Lands of Red and Gold

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The Sandman

Banned
Interesting for all kinds of reasons. I'm surprised the Dutch would supply charts though.

Global demography will be quite interesting in a few centuries.

They probably just handed out charts for the East Indies. If the Nangu have started going around Aururia to the north, it's only a matter of time until they reach Timor or New Guinea anyway, and from there they'd end up either in the Moluccas or heading towards Java. By providing the charts themselves, the Dutch can control where the Nangu go to some degree, because they'll expect that if presented with charts the Nangu will just head for the ports marked on it with minimal exploration of the other islands.

The problem is that the Nangu now know a rough direction to go if they want to find the Netherlands, and (even more importantly) about how long it would take to get there. With that information, all they have to do is load up with a large amount of provisions and head west.

I wonder if we'll end up seeing a circumnavigation attempt?

The other route the Nangu might take, assuming they've had sufficient dealings with the Maori to hear whatever stories the Maoris have about their Polynesian ancestors, is east to Aotearoa and north from there towards the Solomons. Aside from pigs, though, I'm not sure what the Polynesians would have that the Nangu might want.
 
Awesome! Love the journey. Love the realistic "turn back south" despite how close to Timor they unknowingly were...shows why you're a master!

And so Werringi becomes the most badass character in The Lands of Red and Gold. I'm really looking forward to seeing what the Islander's decide to do with their new knowledge.

I smell a Memetic Badass... :cool:

"Werringi doesn't circumnavigate Aurauria, he just scowls and it meekly circumnavigates him!"

"The only reason Werringi sailed around Aurauria rather than just roundhouse kick the Ajunta out of the way was that he didn't want to scuff his sandals."
 
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"Werringi doesn't circumnavigate Aurauria, he just scowls and it meekly circumnavigates him!"

"The only reason Werringi sailed around Aurauria rather than just roundhouse kick the Ajunta out of the way was that he didn't want to scuff his sandals."

Ahh, the LoRaG equivalent of the Chuck Norris facts! :cool:

"Werringi's tears can heal blue-sleep. Too bad he never cries. Ever."
 
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Interesting for all kinds of reasons. I'm surprised the Dutch would supply charts though.

Well, nothing says that the charts which the Dutch do supply will be particularly detailed or accurate (as De Vries himself thinks). But giving the Nangu a general idea of how to sail to Europe or Batavia won't be any worse than dealing with the Spanish or English, who already know.

And what the Dutch get out of the deal is huge, too. They get to know the geography of Aururia and a description of all the peoples who are there. That is worth a lot to them. Particularly in terms of which peoples might be worthwhile target markets.

Global demography will be quite interesting in a few centuries.

It will, although the problem will still be that the Aururians are still extremely vulnerable to Old World diseases. They're not as vulnerable as New World peoples were, but still, note that a single disease (measles) killed about a quarter of the Mutjing in South Africa. Smallpox would be as bad or worse; plague even worse.

On the other hand, the Mutjing are less vulnerable than Europeans to Marnitja or blue-sleep. Not to mention better protected against skin cancer, in areas closer to the equator. Which would include South Africa, even if skin cancer there's not as bad a risk for whites as it would be further north.

Overall, that sounds like selection for the heterozygote to me... :D

A nucleus of Aururian population at the Cape, complete with a toehold of the Pliri faith. I'm curious to find out what will happen.

Quite a lot, in the long run. At the very least, there's going to be a heavy Mutjing legacy in terms of vocabulary in *Afrikaans. Quite possibly in religion, too, although expect the Dutch to keep trying to Christianise the Mutjing. They won't be as persistent or insistent as the Spanish would be, though.

Ooh, the Aururians have been unleashed to the rest of the world!

Step 1: Unleash Aururians on world.
Step 2: ????
Step 3: World conquest!

Assuming their crop package grows well in southern Africa, I can see the Pliri faith and accompanying nuances of Mutjing culutre spreading amongst the native Africans...

Always assuming that the Mutjing remain ethnically distinct, yes. It's quite possible, but note that the description of their settlement in the Cape was in a book called "A History of the Dutch-speaking Peoples" (by *Churchill, perhaps?). The Mutjing who remain in the Cape may well be assimilated. Not that all of them will necessarily remain there, of course.

In fact, if the Aururian crop package grows well in the Cape, one can assume the Dutch will compound on this by spreading it to their other possessions or trading the crops to similarly climated regions (Jared's already named a few places that would benefit greatly from red yam and the like). Will the heavily proselytizing Pliri faith accompany it?

The key parts of the Aururian crop package won't actually spread that well into Africa beyond the Cape. Red yams don't grow into the tropics. Some of the wattles do, although not necessarily all that well. Murnong will grow in tropical highlands, but can't take the heat of the lowlands. Emus may have their uses, though.

If carried by sea, though, then yes, the Aururian crops will grow quite well in other regions. I'm not sure whether that would mean that the Pliri faith accompanies them, though. Perhaps. Depends on whether the Dutch have worked out how to farm the Aururian crops themselves first.

Magnificent!

I'm not intending this to toot my own horn, but I am pleased you took up my suggestion (or, if you didn't remember, came to the same conclusion) that this would be an interesting way to introduce the Pilari faith to the wider world.

I didn't specifically base it on your suggestion, but yes, you picked it pretty well. :D

Given IOTL the Dutch only with some trepidation allowed the free farmers (burghers) to settle in the Cape, it becomes an open question when, or even if, large numbers of Dutch settlers will begin to pour in. Especially since now that Aururian crops are established, Dutch farmers will either have to learn how to farm them, or spend a few unprofitable years modifying the less ideal European crops to the Cape's environment.

That's a good question. Especially since one condition which the ATL author didn't mention about the Cape was that the Dutch would have trouble finding enough farmers for the first few years, anyway. The death rates from Aururian diseases have been substantial in Europe.

That won't stop the Dutch finding crews for their ships and other colonial adventures in the Indies - there's always going to be plenty of volunteers to do something so potentially profitable - but that may not work so well for finding volunteer farmers to go to pull up weeds at the Cape.

