The Left SR War

Sort of a TLIAD situation, if that terminology is still a thing.

Suppose the Latvian Riflemen have a slightly different war from 1915 on. Nothing earth-shattering - just a different set of casualties in this battle, a few different promotions, certain men survive, a smattering of different friendships and relationships. Particularly, Frīdrihs Briedis has a completely different experience of the war, avoiding his nasty jaw wound of 1916 and falling in with an especially tight-knit circle of lower officers.

Come the Revolution Briedis is not in the hospital and, out of intense personal loyalty and against his strong sympathies, continues to serve with the Latvian Riflemen when they go over to the Soviets. Briedis' intense antipathy to the Bolsheviks causes endless arguments, but until the summer of 1918 momentum carries them forward. The group of Latvian officers and men starts to look to the Left Socialist Revolutionaries as what they see as the most plausible alternative to the Bolsheviks, despite having huge problems with that group as well.

In another world they might simply have attempted to go over to more conservative Whites, but in the event the nascent conspiracy of friends is drawn into the events of the Left SR uprising. As things come to a head in Moscow, the SR faction of the Cheka approaches this ambivalently-Red faction of the Latvians (they weren't that subtle) and manages to push them over the edge into action before cooler heads can prevail on them to not "seize this opportunity."

The Bolsheviks had remarkably little armed might backing them in Moscow, so a little goes a long way.

After the initial SR push, Lenin orders Jukums Vācietis to put down the uprising. There is a delay as it suddenly becomes clear the Briedis faction has disappeared and "relocated" the artillery the Riflemen had in Moscow. By noon most of the Latvians are confronting Popov's unit, and after a longer attempt at negotiations a firefight breaks out. Without artillery, the violence draws out rather than ending sharply, and the uprising goes on.

Violence in Moscow escalates between the Bolshevik and Left SR factions, in some ways exacerbated by the initial hesitance of the two Latvian splinter groups to fight each other. Without resolution, those less sympathetic to the Bolsheviks are left a plausible window to rally to the Left SR cause. It's an enthusiastic time. They do so. From the flash in the pan of OTL, the situation rapidly escalates into a desperate struggle. The encroaching whites make longer-term violence in the capital horrifically dangerous to the revolution.

The OTL telegram to Left SR general Mikhail Artemyevich Muravyov on the eastern front has the same effect as in our TL. He turns his army around (nominally to go to war with the Germans), seizes Simbirsk, and marches on Moscow. Historically, his men refused to oppose the Bolsheviks and he was killed while resisting arrest. But historically, the uprising was firmly over by that point. ITTL, many of his men desert, but he leads the remainder toward Moscow.

So.... what then?

At this point if the Bolsheviks win, the Left SR and those who rallied to them will be able to withdraw from the capital to join Muravyov, who will be poised much closer to Moscow than any hostile force approached through the whole Russian Civil War. Defending the capital, positions on other fronts will suffer, especially in the east. And other Left Socialist Revolutionary or left-wing anti-Bolshevik uprisings will have happened, so even if the Bolsheviks are in a far superior position, the territory of Soviet Russia (already much reduced) will be at least somewhat divided between the two factions.

If the Bolshevik's lose, they'll retreat from the city, the Left SRs will basically become the government, most of Soviet Russia will defect to them, and the Bolshevik's will have to be put down by the new government. It will be messy and ugly and take time, energy, men, and materiel. Some Bolshevik sympathizers will remain to potentially cause trouble of their own later.

If neither faction gets a decisive victory before Muravyov arrives, the Bolsheviks will probably lose the city anyway. Similar result.

No matter what, this looks like something that would dramatically worsen the Reds' position in the civil war. It doesn't give the various White factions much of any popular support in the country, but it does undermine the popular support of the Reds, and give the Whites a great deal of breathing room.

Whither the Russian Civil War? Could the Whites plausibly win in this scenario? What would a Bolshevik or Left Socialist Revolutionary Soviet Russia be like if weakened substantially on top of the our-timeline disaster?
 
