(One of President Fyodorov's main goals on the international stage was rebuilding of Russian prestige as a state)
President Fyodorov refused to help the Afghani government in the war against the Taliban, stating that any kind of Russian involvement might provoke the Americans to once again help the rebels. The Afghan civil war would last until 1996, when the Taliban captured Kabul and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Fyodorov's visit to Warsaw marked a new opening in relations between Poland and Russia. By order of the President Fyodorov, certified copies of documents concerning the Katyn massacre and its cover-up were handed over to Poland . On 25 January 1994, during his visit to Poland, Fyodorov laid flowers at the Katyn Cross at the Powiązki Military Cemetery and asked for forgiveness on behalf of his nation for all the crimes committed against the Polish nation by the Soviets. The Ukrainian demand to hand a half of the former Soviet Black Sea Fleet was met with a counterproposal from Moscow. Initially, the Russian government proposed a 70:30 split in favor of Russia, or 50 to 50%, under the condition that Ukraine would contribute financially on the same level as Russia. As the Ukrainian government was not able to meet the Russian demand but still insisted on an even split of the fleet, both sides reached an agreement, which resulted in an equal split of the fleet in exchange for Russian mining rights in the Donbass basin.
(The decline of the Russian healthcare system could not be tolerated anymore)
The reform of the Russian healthcare system was of particular importance to the President. The new system would be a universal, multi-layer healthcare system paid for by statutory health insurance and optional private health insurance. Furthermore, the Russian government focused on domestic production of medicine and investment in improving conditions within maternity units to encourage the falling population growth in Russia. Russia would have a universal system with two main types of health insurance. Russian citizens would be offered three mandatory health benefits, which would be co-financed by employer and employee: health insurance, accident insurance, and long-term care insurance. Accident insurance for working accidents would be covered by the employer and would basically cover all risks for commuting to work and at the workplace. Long-term care insurance would be covered half-and-half by employer and employee and would cover cases in which a person is not able to manage their daily routine (provision of food, cleaning of an apartment, personal hygiene, etc.). It would be about 2% of a yearly salaried income or pension, with employers matching the employee's contribution. To increase the economic and industrial potential of Kaliningrad, the government established a special taxation system, promoted university studies in the area, and promoted tourism, especially for German visitors. Furthermore, cheap port rates were offered, and significant investments were made in the local ports to turn Kaliningrad into a hub for the Baltic Sea.
(Bill Clinton's visit to Russia brought two former enemies closer than never before)
Between 12 and 15 February 1994, Presidents Clinton and Fyodorov negotiated
the Kremlin accords. These accords were an agreement between their respective countries not to target strategic nuclear missiles at each other. The text of the agreement, which is thirteen paragraphs long, includes a single paragraph on the subject of detargeting. It specifies 30 May 1994 as the deadline for detargeting, and states that "for the first time in nearly half a century – virtually since the dawn of the nuclear age – Russia and United States will not operate nuclear forces, day-to-day, in a manner that presumes they are adversaries." Detargeted missiles are reprogrammed to either have no target or, in the case of missiles that require a constant target (such as the Minuteman III), are set to open-ocean targets. Furthermore, during Clinton's visit to Moscow a number of trade and financial deals was reached between the United States and Russian Federation. Additionally, President Clinton publicly supported Russian entry into international organizations as the G7, WTO, OECD and APEC.
The Banja Luka incident, on 28 February 1994, was an incident in which six Republika Srpska Air Force J-21 Jastreb single-seat light attack jets were engaged, and four of them shot down, by NATO warplanes from the United States Air Force. U.S. F-16 fighters southwest of Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina successfully engaged and destroyed several Bosnian Serb warplanes which had attacked a Bosnian factory, while suffering no casualties of their own. It marked the first active combat action, air-to-air or otherwise, in NATO's history. In February 1994, the 526th Fighter Squadron, "Black Knights", based at Ramstein AB, Germany, was attached to the 401st Operations Group (Provisional) operating out of Aviano AB, Italy, as part of NATO's Operation Deny Flight. On 28 February, a flight of two 526th F-16s, "Knight 25" and "Knight 26", were crossing over Croatian airspace to conduct Close Air Support training near Sarajevo, Bosnia, when they detected six unidentified radar contacts eastbound in the No Fly Zone. These contacts were not immediately visible to the NATO AWACS aircraft flying over Hungarian territory because of distance and hilly terrain. After several minutes, AWACS was able to establish contact south of Banja Luka at 6:35 a.m. Two other 526th Squadron F-16s, Black 03 and Black 04, were vectored to the area and intercepted six J-21 Jastreb and two J-22 Orao aircraft that were bombing the "Bratstvo" military factory at Novi Travnik.
In accordance with the UN and NATO rules of engagement, orders to "land or exit the no-fly zone or be engaged" were issued twice, but both warnings were ignored. While warnings were issued, the violating aircraft dropped bombs over their target, which was left in flames. In such circumstances NATO has a "single key", meaning that only one clearance was needed, so the Combined Air Operations Center was immediately able to clear the F-16s to attack. The Bosnian Serb Jastrebs headed northwards, back to their base. At 6:45 a.m., the NATO fighters engaged their opponents. Captain Robert G. Wright fired an AIM-120 AMRAAM, downing the first Jastreb which was flying at 1,500 metres (4,900 ft). The remaining Jastrebs dropped to a few hundred metres, flying at low level to use the mountainous terrain to hide from radar and make their escape back to Udbina. Wright pressed on, closing to within AIM-9 Sidewinder range. He engaged two aircraft with heat-seeking Sidewinder missiles, shooting them both down.