On the other hand, European farmers won't die as much from Old World diseases, and will know more about livestock than the Pliri. A victualling station would be preferred if it could supply beef and pork, not just yams and wattles.

There's also the point that the Dutch may not be able to recruit an unlimited number of Aururians to make up for the losses from disease. They're able to collect Mutjing for now (for reasons which will become clear), but that may not last, especially if lots of Mutjing are dying in Aururia from diseases, too.

As trade prospects grow better and the economy grows, at least a skeleton crew of Europeans will move in, but *South Africa could end up resembling Surinam in some ways more than OTL's nation, where the Dutch are very much outnumbered by the various groups they bring in as agricultural laborers, both forced and unforced, and not only the black population.

Certainly there will be a few Europeans moving in, mostly men, and probably taking their pick of the Mutjing women, too, with its own resulting demographics.

The black population, well... perhaps not so much. It depends whether the Dutch expand much beyond the Cape. IIRC, around the Cape itself it was mostly just Khoikhoi herders. Who will have their own problems (see below).

Also a crucial question is how disease resistant the Khoisan and African peoples will be to the introduced diseases. My understanding is despite being in contact with Eurasian diseases, a fair amount of Khoisan people died of introduced diseases in the early Dutch period (I may be wrong on this), perhaps because even the Khoikhoi took up animal husbandry relatively recently. Regardless, the groups might show even less resistance to Aururian diseases than Eurasians and Black Africans (although more than Native Americans), meaning a more empty Cape, which could lead to all sorts of population implications (there might not even be a distinct cape colored population at all).

If I understand it correctly, a lot of the Khoikhoi died of disease in the early years of Dutch settlement of the Cape, particularly due to smallpox. They do seem to have been more vulnerable than the Bantu peoples further east. Most likely this was due to lower population density; smallpox and other diseases moving south through Africa may well have burned out before they reached the Cape peoples. In the same way, a lot of peoples in Siberia were more vulnerable to Old World diseases, IIRC, since the diseases mostly hadn't spread to them.

What this means for the Cape, well... it's entirely possible that the ATL colored people will be mixed European and Mutjing, not mixed European and Khoisan peoples.

Can't wait to see the impact of Pilari *Zulus. Not real Zulus of course, since the tribe wasn't founded till 1709, but some analogous Nguni ethnic group.

Could be an interesting religious competition between Christianity and Plirism. One religion has the prestige of Europeans attached, but also has certain conditions about accepting pacifism and so on. Another religion lacks the same prestige, but is just as evangelical, and encourages decisive action from its believers.

Great update, how will the Mutjingget along with the native Africans?

I suspect that they will view the Khoikhoi as ignorant nomads, much as nomads and sedentary farmers viewed each other with disdain in the Middle East. Doesn't mean that they will be hostile, though, and as per the tenets of the Pliri faith, what your neighbours believe matters.

And so Werringi becomes the most badass character in The Lands of Red and Gold. I'm really looking forward to seeing what the Islander's decide to do with their new knowledge.

One thing is for sure: the Islanders are not the sort of people to meekly sit there and wait for Europeans to do what they want. Courage is considered a national virtue.

I have a feeling that we're not seeing the last of Werringi...

This seems to imply that circumnavigating Aururia is not the first of his great feats (though that's probably just me hoping so, as if it was it would be quite an anticlimax). Mayhaps he follows the Mutjing immigrants to South Africa? Or explores the Indian Ocean Rim for the Nangu?

Werringi has already accomplished several feats: sailing to Daluming was a bold step, in comparison with what they had done before. Still, it's safe to say that this isn't the last that will be shown of Werringi.

A good PoD for future Aururians alt-historians.:)

Why, yes. Although Werringi now knows where Timor is, thanks to Dutch charts. :)

Literate peasant farmers and agressive, illiterate iron-age pastoralists (Zulu, Xosha, etc). Err, like oil and water. The real question is do the Mutjingget encounter them heading north (a trek!), or do the Bantu encounter them on a trip to their south.

Now, that is a very good question indeed. Will the Mutjing be moving north? The problem is that their red yams are nearly at the limit of their growing range already. Wattles aren't, but it would help the Mutjing if they either acquired lesser yams from the rest of Aururia, or sweet potato and other crops grown by the Bantu peoples.

If you're talking about the Khoisans, they're much more likely to get along. The Khoisans were at least not very good at war, and maybe were less aggressive too.

Yes, while relations will not necessarily be very friendly, all-out war may be less likely.

That banned under Jared's name is a joke, right?

I got better!
(Although now I need to hide from Thande, or I'll get worse again.)

They probably just handed out charts for the East Indies. If the Nangu have started going around Aururia to the north, it's only a matter of time until they reach Timor or New Guinea anyway, and from there they'd end up either in the Moluccas or heading towards Java. By providing the charts themselves, the Dutch can control where the Nangu go to some degree, because they'll expect that if presented with charts the Nangu will just head for the ports marked on it with minimal exploration of the other islands.

The Dutch have provided a world map of sorts. It's not that detailed, though, for obvious reasons. They've also supplied charts of the Indies, although for some strange reason the Moluccas didn't appear on the charts. An oversight, dontchaknow?

The problem is that the Nangu now know a rough direction to go if they want to find the Netherlands, and (even more importantly) about how long it would take to get there. With that information, all they have to do is load up with a large amount of provisions and head west.

They'd never make it west across the Indian Ocean at southern latitudes, I expect. The winds are against them, and they would probably die of scurvy before they reached Africa.

What they would need to do is what the Dutch and Portuguese do - go further north and follow the monsoon winds back across the Indian Ocean. Which is relatively easy, but the Dutch won't have told them that detail yet. The Nangu will no doubt find out eventually if they have contact with peoples at Batavia, but they don't know yet.

I wonder if we'll end up seeing a circumnavigation attempt?

'Tis certainly possible, but the Nangu will need to learn more about both the world and seafaring before we'd see a successful attempt.

The other route the Nangu might take, assuming they've had sufficient dealings with the Maori to hear whatever stories the Maoris have about their Polynesian ancestors, is east to Aotearoa and north from there towards the Solomons. Aside from pigs, though, I'm not sure what the Polynesians would have that the Nangu might want.