Fascinating idea.
The situation of left-wing anti-Bolshevism at that point may be quite a bit of problem in the quest for a coherent alternative behind which to rally different groups.
In July 1918, the Left SRs and others leading left-wing anti-Bolshevik opposition still focused way too much on opposing Brest-Litowsk, restarting the war against Germany etc. to be able to truly unite all anti-totalitarian leftists.
By the time the opposition's agenda had truly moved to fighting for the workers' and peasants' liberties and rights against Party, Cheka and Red Army tyranny, - let's say around the time of the Kronstadt revolt -, the Bolsheviks had become too strong to be toppled.

So, don't expect a Left SR Russia to triumph from this struggle...

Without a quick resolution, the Far East could be lost for good. Once everybody is well-entrenched, a three-way Civil War (Reds vs. "Pinks" vs. Whites), or if you count Makhno in a four-way Civil War (Reds, Pinks, Whites, Blacks) could continue longer. And the longer it does, the more likely is a consolidation of a fifth party, a Green Army of peasants revolting against the permanent requisitions by the other warring parties. Strategy and coalition-building could determine who prevails and how the outcome looks before the civil war has ultimately burned out (and with it, much of Russia's population, since a prolonged intense Civil War is also going to aggravate famine, epidemics etc.).
 
Fascinating idea.
The situation of left-wing anti-Bolshevism at that point may be quite a bit of problem in the quest for a coherent alternative behind which to rally different groups.
In July 1918, the Left SRs and others leading left-wing anti-Bolshevik opposition still focused way too much on opposing Brest-Litowsk, restarting the war against Germany etc. to be able to truly unite all anti-totalitarian leftists.
By the time the opposition's agenda had truly moved to fighting for the workers' and peasants' liberties and rights against Party, Cheka and Red Army tyranny, - let's say around the time of the Kronstadt revolt -, the Bolsheviks had become too strong to be toppled.

So, don't expect a Left SR Russia to triumph from this struggle...

Without a quick resolution, the Far East could be lost for good. Once everybody is well-entrenched, a three-way Civil War (Reds vs. "Pinks" vs. Whites), or if you count Makhno in a four-way Civil War (Reds, Pinks, Whites, Blacks) could continue longer. And the longer it does, the more likely is a consolidation of a fifth party, a Green Army of peasants revolting against the permanent requisitions by the other warring parties. Strategy and coalition-building could determine who prevails and how the outcome looks before the civil war has ultimately burned out (and with it, much of Russia's population, since a prolonged intense Civil War is also going to aggravate famine, epidemics etc.).
This could knock out the Bolsheviks for good if the Left SRs manage to come to an "enemy of my enemy" alliance of convenience with the Whites, Poland, and the Makhnovists. Denikin and Yudenich's armies came very close to threatening Petrograd and Moscow in the fall of 1919.
 
This could knock out the Bolsheviks for good if the Left SRs manage to come to an "enemy of my enemy" alliance of convenience with the Whites, Poland, and the Makhnovists. Denikin and Yudenich's armies came very close to threatening Petrograd and Moscow in the fall of 1919.
With makhno's Black Army, this appears within the realm of the possible. Even the Right SR fell out with reactionary members of the White Army...
 
Fascinating idea.
The situation of left-wing anti-Bolshevism at that point may be quite a bit of problem in the quest for a coherent alternative behind which to rally different groups.
In July 1918, the Left SRs and others leading left-wing anti-Bolshevik opposition still focused way too much on opposing Brest-Litowsk, restarting the war against Germany etc. to be able to truly unite all anti-totalitarian leftists.
By the time the opposition's agenda had truly moved to fighting for the workers' and peasants' liberties and rights against Party, Cheka and Red Army tyranny, - let's say around the time of the Kronstadt revolt -, the Bolsheviks had become too strong to be toppled.

So, don't expect a Left SR Russia to triumph from this struggle...

