after a while.

    “Until my ship returns to my homeland, and another comes in its place.” Well, perhaps his ships would only need to return as far as India before the Company sent out another ship. No need to confuse them, though, or reveal just how far away England was. “A year, perhaps two. It depends on the winds and God.”

    The Islander frowned. “Best not to mention to the Yadji that you fear interference from a god.”

    “There is but one God,” Baffin said. He was far from the most pious of men, but still, some things could not be denied.

    Jerimbee did not answer directly, but disbelief was plain on his face. He turned back to the headman, though.

    Baffin hoped that the headman accepted. The more that he thought about the idea, the more he liked it. What the headman and other people wore here made it plain that wealth was here for the offering. Gold in abundance here, just as the Dutch had already found in the west.

    “A land of gold,” he murmured. A fitting name for this place, perhaps. No, it would be best in Latin, so that all men understood it.

    “Aururia,” William Baffin said.

    * * *

    [1] The Duke Regent is William Cavendish, 1st Duke of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Historically, he was an accomplished soldier, equestrian, diplomat and politician, whose close relationship with the Stuarts saw him awarded a series of titles, including Earl of Newcastle in 1628, and he was named a Duke after the Restoration in 1660.

    In allohistorical Britain, the first wave of the Aururian plagues swept through Britain in 1628, causing considerable deaths among British notables, although ironically enough sparing George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham, who would have been assassinated by a rogue soldier in August. In the nobility-deprived days after the first plague, Cavendish rose quickly in the favour of Charles I, along with Thomas Wentworth, although Buckingham remained the most prominent favourite. Cavendish was promoted to Duke of Newcastle in October 1630, and Thomas Wentworth was named Earl of Strafford in February 1631.

    Charles I died in November 1631 during the second wave of Aururian plagues. This left an uncertain regency, since the infant Charles II did not have any of the close male relatives who would have been a natural choice as regent. Buckingham intrigued to be awarded the position, but by this time he was despised enough in Britain that Wentworth and Cavendish were able to defeat his manoeuvres. Cavendish was named Duke Regent, although Wentworth retains a powerful influence.

    [2] Written by Pieter Stins, a Dutch sailor on de Houtman’s first and second voyages to Aururia. See post #23.

    [3] Historically, the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of Defence in 1619 was irrevocably strained by the Amboyna massacre in 1623. Allohistorically, the different circumstances of Dutch discovery of Aururia meant that they were more focused on this new prize, and not quite as suspicious of English involvement in Ambon Island. There has been no equivalent to the Amboyna massacre. While the Dutch and English are still trading rivals and frequently accuse each other of bad faith, there has been no formal breach as of 1635.

    [4] Fluyts is a Dutch kind of sailing vessel designed for maximum cargo volume in trans-oceanic voyages. The Nangu have adopted this name as a generic name for any large European ship.

    [5] To Gunnagalic-speaking peoples, including the Nangu, blue and azure (light blue) are separate colours, similarly to how red and pink are treated by English-speakers.

    [6] When the Nangu think of how close languages are, they mean more than whether languages are closely-related. They also think in terms of ease of learning. In that sense, Atjuntja is easier to learn than Junditmara (the Yadji language), since it does not have the same intricate social customs which govern its usage.

    In a linguistic sense, the Atjuntja language is also nearer to Nangu than Junditmara, although the relationship is not a close one. The Atjuntja language, along with the related Yaora languages of the south-west, and many of the languages of the desert peoples, are distantly related to Gunnagalic languages. The Junditmara language is a linguistic isolate; while it did formerly have related languages nearby, those were all extinguished during the Gunnagalic migrations of 900 BC – 200 AD. (Refer to post #6.)

    [7] At this time, sanitation was not an advanced concept in England. (Or indeed anywhere much in Europe, with some slight exceptions such as Paris, and even then the main purpose of Paris’s sewer system was to remove stormwater). London’s sewers were open ditches designed to carry waste into the Thames. The unhygienic consequences were inevitable.

    In comparison, the Yadji and their predecessors have used covered sewers for centuries. In the upper class houses, they even have flush toilets (something which the English do know of, but are not so effective at putting into practice).

    [8] Fishing in Australian waters is poor at the best of times. It is even poorer off Yadji waters since their various kinds of dams and artificial wetlands mean that most sediment gets deposited again before it reaches the sea. This means that Yadji coastal waters are relatively nutrient-deprived, and even more barren of fishing than they were historically.

    [9] Gutjanal is a kingdom in the Upper *Murray, which is sometimes allied with Tjibarr on the Lower *Murray, and sometimes fights against them.

    * * *

    Thoughts?
     
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