Can certainly count on some Nangu exploration of Melanesia, at least. Maybe into Polynesia, too. Whether exploration will be followed by much else is a different story, though. Ongoing trade depends on both having valuable trade goods and on a market at both ends - and there's not that much in Polynesia which the Nangu would think worth trading for. As you point out, pigs might be nice for a once-off, but that won't be enough for ongoing trade.

Awesome! Love the journey. Love the realistic "turn back south" despite how close to Timor they unknowingly were...shows why you're a master!

Yeah, tempting though it was, it just didn't fit with how these people would realistically explore.

I smell a Memetic Badass... :cool:

"Werringi doesn't circumnavigate Aurauria, he just scowls and it meekly circumnavigates him!"

"The only reason Werringi sailed around Aurauria rather than just roundhouse kick the Ajunta out of the way was that he didn't want to scuff his sandals."

Wait until what happens when you meet, well... coming soon.
 

Valdemar II

Banned
I was thinking even with only one stop on the way to Indonesia, the Dutch got a incredible number of people to Asia (the Dutch had in the early 18th century 20 000 men in Asia plus families). Here in TTL with a second stop and the fast southen route and we may see a significant increase in survival rates for Dutch, leading to it becomes cheaper for the Dutch to transport people to East Asia, and less of a risk for people travelling there, even if we see a significant Dutch/European population in Aururia, we may also see a significant increase in Indonesia*, and as I have suggested earlier a significant Dutch population on Formosa (Taiwan), maybe enough that the Dutch can defend it from Chinese conquest.

*Through not enough to be likely to make a demographic difference in the long term, through maybe enough to that Dutch would be useful to be used as lingua franca.
 
What can I say? Your TL was good enough, but it is becoming better!

Some questions and thoughts:
Werringi frowned. “You Raw Men are traders. You know that knowledge comes with a price. You do not ask for a gift of knowledge. Especially not something as valuable as our maps and tales.”

Charts? De Vries had not even realised that these Islanders made charts. He wondered, for a moment, what else they knew. “You want to bargain for maps?”
If they're speaking in Atjuntjan language, and de Vries recognized in Werringi's speech the word for 'map', why was he so astonished to learn that the Nangu (evidently more sea-experienced than the Atjuntja) make maps? Presence of the word implies existence of material object in culture in question, doesn't it?
Worth trading for knowledge of our own charts and voyages? Yes, he decided, after a while. If he told these Islanders how to sail to the East Indies, that would be nothing which the English and the Spanish did not already know... and the Spanish knew how to sail to the South Land too, now.

In any case, he would not have to tell the Islander captain everything. And no matter what he told them, he doubted that these pagans would traverse the world’s oceans and sail to Amsterdam. To Batavia, perhaps, which might be a problem, but hardly any worse than the English who already sailed there.

“Let us discuss this further,” he said, and they settled down to bargain.
Courageous man, this de Vries. He knows that the maps are confidential, that his actions may be construed as aiding the competitor (or even as high treason), and despite all this he decides to give the (intentionally inaccurate) maps to Werringi. His bargain is good one for the VOC, but will the Lords XVII see it that way?
So the Company decided to procure both crops and workers from Aururia. Two hundred Mutjing men and women from Valk Land [Eyre Peninsula, South Australia] were persuaded [9] to settle in the Cape in 1640, and ample supplies of seed for their preferred crops were brought with them.

In line with the Councillor’s expectations, the new crops thrived in the Cape. The first red yams were supplied to ships in the first year, and bountiful harvests of cornnarts [wattle seeds] from 1642. Harvests of their variety of flax were also plentiful, which laid the foundations for a weaving industry to supply new ropes and sails to damaged ships.

The endeavour was successful enough, even after some conflicts with the Hottentots, that in 1643 another forty Mutjing families were invited to abandon their struggling homeland and move to the growing settlement at the Cape...

The first significant problems arose in 1645. An outbreak of measles killed nearly a quarter of the Mutjing farmers. The distraught people turned to a religious explanation; they blamed the epidemic on the lack of guidance in how to avoid bringing disharmony. They demanded that the Company bring in a Plirite priest and allow them to build a small temple for him.
Wouldn't it be somewhat more profitable to enslave the Mutjing (after arrival to Africa, of course)? After all, the OTL Dutch kept their Coloured labourers in slavery on the Cape. There is no way for the Mutjing back home to learn about fate of their brethren in Africa, short of a Dutch sailor telling them truth.
On the other hand, if the Dutch are planning to use some Aururians (Nangu, most probably) as sailors on Aururia-Cape route, then, obviously, it would be counterproductive to show them example of their linguistic and racial cousins being kept in bondage. Moreover, if the Mutjing are the Nangu's subjects/allies, then it would be completely wrong to enslave them, at least while the Island retains its independence.
The VOC's approval of the Plirite temple establishment is, of course, very clever step on the Company's part, which is completely in line with the said Company's OTL actions (acceptance of Islamic faith among the Cape Malays and Ceylon Moors, compliance with Tokugawa Japan's anti-Christian legislation, etc.). Profit above devotion, forever, and toleration when possible. They could be much worse.
I'm not sure whether that would mean that the Pliri faith accompanies them, though. Perhaps. Depends on whether the Dutch have worked out how to farm the Aururian crops themselves first.
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Could be an interesting religious competition between Christianity and Plirism. One religion has the prestige of Europeans attached, but also has certain conditions about accepting pacifism and so on. Another religion lacks the same prestige, but is just as evangelical, and encourages decisive action from its believers.
I do think that the Dutch wouldn't acquire skills required to grow Aururian crops soon enough, so the Aururian labourers/farmers would remain significant part of the Cape Colony's population, and their faith would have good chances to spread among Africans, at least for as long as Aururians remain relatively free to move into wilderness. If I reckon correctly, in the OTL Cape Colony Islam couldn't spread because of servile status of the Cape Malays, and Christianity wasn't spread by the Dutch because of the VOC's deliberate policy (and some specific features of Calvinism, too).
 
