WI Soviets drop the ball in the Caucasus

There are an awful lot of threads discussing German options for operations in the Caucasus campaign - I just checked - but few of them seem to offer significant improvements on the events of our TL. The one obvious smart choice might have been to give up months earlier and salvage what they could, but even that would have been extremely difficult. And anyway, it's hardly a "victory".

It strikes me that avoiding a Soviet victory might be much easier to arrange from the other end.

What favors could the Soviets have done the Axis during the deep eastern campaign?

A few thoughts:
  • Saving the spring offensives to be used as counter-attacks to the expected German rush. Might the spared strength end up encircled and destroyed in early, successful days of Case Blue?
  • Attacking the flanks of the salient before the commitment to Stalingrad had bled and demobilized the Germans?
  • Weaker commanders?
  • A real or perceived "generals' plot" that sees a purge of the southern army commanders in spring or summer of 1942?
  • Detonating oil fields too prematurely, just to be sure?

How hard could they make their own jobs?
 
There are an awful lot of threads discussing German options for operations in the Caucasus campaign - I just checked - but few of them seem to offer significant improvements on the events of our TL. The one obvious smart choice might have been to give up months earlier and salvage what they could, but even that would have been extremely difficult. And anyway, it's hardly a "victory".

It strikes me that avoiding a Soviet victory might be much easier to arrange from the other end.

What favors could the Soviets have done the Axis during the deep eastern campaign?

A few thoughts:
  • Saving the spring offensives to be used as counter-attacks to the expected German rush. Might the spared strength end up encircled and destroyed in early, successful days of Case Blue?

Second Kharkov? Soviets attacked there because they though Gemrans will go for Moscow again so attacking in south was good combination of not bleeding forces along expected german push and doing something. It was wrong line of thinking but anyway....

If Soviets don't attack then forces get encircled. Since they are lost to Soviets either way there is little difference.

  • Attacking the flanks of the salient before the commitment to Stalingrad had bled and demobilized the Germans?

i think there were limited counterattacks but Soviets weren't able to do much, being disorganised and all

  • Weaker commanders?

Always a possibility though Stalin and STAVKA weren't shy about removing generals who failed (or "failed"). Of course it's possible that instead of OTL commanders who ended up in charge others get appoited and Soviets simply don't hit on right personel soon enough.

  • A real or perceived "generals' plot" that sees a purge of the southern army commanders in spring or summer of 1942?

Again, Soviets weren't shy about removing generals. So if there is sense of "plot" generals just get removed. Though once generals proved their worth their survivability increased and by 1942 there was a good core of competent generals who were trusted.

  • Detonating oil fields too prematurely, just to be sure?

How hard could they make their own jobs?

AFAIK they wrecked oilfields enough so that production didn't restart fully until 1950s
 
Second Kharkov? Soviets attacked there because they though Gemrans will go for Moscow again so attacking in south was good combination of not bleeding forces along expected german push and doing something. It was wrong line of thinking but anyway....

If Soviets don't attack then forces get encircled. Since they are lost to Soviets either way there is little difference.

So it's not practical to change the amount of units destroyed? I don't live in post-1900, so I may be speaking from ignorance, but my impression had been that "beaten back with severe losses" was a much less serious problem than "encircled and destroyed."

On the other side, I've read in a couple places that part of the cause of Hitler's increasing micromanagement was tied to his perception that this offensive was failing to produce the decisive encirclements of the previous year. If that's the case, the generals might have been allowed a little more leash until they inevitably got bogged down somewhere (or - this being the Caucasus campaign - maybe "bogged down everywhere"). Whether they'd have done better or worse with the increased freedom is beyond my ability to judge.

Could better intelligence actually have made things worse? The Russians were expecting an attack on Moscow; if they're convinced of the southern offensive, that averts second Kharkov, and might result in more and higher quality formations sitting in the Germans' path. If the Germans run into those in the early days of the campaign, when things were still going well (to all appearances), that opens up the possibility of more damage to the Russian military, the Germans playing more to their strengths, an earlier check to the advance resulting in more realistic mid-campaign objectives, who knows?

Seriously, who knows? Again, by post-1900 standards I have a hopeless lack-of-obsession in the details of how all this works.

i think there were limited counterattacks but Soviets weren't able to do much, being disorganised and all

Fair enough, but there has to be a limit to this way of thinking, right?

Yes, they attacked before they were ready and failed. Yes, they attacked when they were ready and succeeded. But where's the middle ground? Obviously if they'd attacked a week earlier they'd still have been prepared enough to give the Germans serious worry, but the Germans would have been better off (at that point only by inches).

I'm not saying "WI they went in a week early?" I'm saying that as you scale the start of their attack earlier and earlier from OTL, there would inevitably be points when they'd be ready enough to go, but less ready. Can we approximate what would be the worst moment to make the attempt?

Always a possibility though Stalin and STAVKA weren't shy about removing generals who failed (or "failed"). Of course it's possible that instead of OTL commanders who ended up in charge others get appoited and Soviets simply don't hit on right personel soon enough.

Again, Soviets weren't shy about removing generals. So if there is sense of "plot" generals just get removed. Though once generals proved their worth their survivability increased and by 1942 there was a good core of competent generals who were trusted.