I don't know. If the only artillery in Moscow is sequentially brought to bear on key buildings where Bolsheviks are organizing, it won't be easy to answer that. That's why the uprising in OTL ended so abruptly. This is different, obviously, but nevertheless.

I think if the Muscovites generally picked a side and flooded the streets, though, that would be the end of it.

Without a quick resolution, the Far East could be lost for good.

Tell me more? I don't have a good sense of what "almost happened" out there. Not sure how the competing interests could be resolved unless the Americans insist on something particular and make it happen.

Once everybody is well-entrenched, a three-way Civil War (Reds vs. "Pinks" vs. Whites), or if you count Makhno in a four-way Civil War (Reds, Pinks, Whites, Blacks) could continue longer. And the longer it does, the more likely is a consolidation of a fifth party, a Green Army of peasants revolting against the permanent requisitions by the other warring parties. Strategy and coalition-building could determine who prevails and how the outcome looks before the civil war has ultimately burned out (and with it, much of Russia's population, since a prolonged intense Civil War is also going to aggravate famine, epidemics etc.).

I'm not actually sure they'll get a chance to be very entrenched, though. The Left SRs are the one total threat to the Bolsheviks, because unlike everyone else they had popular support and were standing on the Russian heartland. This was a moment of popular enthusiasm and mass movements - the people born in Imperial Russia were mobilized behind ~democratic ~leftist visions. But for the same reasons, I think the popular base will really not want to be divided; they'll want one side or the other to be the Soviet government.

That's why I lean toward the early winner in Moscow rapidly being in a highly dominant position.

With regard to the multi-sided war, I suppose it was already. Here more so.
 
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@Admiral Matt,
by mid-1918, the Bolsheviks did not rely exclusively on Moscow (they never had, at first Petrograd was more important, and when they moved HQ to Moscow, they were already forming rather strong groups in a lot of places. Also, as I said, I don't see the Left SR in July 1918 pushing just the right buttons for the Muscovites to flock to the streets in support of them, what with their being associated with opposing Brest-Litowsk and thus restarting the war.

In Siberia, intra-left turmoil up West gives Kolchak, Zemyonov, Ungern-Sternberg and all sorts of other "White" warlords more time to recruit and organise, and the forces thrown against them are likely not to be so strong so fast. Kolchak controlling "the middle", and beyond Lake Baikal, Zemyonov and his crazy commander Ungern-Sternberg can maintain their Japan-backed reign of terror for at least a few years more. It's probably unstable, but as long as Kolchak's buffer protects it and no Red Army is sent against them, any division and strife is only going to bring new persons to the fore but won't change the structures.

Popular enthusiasm, yes, and also utter despair. You may be right that one should not underestimate the dynamics created by a decisive victory in Moscow. But there's still the possibility of an enduring Moscow-Petrograd split.
 
This could knock out the Bolsheviks for good if the Left SRs manage to come to an "enemy of my enemy" alliance of convenience with the Whites, Poland, and the Makhnovists. Denikin and Yudenich's armies came very close to threatening Petrograd and Moscow in the fall of 1919.

I suspect they could and might end up working with some of the Whites, but I object to the use of the word "and," lol. My decade-old Russian studies may have faded, but I do recall the Bolsheviks won as much as anything because the opposition was terminally unable to coordinate. I don't think the Left SR becoming a contender fundamentally changes that.

But I could easily imagine them falling back and aligning with one of the White generals in the right circumstances. Other leftist factions as well or instead, perhaps.

With makhno's Black Army, this appears within the realm of the possible. Even the Right SR fell out with reactionary members of the White Army...

Interesting, but somewhat opaque given my relative ignorance. Could you speak on this at greater length?
 