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I was thinking even with only one stop on the way to Indonesia, the Dutch got a incredible number of people to Asia (the Dutch had in the early 18th century 20 000 men in Asia plus families). Here in TTL with a second stop and the fast southen route and we may see a significant increase in survival rates for Dutch, leading to it becomes cheaper for the Dutch to transport people to East Asia, and less of a risk for people travelling there, even if we see a significant Dutch/European population in Aururia, we may also see a significant increase in Indonesia*, and as I have suggested earlier a significant Dutch population on Formosa (Taiwan), maybe enough that the Dutch can defend it from Chinese conquest.

Hmm. Yes, that is an intriguing possibility. The second stop will allow ships to replenish their supplies much more readily. Although if memory serves, most Dutch ships used the fast southern route already on the outbound voyage - that's why there's a fair number of Dutch shipwrecks on the western coast of Australia. I think that they sailed back to Europe on a more northerly route (following the monsoons).

As to what will happen with a higher Dutch population, well- good question. Probably some in Aururia, as you say, and perhaps more in Indonesia. If they don't just die of tropical diseases in larger numbers.

Formosa/Taiwan... 'twill be interesting. Not least because I'm really not sure what will happen on mainland China. It's likely that the Manchu at least will be butterflied away, so the particular chain of events which led to Koxinga taking Formosa will also probably be negated. Which doesn't mean that there won't be other attempts to push out the Dutch, and Formosa is still likely to be vulnerable for a while.

*Through not enough to be likely to make a demographic difference in the long term, through maybe enough to that Dutch would be useful to be used as lingua franca.

At the very least, probably a higher proportion of Dutch vocabulary in *Bahasa.

What can I say? Your TL was good enough, but it is becoming better!

Merci.

If they're speaking in Atjuntjan language, and de Vries recognized in Werringi's speech the word for 'map', why was he so astonished to learn that the Nangu (evidently more sea-experienced than the Atjuntja) make maps? Presence of the word implies existence of material object in culture in question, doesn't it?

Because this was the first time in which de Vries heard Werringi use the word map, and because up until this point he had been operating under the common Dutch assumption that the Atjuntja are the most advanced people on the continent.

The Dutch believe that the Atjuntja are the most advanced because they're the largest empire they've encountered to this point, the Atjuntja themselves believe that they are the most advanced, and have told the Dutch the same. The Atjuntja pride themselves in being the first to work iron (it was what let them conquer their empire), and have told the Dutch that the eastern peoples learned iron-working off them. Which is perfectly true for iron-working, but in fact most inventions have come the other way, from east to west.

So the Dutch have been operating under the assumption that the eastern peoples are less advanced than the Atjuntja. Their experience with easterners has not been much to this point, and they have noticed that the Nangu and *Tasmanians - the eastern people they have the most contact with - use a lot of bronze, not just iron. Of course, this is because the Nangu prefer bronze since it doesn't corrode near the sea, and the *Tasmanians have bronze so cheap it's better to use than iron.

But the basic Dutch assumption has so far been that the Nangu etc are less advanced. Just because the Nangu can sail further doesn't change that assumption much; after all, the Dutch know of Polynesian populations who can sail for hundreds or thousands of kilometres, but who don't have writing, let alone maps. So the realisation that the Nangu were more advanced than the Atjuntja in some ways came as a bit of a shock.

Courageous man, this de Vries. He knows that the maps are confidential, that his actions may be construed as aiding the competitor (or even as high treason), and despite all this he decides to give the (intentionally inaccurate) maps to Werringi. His bargain is good one for the VOC, but will the Lords XVII see it that way?

Probably, yes. Maps were protected documents, but that hadn't stopped the Dutch and Portuguese exchanging charts and navigational information in the past at various points in the past. De Vries is not giving away anything which the major Dutch rivals don't already know (and indeed is giving some misinformation), and is getting absolutely marvellous information about Aururia in exchange.

Wouldn't it be somewhat more profitable to enslave the Mutjing (after arrival to Africa, of course)? After all, the OTL Dutch kept their Coloured labourers in slavery on the Cape. There is no way for the Mutjing back home to learn about fate of their brethren in Africa, short of a Dutch sailor telling them truth.
On the other hand, if the Dutch are planning to use some Aururians (Nangu, most probably) as sailors on Aururia-Cape route, then, obviously, it would be counterproductive to show them example of their linguistic and racial cousins being kept in bondage. Moreover, if the Mutjing are the Nangu's subjects/allies, then it would be completely wrong to enslave them, at least while the Island retains its independence.

There are a couple of reasons why the VOC isn't enslaving the Mutjing. One is political considerations, as you point out. (The details of which will have to wait for another post, since there's various changes going on.)

The other reason is that the Mutjing themselves would in any case take very poorly to slavery, potentially to the extent of dying or fleeing rather than submitting. This is part of the Plirite faith; the second path is the path of propriety, acting according to your station, and the expectation that in this life, you will not really move up or down. The Mutjing are a free peasantry; they know of what slaves are (although in Aururia those are mostly used only in the mines), and view themselves as superior to slaves. Forcing them into slavery would only be counterproductive, since in practice the VOC can get the food it wants them to produce cheaply enough.

In time, of course, the Mutjing may be forced into a condition which is as near slavery as makes no difference. But it won't be done at once, and even then some of the Mutjing may prefer to flee rather than submit.

The VOC's approval of the Plirite temple establishment is, of course, very clever step on the Company's part, which is completely in line with the said Company's OTL actions (acceptance of Islamic faith among the Cape Malays and Ceylon Moors, compliance with Tokugawa Japan's anti-Christian legislation, etc.). Profit above devotion, forever, and toleration when possible. They could be much worse.

Yes, the VOC is very pragmatic about such matters. What they don't realise, of course - although they may not much care - is that Plirites have even more incentive to convert their neighbours to their faith than most forms of Christianity. To a Plirite, if your neighbour is also not a Plirite, then the discord which that produces will affect you, too. So they're quite likely to try to convert the Khoikhoi. They may not succeed, of course, but it won't take longer than the next epidemic for them to try.

I do think that the Dutch wouldn't acquire skills required to grow Aururian crops soon enough, so the Aururian labourers/farmers would remain significant part of the Cape Colony's population, and their faith would have good chances to spread among Africans, at least for as long as Aururians remain relatively free to move into wilderness.