After he had expended all his missiles and low on fuel, Wright handed over the chase to his wingman, Capt. Scott O'Grady, who had been flying 'top cover' above his flight leader. O'Grady dropped down to engage and fired an AIM-9M; the missile locked on and a near explosion of the warhead triggered by the proximity fuse severely damaged the tail of the targeted Jastreb. Black flight was now approaching "bingo fuel", the point at which a plane will not have enough fuel to return, so they pulled off to refuel from a KC-135 Stratotanker circling in orbit over the Adriatic. At the same time the other pair of F-16Cs, "Knight 25" and "Knight 26", had been vectored to the area by the AWACS. At 6:50 a.m., "Knight 25", piloted by Capt. Steve "Yogi" Allen, managed to get in behind a single Jastreb flying at a very low altitude. He launched a Sidewinder, downing another J-21 Jastreb. Knight 25 flight turned back hard to the south, where Knight 26, Col. John "Jace" Meyer, established radar lock on another aircraft fleeing to the northwest. After a minute of pursuit, radar contact was lost and the flight broke off the attack. Low on fuel, Knight 25 and 26 returned to the tanker over the Adriatic. After refueling, they resumed combat air patrol over Bosnia. Two remaining Serb aircraft were able to land as they ran out of fuel at Udbina Air Base in the Serbian Krajina.
The USAF credited three kills to Captain Robert Gordon "Wilbur" Wright, flying F-16C-40 #89-2137/RS, using an AIM-120 AMRAAM and two AIM-9 Sidewinders; and one kill using an AIM-9 Sidewinder to Captain Stephen L. "Yogi" Allen flying F-16C-40 #89-2009/RS of the same unit. The Bosnian Serbs acknowledged the loss of five aircraft in the incident; the discrepancy probably stems from the fact that an additional aircraft crashed after being hit by a missile explosion while trying to escape in low-level flight. This engagement was the first wartime action conducted by NATO forces since its formation in 1949. Eight days later, on March 8, a Spanish Air Force CASA C-212 transport plane was hit in the tail by what was reported to be a Soviet-made SA-7 MANPADS missile east of Rijeka, near Serb-occupied Krajina during a flight from Zagreb to Split. The tail control surfaces were damaged, the left engine failed and four military passengers (from the US, the United Kingdom, France, and the Netherlands) were injured by shrapnel and splinters. The crew managed to land the aircraft at Rijeka Airport, and Spanish technicians were later able to repair the aircraft's damage and bring it back to service in 48 hours.The incident, which according to NATO took place in a zone under Croat control, may have been a Bosnian Serb response to the 28 February shootdowns and, though it failed to name a perpetrator, NATO labeled the incident a "provocation", while Croat defence officials blamed "Serb terrorists" and claimed that more than one missile was fired at the aircraft.
(The utmost priority for the Baltic States was joining NATO and the EU before the Russian Federation finished its internal reforms)
In order to balance the unsettled relations with Russia and to return to the European and international community of nations, which they had been part of during the interwar era,
the Baltic states placed great emphasis on integration with Europe and the West in the 1990s. Following quick admission to the United Nations and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in fall 1991, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania became founding members of the Council of Baltic Sea States (CBSS) in March 1992, a ten-country regional organization that also included the Nordic states, Germany, Poland, and Russia. The CBSS was particularly attractive to small countries such as the Baltic states, not only as a means to foster regional cooperation in a number of areas but also to moderate the powerful influence of large states such as Russia and Germany. An important milestone in the early independence years for all three Baltic states was admission to the Council of Europe (Estonia and Lithuania in May 1993, Latvia in February 1995) since its membership criteria demanded adherence to strict standards on democratic elections and human rights. By the second half of the 1990s, the foreign policy of the Baltic states focused increasingly on gaining membership in the European Union and NATO. In June 1995, the EU concluded similar association agreements with all three Baltic countries, but Estonia's alone did not stipulate a transition period. In July 1997 Estonia was invited, along with Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, and the Greek portion of Cyprus, to enter into negotiations for EU membership in the next round of expansion. Although Estonia argued that the entry of one Baltic state into the EU would open the door for the other two, it was clear that the exclusion of Latvia and Lithuania from this first group of candidates raised intra-Baltic tensions. Nevertheless, in December 1999 Latvia and Lithuania joined Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and Malta as additional EU candidate members, and it remained possible that Estonias two southern neighbors could catch up in the negotiations. However, the pace of the projected EU expansion would clearly be uncertain since it depended on a wide range of factors, not the least of which was the organization's capacity for internal reform.
(Petro Symonenko - new Ukrainian Prime Minister and supporter of alliance with Russia)
On 27 March 1994 parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine, where
a coalition of left-wing and pro-Russian parties won. The coalition led by the Communist Party of Ukraine under the leadership of
Petro Symonenko gained the most seats in the Verkhovna Rada. During the election campaing Symonenko promised to introduce in Ukraine similar reforms like those implemented by President Fyodorov in Russia. Main points of Symonenko's program were:
- strengthening of democratic measures in state and public life;
- introduction in the country of a system of public control;
- suppression of corruption and organized crime, particularly in the upper echelon of power;
- elimination of benefits and privileges for officials;
- federalization of Ukraine;
- comprehensive development of Ukrainian language and culture, granting Russian the status of state language;
- modernization and public control over the economy;
- nationalization of strategic businesses;
- establishing a competitive state sector of the economy, energy independence;
- reforms in the agro-industrial complex, Housing and communal services;
- electoral legislation reform ensuring a proper share of representation of workers, peasants, intelligentsia, women, and youth in Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and local government;
- creation of labor group councils vested with powers to monitor the economic activity of businesses;
- liquidation of poverty, social justice, a system of progressive taxation and state price regulation, free medicine, secondary and tertiary education, and full compensation of deposits in the Soviet Savings Bank.
en.wikipedia.org
en.wikipedia.org