Interesting, but somewhat opaque given my relative ignorance. Could you speak on this at greater length?
Well, both groups have their strongholds in rural areas, which is why both are driven by a realistic dynamics towards approaching each other: both oppose the forced confiscations of Bolshevik war communism, which hurt the peasantry. There are still ideological worlds between them, and they disagree on such important questions as the reignition of the war or the form of independence / autonomy / federation / confederation for the Ukraine. But such a dynamic could help them discover what they have in common, too: they're both non-Marxist, non-world revolutionary leftists. Both want the peasants to fully control the land they work on (neither landlords, nor faraway soviets), both did not focus exclusively on the industrial proletariat. And they're both squeezed between Bolsheviks and Whites, of course.
 
One area I'd really appreciate others' insights is on the foreign presence in formerly Imperial Russian territory.

It's July of 1918. The Soviets have already lost most of the country, and now word comes of open fighting in Moscow. How would the various foreign parties in and around Russian territory react to something like that?

I don't actually think any of them would march on Moscow. The Germans might in other circumstances, but they have the West to consider. Maybe they'd encourage a White faction to head for Moscow?
 
One area I'd really appreciate others' insights is on the foreign presence in formerly Imperial Russian territory.

It's July of 1918. The Soviets have already lost most of the country, and now word comes of open fighting in Moscow. How would the various foreign parties in and around Russian territory react to something like that?

I don't actually think any of them would march on Moscow. The Germans might in other circumstances, but they have the West to consider. Maybe they'd encourage a White faction to head for Moscow?

It's a long match to Moscow, but if the Bolsheviks are scrambling to get their footing and retake the city this is mana from heaven for the Whites in the Baltics and Finland for a move on Petrograd. I could see Yudenich managing to coordinate things A bit earlier and lauching a grab for the old capital in hopes of getting international support and legitimacy, as well as joint operations with the Army of the North and Polar Bear-ers.
 
One possible direction I'm thinking this could go is the defeat of the Bolsheviks by Whites and Left-SRs in coalition. A Pink Russia.

If the Left SRs are put down in Moscow in this scenario, and Muravyov's little army firmly driven off, those the Bolsheviks can lay hands on will be purged pretty ruthlessly. Historically, only the Left-SR leadership was initially punished, and with good reason - being too vicious with a popular portion of their "base" risked undermining them. So that creates a major problem.

Could they become a sort of rallying cry for those Russians with left-sympathies but opposed to the Bolsheviks? Then when anti-Bolshevism and Yudenich's everybody-who's-not-Bolshevik alliance come into play, things might be very different. If they win, we get a regime with a lot of very hostile factions - conservative generals, liberals, Left SRs, even Mensheviks. Not the most stable arrangement.

Still a lot of ifs before that stage.
 
@Admiral Matt,

Kerensky 2.0?
I doubt that things stand better for this in 1918 than they did in 1917.

If at all, its possible in the West, where the pink portion is equally strong as the White (but how lon would it remain so?). In the East, as has been mentioned, the Whites were extreme anti-democrats and next to no Left-SRs around.

Also, various White leaders were quite all-Russian or imperialist-minded, if you will, so... the Bolsheviks were strategically clever to grant everyone autonomy in 1918 and then take a lot of that back in the following years. This broad umbrella coalition may not be able to pull that off.
 
As I think more on this, I draw closer to the idea that this would produce a weaker, more-traumatized (Bolshevik) Soviet Russia. It may not have looked like it, but the odds were pretty far in the Bolshevik's favor.

If the Left-SRs did manage to actually take Moscow, maybe a civil war within a civil war could doom the Russian socialist experiment, but there are pretty long odds against the precondition. As interesting as that would be, I'm not sure we can get there from here.

And if the uprising still fails, don't the Soviets just keep slogging regardless? Say if Petrograd fell to Yudenich - that would be a proper disaster, it would have lots of knock on effects, but I don't think the Bolsheviks are actually at risk of losing power if they still have Moscow. They had broad support across the core of the country. It'd take the lost of the centers of power to upstage that.

Of course, even if Bolshevism is successfully put down, what actually happens is that a lot of radicalized supporters in the countryside stop having central leadership in the fight. Many stop fighting, but that doesn't make a junta in Moscow safe. Far from it. It's like the end of the Spanish Civil War, but of the two I'd much rather be Franco.