Yes, it will take a while for the Dutch to get their heads around the Aururian crop system. Individual crops they could work out and take back to Europe in some cases (most notably murnong), but what the Aururians do is a wholly different land management & crop rotation system. The methods of planting and harvesting are different, and the crop rotation is essential. Red yams wear out the soil over a couple of decades if you don't do something to replenish it. Growing wattles as companion plantings (in the short term) and then on whole fields every decade or two is important. The Mutjing also farm emus on fallow fields sometimes, to use their manure as fertiliser. They may work out how to do the same thing with cattle or other Old World domestic animals.

What this will mean, in turn, is that the Mutjing will be indispensable for a while. They can't be clamped down on too heavily, and their faith may start to spread. Whether this will last in the long-term, well, it's hard to say, but one thing is pretty sure: the Pliri faith is very resistant to conversion attempts, since Plirites do not view converts to other faiths in a favourable light. To put it mildly.

If I reckon correctly, in the OTL Cape Colony Islam couldn't spread because of servile status of the Cape Malays, and Christianity wasn't spread by the Dutch because of the VOC's deliberate policy (and some specific features of Calvinism, too).

That's about how I figure it, too. The Pliri faith may spread. Or it may not, particularly if the Mutjing cop the likely death rates from Old World diseases (which will be nasty). But there's certainly some potential there.
 

The Sandman

Banned
Oddly enough, the Dutch might actually deliberately encourage the Pliri faith among their de facto and de jure slaves. A religion that teaches slaves to accept that they are slaves in this life and await a better position in the future would be very useful for slavemasters, and keeping your slaves non-Christian weakens the coreligionist arguments for emancipation.

I expect that the Indian and Chinese reactions to Pliriism will be fascinating. Buddhists in particular are likely to see some parallels between the Good Man and the Buddha.

And I wonder how long before the Nangu start setting up colonies along the northeastern coast for spice production? Especially once they realize just how well the Great Barrier Reef protects that coastline from deep-draft sailing vessels (like, say, those of the Dutch).
 
Holy shit, in one update, you have reaffirmed my faith in both this TL, and that Africa is always fucking awesome when people take the time to look at it in their TLs...

Just a few questions/comments:

1) Due to their apparent greater success in the Cape, the East Indies, and the "Third World", will the Dutch neglect or focus less on the Americas? As we've seen IOTL, crops like sugarcane, and I imagine other "cash crops" could be grown in Australia/Aururia. Why stretch themselves out so much?

2) What is the state of art in the Aururian cultures? Are their any particular symbols associated with empire, or power, like the eagle/lion via Rome and such?

3) In regards to the spread of Pliri faith, note how Hinduism spread amongst the former Dutch colonies, partiuclarly Mauritius and Suriname. And that's not an evangelical faith. Just saying...

4) Has Spain-Portugal seized any land in the Third World yet?
 
Oddly enough, the Dutch might actually deliberately encourage the Pliri faith among their de facto and de jure slaves. A religion that teaches slaves to accept that they are slaves in this life and await a better position in the future would be very useful for slavemasters, and keeping your slaves non-Christian weakens the coreligionist arguments for emancipation.

It will be, but there's a flip side to that religion, though: rulers and other high status people are also expected to behave in a manner befitting their station. Which, for these purposes, means excessive cruelty, plus being forced to work through religous events and/or excessive hours.

Not to mention that if people are captured and forced into slavery, Plirites would expect to be freed, too. So while in some circumstances it might help, the Dutch might discover over time that they've gotten more than they bargained for.

I expect that the Indian and Chinese reactions to Pliriism will be fascinating. Buddhists in particular are likely to see some parallels between the Good Man and the Buddha.

Yes, there's enough parallels between Buddhism and Plirism that there will be some... interesting conversations. Also some quite significant differences, too, of course, but enough in common that there would be much to talk about. And argue about.

And I wonder how long before the Nangu start setting up colonies along the northeastern coast for spice production? Especially once they realize just how well the Great Barrier Reef protects that coastline from deep-draft sailing vessels (like, say, those of the Dutch).

The Nangu don't (yet) have much experience with setting up colonies for that sort of production. Isolated resupply outposts, yes, and in a couple of cases timber-harvesting outposts for shipbuilding, but not outright plantation style colonies. They'd need to find manpower somewhere.

On the other hand, they're not stupid. They now know how to sail to *Queensland, and have a fair idea of what it's like. If the potential exists, and if they can find the manpower to support colonies, then they may well go ahead. There are Aururian spices which will be well-received both in Asia and Europe (to say nothing of Aururia itself), so the market is there.

1) Due to their apparent greater success in the Cape, the East Indies, and the "Third World", will the Dutch neglect or focus less on the Americas? As we've seen IOTL, crops like sugarcane, and I imagine other "cash crops" could be grown in Australia/Aururia. Why stretch themselves out so much?

Good question. Could go either way, really. In OTL the Dutch West India Company (GWC) was separate from the East India Company, and was also notably less successful. The greater success of the East India Company may mean that investors focus more there than in the west.

Or, on the other hand, it may mean that with more Aururian gold floating around, wealthy Dutch look for more places to invest, and give more support to the GWC. That in itself may not mean that it's more successful, though. For instance, the GWC's biggest colony in the mid-seventeenth century was the territory it took off Portugal, but that was always vulnerable because the Dutch never really controlled the countryside. Absent a change in policy, the Dutch were never going to hold Brazil in the long run - pouring more money in may just make it a bigger money sink.

As an aside, though, while sugar could definitely be grown in parts of Aururia (north-eastern Queensland, in particular), I'm not sure that it would offer any advantages over the other places where the Dutch might grow sugar. The Caribbean has the advantage of much shorter shipping distances to Europe, for instance, and easier access to slaves for the plantations.

2) What is the state of art in the Aururian cultures? Are their any particular symbols associated with empire, or power, like the eagle/lion via Rome and such?

Aururian art, in general, tends toward the gaudy and baroque. Very colourful and ostentatious. Most public buildings will be highly decorated, in one way or another.