Heh. This was actually my original thought. Good to see I made some amount of sense!

Who were the people whose absence would have been felt the most if they weren't able to contribute to the Soviet defense and counter attacks?

Your last sentence hits the nail on the head for me. What if there actually was a plot - even if it was only that a half dozen people said some very inappropriate/treasonous/reactionary things one night years ago during a bout of heavy drinking. Something that even in the heat of things Stalin just couldn't find it in himself to ignore, and that involved some of the proven commanders? Something that wasn't caught because the people ended up loyal, lucky, and competent - that basically slipped through the cracks? Stalin wasn't everyone's best friend - after all - real plots probably did get swept up along with "that guy who stopped clapping early" from time to time.

AFAIK they wrecked oilfields enough so that production didn't restart fully until 1950s

Oh certainly. But other oil fields they didn't wreck, because the Germans never overran them. Those are the ones I'm wondering about.

Just for example, let's say the Germans made a beeline for Baku, with the only diversion being a split off to the north to watch the flank facing Stalingrad. Hypothetically, this allows some lead elements to get all the way across the Chechnya-Dagestan border before they run out of steam. Further suppose that there was a moment of hysteria in Baku, where rumors snowball until people on the ground are sure the Germans are only a day or two away from the northernmost oil fields. The fellow preparing for the destruction of the oil industry had been threatened with death personal and of his family; taking no "risks", he gives the go ahead to light it all up. Wouldn't that mean a much larger portion of Soviet oil production is wrecked for a decade?

Or maybe Baku is a couple bridges too far, but in that case: were there any major oilfields where that kind of mistake could have been made?
 
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Further thoughts:
  • Did anyone who played a major role in the Caucasus nearly die during or prior to it?
  • Who were the least replaceable Soviet leaders and commanders in 1942-early 1943?
  • Who were the worst (or at least "most mediocre") Russian commanders who still managed to retain their positions for much of the war?
 
Saving the spring offensives to be used as counter-attacks to the expected German rush. Might the spared strength end up encircled and destroyed in early, successful days of Case Blue?

The Germans have a much tougher fight to penetrate into the Soviets operational-strategic depths, which means the consequent exploitation is slower and more costly. 2nd Kharkov critically weakened Soviet defenses in the south before Case Blau: the surviving formations facing AGS post-2nd Kharkov which found themselves manning the front-lines were half as strong in terms of manpower and equipment then the forces facing AGC and AGN, with probably a similar level of quality disparity as the Soviets had put the best troops they had in the south into the attack. It contributed a lot to Blau's early success.

Similarly, moving the forces on the Kerch Peninsula into a defensive stance is going to straighten out the deployment pattern which Manstein took advantage of to crush them. He'll be facing a fight even tougher then Sevastopol then.

So it's not practical to change the amount of units destroyed? I don't live in post-1900, so I may be speaking from ignorance, but my impression had been that "beaten back with severe losses" was a much less serious problem than "encircled and destroyed."
"Encircled and destroyed" was precisely what happened to the attack force at 2nd Kharkov. The Soviets breakthrough and exploitation force attacked out of an unstable bridgehead over the Oskol-Donets river and the Germans then slid in behind them and cut them off. A move to the defensive in the south will see those attack forces move into reserve lines behind the Oskol-Donets, adding both depth and strength to the Soviet defenses which the Red Army was sorely when Blau kicked off.

Ultimately, this helps the Soviets, not the Germans.

Attacking the flanks of the salient before the commitment to Stalingrad had bled and demobilized the Germans?
They did make this IOTL. They learned from it.

Weaker commanders?
Invariably they are going to be replaced by the guys who know what they are doing.

A real or perceived "generals' plot" that sees a purge of the southern army commanders in spring or summer of 1942?
Probably the proposal which would have done it, although good luck finding any Soviet general stupid enough to raise a hand against Stalin or focusing Stalin's attention away from the disaster in the south being blatantly caused by his own meddling. Odds are damn low, but their there.

Detonating oil fields too prematurely, just to be sure?
The Soviets have a years worth of reserves and the Volga-Ural field coming online in the autumn-winter will meet their needs anyways.
 
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The Germans have a much tougher fight to penetrate into the Soviets operational-strategic depths, which means the consequent exploitation is slower and more costly. 2nd Kharkov critically weakened Soviet defenses in the south before Case Blau: the surviving formations facing AGS post-2nd Kharkov which found themselves manning the front-lines were half as strong in terms of manpower and equipment then the forces facing AGC and AGN, with probably a similar level of quality disparity as the Soviets had put the best troops they had in the south into the attack. It contributed a lot to Blau's early success.

Similarly, moving the forces on the Kerch Peninsula into a defensive stance is going to straighten out the deployment pattern which Manstein took advantage of to crush them. He'll be facing a fight even tougher then Sevastopol then.

"Encircled and destroyed" was precisely what happened to the attack force at 2nd Kharkov. The Soviets breakthrough and exploitation force attacked out of an unstable bridgehead over the Oskol-Donets river and the Germans then slid in behind them and cut them off. A move to the defensive in the south will see those attack forces move into reserve lines behind the Oskol-Donets, adding both depth and strength to the Soviet defenses which the Red Army was sorely when Blau kicked off.