But again, the most likely outcome here is an even more grueling Bolshevik victory. I'd need to learn more to figure that out properly.
 
I'm not sure where you want to go or exactly what would occur, but you might want to look into the Dynamics of the French Revolution as an example of how politics might play out. The type of broad anti-one thing cohalition , divided countryside, dictatorship based in a single important city who's popular sentiment is key to gaining power in the system seems fairly similar.
 
I'm very curious about a timeline where the post-WWI international left leads itself without constantly looking to Russia. But the priority is plausibility - if this isn't the way, it's still a worthwhile and interesting POD. I'd like to explore it.
 
I'm very curious about a timeline where the post-WWI international left leads itself without constantly looking to Russia. But the priority is plausibility - if this isn't the way, it's still a worthwhile and interesting POD. I'd like to explore it.
The Austro-Marxists provide an interesting alternative path to Leninism, especially when it came to nationalities policy. Instead of a federation of republics with relatively homogenous make-ups, they envisioned a "nation" as a kind of corporate personhood. Each individual would voluntarily chose a language-based association that would collect taxes and organize schools, libraries, and cultural programs in the members' language.
These autonomies would each have a national headquarters with regional/local branches, but no connection to a specific territory. One city could include Polish, Ukrainian, Yiddish, and German schools, libraries and theaters. The closest OTL parallels are the interwar Czechoslovak Language Law, the institutions the Jewish Labor Bund advocated, and the constitution of the brief Ukrainian state that existed from 1917 to 1918.
 
The Austro-Marxists provide an interesting alternative path to Leninism, especially when it came to nationalities policy. Instead of a federation of republics with relatively homogenous make-ups, they envisioned a "nation" as a kind of corporate personhood. Each individual would voluntarily chose a language-based association that would collect taxes and organize schools, libraries, and cultural programs in the members' language.
These autonomies would each have a national headquarters with regional/local branches, but no connection to a specific territory. One city could include Polish, Ukrainian, Yiddish, and German schools, libraries and theaters. The closest OTL parallels are the interwar Czechoslovak Language Law, the institutions the Jewish Labor Bund advocated, and the constitution of the brief Ukrainian state that existed from 1917 to 1918.

Huh. So that's why Thande had Danubia go in roughly that direction for LTTW.

Why them? It's a very interesting school, but what role did they play in practical terms?
 
If Yudenich takes Petrograd with Left SR support, it could become a prolonged and even dirtier Civil war, likely still ending in Bolshevik victory. I'm not sure if that prevents the global radical left from being fixated on and later remote-controlled by Moscow, though.

If the latter is really what you try to achieve, maybe an earlier PoD is required because the October Revolution showed clearly how innovative Lenin's approach was, and even though the disadvantages transpired from very early on (see Rosa Luxemburg's criticism, for example), it was, for the first time, an ACTUAL path to overcome capitalism, so the attractiveness is bound to be massive at first. Even if the Civil war is more gruesome, worldwide radical Marxists are only going to blame Bolshevism's enemies for that.

I have a slightly earlier TL idea up my sleeve at the Moment (but perhaps no time to write it): the Constituent Assembly is elected in May 1917 and yields a SR majority, which reduces war effort to the bare defensive minimum, Starts Land reform, and grants near-total autonomy to various nationalities (not decided whether based on the traditional, or on the Austro model). I plan to have the Bolsheviks and Meshrayontsi temporarily on board a centre-left coalition in times of emergency as rather Junior partners, but leave later and sabotage in the many creative ways Lenin was capable of cooking up. Bottomline with regards to where you want to go is, the global radical left goes down different and diverse paths indeed, with the various Russian models being just some among many inspirations. (I have especially divergent plans for Germany and the Balkans.) if you're interested in an exchange or maybe even some sort of collaboration on either of our ideas, just PM me.
 
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