The eagle is a symbol of power in many peoples, which is a legacy of the old Empire of Watjubaga. (Their royal family had the eagle as their totem).

Among the Yadji, the eel is a symbol of wealth and power, due to the associations with people having the power to build wetlands to harbour those eels.

3) In regards to the spread of Pliri faith, note how Hinduism spread amongst the former Dutch colonies, partiuclarly Mauritius and Suriname. And that's not an evangelical faith. Just saying...

Yes, the Dutch were certainly tolerant of Hinduism, although by the time that Hindus were brought into Mauritius and Surinam, they were contract workers, not slaves per se.

4) Has Spain-Portugal seized any land in the Third World yet?

They've nosed around the north-west coast, but haven't established any permanent outposts yet.
 
Some questions and thoughts:

If they're speaking in Atjuntjan language, and de Vries recognized in Werringi's speech the word for 'map', why was he so astonished to learn that the Nangu (evidently more sea-experienced than the Atjuntja) make maps? Presence of the word implies existence of material object in culture in question, doesn't it?
Because there is one heck of a difference between a 'map' and a 'chart', in some ways. These days, almost all of the things we call 'maps' are actually accurate and useful, but that wasn't the case earlier on. Early maps of Europe in the middle ages, for instance, were more schematics (what cities were approximately where) than accurate depictions of relative sizes and shapes of countries. Atuntja (sp?) maps might well have been purely land maps, and been fairly much of this sort.

Ocean charts needed for sailing, with sea conditions, reefs, headlands, etc., etc., are an entirely different kettle of fish. 'Rutters' on certain routes were commercial/state secrets in approximately this time period.

Werringi (sp?) was specifically charting the coastline. This would be worth a LOT to the Dutch. Some rough, crude map of the general shape of the continent would be worth something. But a navigator's charts? next door to priceless.
 
Lands of Red and Gold #33: Sprouting Stalks
Lands of Red and Gold #33: Sprouting Stalks

“The Nedlandj are covetous and cunning, loud and quickly-spoken, and sail to the uttermost reaches of the world. Of balance they know nothing, for they proclaim for one god yet ignore his rules in pursuit of gold.”
- Anonymous Nangu sailor, describing the Dutch after visiting Batavia

* * *

Azure Day, Cycle of Water, 392nd Year of Harmony (3.13.392) / 30 November 1631
Crescent Bay, The Island [Kingscote, Kangaroo Island]

“This place is no longer what it once was,” Yuma Tjula murmured.

He needed only to feel the extra weight on his shoulders to know that, or glance at the men escorting him. Once, Yuma had walked alone anywhere on the Island wearing whatever sumptuous clothes he liked, armed with nothing but the common Nangu dagger which was as much tool as weapon.

Now, he did not dare. Whenever he set foot on the streets of Crescent Bay, or almost anywhere outside of the lands of his own bloodline, at least four men came with him. Four men armed not with the usual knife but with swords and maces. Four bodyguards. It seemed surreal, even now, like something out of the old days of vendettas.

Those old days had returned, though. Yuma no longer wore a gem-studded headwreath to proclaim his wealth. Instead, he protected himself with a bronze helmet of Tjunini manufacture, traded despite the war which consumed the Cider Isle. To protect his body, he wore an iron skin: Gunnagal mail, obtained in Jugara at a greater cost in dyes and spices than he cared to think about.

Security had replaced ostentation. Oh, not entirely. He had still found time to have the helmet adorned with a few black and fire opals around the rim, and he still pondered what could be done to improve the appearance of the mail. But the fundamental problem remained: with the Island consumed by feuds, he had to protect himself, or the only adornment he wore would be blood.

He guided his bodyguards past the docks, warily watching if any people in the crowd tried to press too close and slip in a knife. That was how the Beard, the elder of the Kalendi, had been hastened to his next life.

Given the rumours of how the Beard had behaved in life, Yuma thought that his fate was an inevitable consequence, but the Kalendi did not see the outcome that way. They had declared a vendetta on the Nyumatta bloodline, the first called on the Island for many years. Inevitably, further death had followed in the wake of that call.

As they neared the shipyards beyond the docks, Yuma saw that two ships were being built. Great-ships, from the size of the timber that had been assembled for the construction. Strange, indeed. Most ship-building had moved to the Seven Sisters [Eyre Peninsula] or the Cider Isle [Tasmania], since wood on the Island was more valuable for other purposes.

Yuma almost stopped to see what purpose these new great-ships were meant to serve. Until he saw the banner hung between the ships, a scarlet triangle with stylised bone-white forked lightning in its centre. The symbol of the Manyilti bloodline. Who had declared a feud with his own Tjula bloodline, over Yuma’s actions in inviting the Raw Men to visit the Island. No, he did not dare go there. He was not yet ready to reach his next life, and the Island did not need another vendetta such as would follow from his death.

Instead, he directed his bodyguards to step away from the docks and the water, into a street which ran between two warehouses. He wanted to keep well away from the Manyilti and their knives.

In any case, he could guess why they were building new ships, if not why construction was taking place on the Island. Word of Werringi’s return was spreading, and the Manyilti must expect more trade as a result. They might even be right; the Raw Men were said to love kunduri, as their first visit had confirmed. The Manyilti were well-represented in the trade with Tjibarr, which would let them obtain it to trade to the Raw Men.

Yuma stopped at an unremarkable stone building a short walk beyond the warehouses. Four more armed men stood at the front door, another reminder of how times had changed on the Island. This building was the official town residence of the elder of the Tjula, and served as the town headquarters for the bloodline.

The residence was built of undecorated stone. The lack of ostentation suited its purpose. Almost all of the bloodlines, including the Tjula, maintained grand buildings and estates out in the country. A legacy of the old times when most of the Islanders lived in country holdings, not in the new cities. Those days had long passed, but most bloodlines chose to spend their wealth in country dwellings, not in the crowded environs of Crescent Bay.

Inside waited Wirnugal, elder of the Tjula, and a half-dozen other trading captains. Wirnugal half-rose from his seat to acknowledge Yuma’s entrance. “Be welcome in my house, most senior of my captains.”