Ultimately, this helps the Soviets, not the Germans.

Ah. Thank you. A lot of that is new information for me. I take your meaning.

Hrm. Is it possible Blau have been less disastrous to the German position and ability to make war if they hadn't experienced that early success? Nothing in these queries is going to win the Germans the war, obviously, so an earlier and less disastrous defeat could actually be a huge improvement on OTL. Not that they'd perceive it as such, of course.

It's easy to imagine the beginning of the German effort going worse for them. But it's hard to imagine anything that could happen in a 1942 slugfest, no matter how much the Soviets initially benefit, that would outweigh the waste of Stalingrad. Would you argue that the deep sapients of Case Blue were "worth it" for the Germans?

They did make this IOTL. They learned from it.

I see you haven't read my response to aktarian yet. ;)

Fair enough, but there has to be a limit to this way of thinking, right?

Yes, they attacked before they were ready and failed. Yes, they attacked when they were ready and succeeded. But where's the middle ground? Obviously if they'd attacked a week earlier they'd still have been prepared enough to give the Germans serious worry, but the Germans would have been better off (at that point only by inches).

I'm not saying "WI they went in a week early?" I'm saying that as you scale the start of their attack earlier and earlier from OTL, there would inevitably be points when they'd be ready enough to go, but less ready. Can we approximate what would be the worst moment to make the attempt?

Invariably they are going to be replaced by the guys who know what they are doing.

Sure, there no one who commands at a 3/10 is going to keep his position for very long. But presumably there were some extraordinary commanders (say the 9/10 sort). There didn't have to be. There might have been only a 7/10 guy on hand to fill that spot. You work with who you have at a certain point. Again, I said this in my previous post, but it doesn't take losing a great general and getting an incompetent to make a difference - a mediocre replacement is still less good.

Probably the proposal which would have done it, although good luck finding any Soviet general stupid enough to raise a hand against Stalin or focusing Stalin's attention away from the disaster in the south being blatantly caused by his own meddling. Odds are damn low, but their there.

Yeah, sound like this is the long-shot that might really have had a dramatic effect. Hard to arrange, but potentially disastrous. Any thoughts on what the worst case scenario might look like? How bad could it get?

Could the Germans have accomplished anything with a month's breathing room due to a Soviet internal $#!&storm at precisely the wrong moment? What about two weeks? Six?

When would be "precisely the wrong moment?"

The Soviets have a years worth of reserves and the Volga-Ural field coming online in the autumn-winter will meet their needs anyways.

So it wouldn't alter the war much.... Maybe the only effect would be on post-war balance of trade?
 
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Although I suppose "breathing space" wouldn't be literally that - no doubt it would include little if any interruption in Soviet supply to the meat grinder, for one.
 
This is somewhat unrelated, but Stalin's behavior right at the start of Barbarossa was a good example of the principle that it's easier for human failings to break things than for human genius to build them. He did the Germans some favors.

Could anyone recommend any good sources about the Russian government perspective on the early part of the invasion? I'm curious about how things might have gone differently had Stalin gotten his act together sooner or later than he did historically.
 
This is somewhat unrelated, but Stalin's behavior right at the start of Barbarossa was a good example of the principle that it's easier for human failings to break things than for human genius to build them. He did the Germans some favors.

Could anyone recommend any good sources about the Russian government perspective on the early part of the invasion? I'm curious about how things might have gone differently had Stalin gotten his act together sooner or later than he did historically.
Russia At War by Alexander Werth is a good book, however it's fairly old and you might not be able to find it. Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar by Simon Sebag Montefiore is an excellent look at the inner workings of Stalin's court and features a long section on WW2. Stalin's Folly by Constantine Pleshakov contains in depth detail about the first ten days of Barbarossa. For a soldier's perspective of the war I would recommend Ivan's War: Life and Death In the Red Army 1939-1945 by Catherine Merridale.
 
Russia At War by Alexander Werth is a good book, however it's fairly old and you might not be able to find it. Stalin: The Court of the Red Tsar by Simon Sebag Montefiore is an excellent look at the inner workings of Stalin's court and features a long section on WW2. Stalin's Folly by Constantine Pleshakov contains in depth detail about the first ten days of Barbarossa. For a soldier's perspective of the war I would recommend Ivan's War: Life and Death In the Red Army 1939-1945 by Catherine Merridale.

Thank you kindly. I'm starting with Stalin's Folly (just ordered), although I suspect I may end up taking the author's analysis with a grain of salt.
 
Thank you kindly. I'm starting with Stalin's Folly (just ordered), although I suspect I may end up taking the author's analysis with a grain of salt.
The argument that Stalin was preparing to attack Germany is suspect to say the very least, however the book does examine the early decision making and events of Barbarossa quite well.
 
Case Blue and 2nd Kharkov are all tied into this interesting WI.

It is (in my humble opinion) one of the most interesting points in history as this was perhaps the tipping point. It could have gone either way, I think.

Any more takers on this one?

Ivan
 
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