Yuma returned the greeting with equally polite forms, but those words still brought a twist to his heart. Once, not so long before, Yuma had been only the third most senior of the Tjula captains. That had been before the swelling fever [mumps] and the red breath [tuberculosis] swept through the Island. Now the bloodline had been deprived of the knowledge and skills of those former two most senior captains, at a time of great troubles.

For that matter, Wirnugal himself bore the marks of struggle; his face had more lines, his hair was white, and his voice lacked its former power. He had survived the red breath, but his days in this turn of life grew few. Which left Yuma feeling even more uncertain. He had always wanted to lead the Tjula, given time, but not so soon, and not this way.

Wirnugal said, “You have all heard, by now, of what Werringi claims to have done.”

“A very bold move, to sail around the world,” one of the captains said.

If he speaks truth,” another captain answered.

“If what he says is true, he has not sailed around the world at all,” Yuma said. “He has only sailed across a small part of the world.”

Werringi had been coy about many of the things which he had discovered on his voyage. Doubtless he had carefully prepared charts, and those would be shared only amongst his bloodline’s friends. He had met with the Raw Men, and maybe he had established private bargains and obtained other secret knowledge

But what Werringi had revealed had been amazing enough. Yuma was still trying to fit his head around the idea of how big the world might be. A year to sail to the homeland of the Raw Men? Twice that, or more, to sail around the world?

Oh, he had always known that the world was round, as did any learned captain or other great man. To see that, a man only needed to stand on the hill of the Temple of the Five Winds and watch distant ships disappear below the horizon, their hulls vanishing first and only afterward their sails and mast. The scale, though...

“Can that be true?” said Njirubal, now the second-most senior Tjula captain, and a man who Yuma thought had reached that rank too soon.

Wirnugal provided the answer, though. “It can be. The world curves beneath our feet; this we have always known. Perhaps the Raw Men have told only half the truth, and they exaggerate the size of the world to dishearten us from sailing to their homeland. But this much my heart knows to be true: the world is much larger than we have ever known, and there are peoples whose wealth and power dwarfs that of the Yadji or Atjuntja.”

The pause which followed was long. Each man filled it with his own thoughts. Yuma wondered how the Raw Men had so much decisiveness, that they could sail so far. The others, no doubt, had other things in mind.

Sure enough, one of the captains said, “If we find them, the trade which would follow would surpass anything which the Atjuntja have, too.”

“Or it may bring us nothing but torment instead,” Njirubal said. “Witness how the Island seethes with feuds since the Raw Men first visited.”

That was a thought more worthy of the second-most senior trading captain. Yuma added, “And what if some kinds of Raw Men would bring war to the Island? The White City is full of stories of the war-making brought by some new group of Raw Men.”

Wirnugal said, “My heart tells me that the Raw Men will come to us again, no matter what. Better that we find them, too, no matter what else may happen. To act otherwise would bring only discord from their visits, without any counterbalance to bring harmony.”

Yuma nodded. As always, Wirnugal saw clearly. But then, what else was an elder expected to do? He said, “We need only decide, then, how best to contact the Raw Men.” Remembering Wirnugal’s words about balance, he added, “And whether to do it alone or in alliance with other bloodlines.”

Wirnugal frowned. “Truth indeed. Feuds bring disharmony. Perhaps only through joint action can we bring back balance on the Island.”

The Tjula settled down to discuss how best to reach the Raw Men.

* * *

For the first decade after de Houtman landed on the western shores of what they now called the South Land, the Dutch had only limited contact with the eastern inhabitants of the Third World. Failures of early exploration, the intransigence of Governor-General Coen and the disruption of the plagues combined to delay any regular contact with the east.

Motivation for more extensive contact came from several sources: the shock of the Spanish raid on Fort Nassau in 1631, obtaining copies of the charts of the first Islanders to circumnavigate the continent later that same year, and a growing appreciation of the native drug called kunduri. Rumours of more gold and spices to the east only added to the growing desire.

Lars Knudsen, the governor of Fort Nassau who had taken office in 1631, had been instructed as part of his orders to establish trade links with the Islanders and any other peoples of commercial interest in the east. While he spent most of his time rebuilding the damaged outpost, he also discreetly gathered what intelligence he could obtain about the eastern peoples, their languages, and their habits.

By a stroke of good fortune, one of the labourers obtained to help rebuild Fort Nassau had previously been drafted to work in the Foreign Quarter of the White City, and had gained a basic knowledge of the Islander language. With the help of generous gifts of steel, Knudsen arranged for the labourer to work permanently for the Company.

With this, copies of charts obtained from the Islanders, and other information garnered from Atjuntja sources, Knudsen decided that he knew enough to organise another expedition to the east. Using authority which was not formally his, he redirected two of the next group of ships to visit Fort Nassau, the Fortuin and the Zuytdorp.

The two ships were loaded with a variety of trade goods, particularly steel swords and other metal goods, textiles, and two rather expensive clocks procured by Knudsen after their original owners failed to interest Atjuntja merchants in trading for them. Knudsen had a hunch (correctly, as it turned out), the eastern peoples might find them of more value.

Knudsen gave command to Willem Cornelis, a young man [1] who showed talent, and gave him the services of several interpreters, most of whom spoke only the Atjuntja language, but including the one Nangu speaker available. The governor issued only broad orders. Renew contact with the Islanders and their neighbouring peoples. Validate the charts which the Company has received. Explore the potential for extending the Netherlands’ protection to any of the eastern peoples you may visit. Obtain a good price for the trade goods which you have been provided, and gather information about what goods are in most demand and of highest value in the east. Establish trade agreements or at least ongoing trade relationships, particularly for kunduri.

The two ships left Fort Nassau in February 1632, just as a chickenpox epidemic was sweeping through the Middle Country, brought either by those ships or others in the same fleet. After a quick voyage in strong winds, they reached the coast of what the Dutch knew as Valk Land [Eyre Peninsula], a shoreline dominated by bleak cliffs but with occasional openings. Venturing into one of those openings, they discovered a sheltered bay [Venus Bay] with tidal flats, islands and lagoons, but enough deep channels to let them sail further in.

On the shore, they discovered a city and port nestled among flat expanses of yam and cornnart [wattle] fields. The city’s inhabitants proved friendly enough, and through the Nangu-speaking interpreter, explained that this was the city-state of Luyandi [Port Kenny, South Australia]. Its elected ruler was named Maralinga, and he offered warm greetings to the newcomers, along with an invitation to trade food for any goods they might have to offer.

Luyandi was a Mutjing city-state, and like all of those cities it was under the economic hegemony of the Islanders, although it took some time for the Dutch to discover this fact. Islander hegemony had never been exercised through direct rule, only through trade contacts, religious pressure where required, and through mediating disputes between the Mutjing cities.

Always a man with an eye for opportunity, Cornelis extended a tempting offer to Maralinga: gifts of steel and textiles in exchange not just for food, but for a trade agreement with the Company. The Lords Seventeen are powerful, he explained, and their influence reaches across the world. They offer you their friendship, and more besides. Exclusive access to these trade goods, the only Mutjing city which would be granted that privilege. And protection from your enemies, if needed.

To cement his offer, Cornelis provided a demonstration of what sort of protection the Company could offer: first muskets, then cannon. Maralinga was most impressed, and indicated that he would welcome a trade agreement. With one codicil: Luyandi would not fight against the Island, and if the Dutch attacked the Island, the trade agreement would be void.

The Company offers only friendship and trade with the Island, Cornelis assured Maralinga. Wars are nothing but trouble and interrupt peaceful trade.

So Willem Cornelis became the second Company officer to strike a trade agreement with a South Land people, and started what would become a very long period of Company presence in Luyandi.

After sailing on from Luyandi, the expedition charted the coast of Valk Land, making brief contact with other Mutjing ports, but making no attempts to engage in further trade. Cornelis steered his ships along the eastern side of Valk Land, in the gulf which opened before him [Spencer Gulf], and thus he and his crew became the first Europeans to discover Dogport [Port Augusta] at the head of the gulf. This ancient port linked to the opal mines inland, and while under nominal Tjibarr rule, in practice it was controlled by the local Nangu port captain. Here, Cornelis traded for opals and other goods, and found that textiles and steel were again profitable goods, but he received only evasions when he tried to set up any more lasting trade agreements.

Sailing down the eastern shore of the gulf, which he named Brouwer Gulf after the new head of the Company in Asia, he had more contact with areas which were genuinely ruled by Tjibarr, but had no more fortune in securing trade agreements. Whenever he tried to find out who ruled any particular city, he would provoke an argument amongst the inhabitants, which would usually never be resolved.

He only had more success when he worked far enough along the coast to reach Jugara [Victor Harbor], a port which had previously been visited by François Thijssen in 1626, and where the Nangu port captain was only too eager to allow trade. The local Gunnagal factions quickly bid against each other to obtain European goods, and most particularly the two clocks. The holds of the Fortuin and Zuytdorp were nearly emptied and refilled with a large weight of kunduri, and smaller amounts of Gunnagal jewellery, perfumes, dyes, new flavours of sweet peppers unlike those grown in the west, and a new spice somewhat reminiscent of ginger [native ginger].

With his trading triumph, Cornelis deemed this an auspicious time to visit the Island, where he planned only to renew contact before sailing west for home. His reception on the Island was much less welcoming than he had expected; the Islanders had heard of his visits to Valk Land and Jugara, and expressed opinions varying between puzzlement and resentment about why he had not reserved his best goods to trade on the Island. Cornelis had held a few goods back, but they were the least valued of his ships’ contents, and the astute Islander captains recognised it. He secured some vague agreements from some of the bloodlines to consider his goods next time, but for the immediate time, most of them refused to take trade goods which they viewed as leftovers.

Worse was to follow. Cornelis wanted to sail directly home from the Island, but to do that, he needed a favourable wind. The prevailing winds blew out of the west, and his ships could not sail effectively into those winds. He waited for what he hoped would be a brief time, but week after week passed, with no sign of a change in the winds. His ships remained effectively trapped in Crescent Bay, unable to return to Fort Nassau.

The Islanders’ reactions changed from resentment to amusement, and in time to mockery. Cornelis and his crew were held on the Island while Nangu trading ships set out, week after week, including the departure of the main trading fleet to the Atjuntja lands. One less than tactful captain asked Cornelis how he expected to trade if he had only ships which were at the mercy of the winds [2].

Still, the time which his expedition spent in Crescent Bay was not wasted. Cornelis was not idle; he learned much of the Nangu language, and discovered much more of their customs and beliefs. He evinced a polite interest in the Pliri faith, enough to visit several of their temples, and established friendly relations with some of the priests. He built his knowledge of the bloodlines and the commercial rivalries which dominated Nangu society, and he kept detailed descriptions of what he had seen.

After four months on the Island, Cornelis in increasing desperation began to consider even sailing east around the South Land and returning to Batavia that way. He was spared that decision when, a few days later, the winds changed to blow steadily out of the northeast, and he launched the Fortuin and Zuytdorp back into the west. He returned to Fort Nassau after a total of eight months voyage, much longer than he had originally planned, and with a much greater appreciation for Islander seamanship.

* * *

[1] The Company has a lot of young men in its service at this time, since many of its more experienced employees have died of the plagues.

[2] The Nangu ships use a variation of the Polynesian crab claw sail (adopted from the Maori) which allows them to tack easily even into strong winds.

* * *

Thoughts?
 
A very interesting chapter as always Jared!

If the Nangu are going to Batavia (as you stated in the initial quote) could we see some of them visiting the Portuguese in Timor too?
 
I wonder if Cornelis's new found respect for Nangu seacraft might lead to Islander marine technology being adopted and adapted for use on the larger European ships.
 
You know, if I was dealing with an alien people with horrifyingly advanced technology and a history of going to war to crush competitors.... I think I might prefer not to earn their respect.
 
Southwest Aururia is going to be feeling the effects of social changes, and complex political alliances and trade networks won't help. Great work in crafting an intriguing and every-changing scenario!
 

mojojojo

Gone Fishin'
Why were the islanders so much more interested in the clocks than the Atjuntja? How long till start building their own?
 
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