11 - 12 April 1941
allanpcameron
Donor
11 April 1941. 06:00hrs. Groningen. Netherlands.
59e GRDI (the reconnaissance unit of 68e DI) had arrived on the outskirts of Groningen during the night, and had taken up defensive positions, not wishing to enter the town until there was enough light. Intelligence had suggested that as the HQ of the SD in occupied Holland, there might be some SS units that would put up a fight. As dawn was breaking, the French troops were mounting their vehicles and getting ready for the day’s events.
Two men, wearing orange armbands, the common sign of Dutch resistance, approached warily from the early morning gloom and rain. The Dutch liaison officer with the French unit ascertained from them that the SS had already pulled out of the town. They had done some damage to a number of bridges and locks around the town, but obviously didn’t have enough explosives for everything they wanted to destroy. The Dutch population, including many soldiers who had gone to ground when the Germans had conquered the country the year before, had secured as much of the infrastructure as they could.
The SS had stolen many vehicles and were using these to make their way back to Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Maillot, commanding the GRDI was keen to get to grips with the SS before they could join up with the rest of their kind and cause more trouble. Without aerial support, which would have probably made mincemeat of the German column, Maillot’s Deep Reconnaissance Squadrons Group would probably be the best unit to try to intercept them. With the information of when the Germans had left and which road they had taken, Maillot, with Major Garcin, commander of the cavalry squadron, worked out the best routes to take. It would take some luck to actually catch them, but if it meant that a strong unit got to the border with Germany at Nieuweschans that would be worthwhile in itself. The rest of the GRDI would go into Groningen, and then move north towards the coast at Delfzijl. The rest of the Infantry Division would arrive in its own good time.
Garcin gave a quick briefing to his officer group and then the Panhard armoured cars and motorcycles roared off into the gloom, trucks and cars following them carrying part of the heavy weapons squadron. The Dutch liaison officer had stayed with Maillot and the rest of the GRDI, but one of the resistance men, a reservist in the Dutch Army rode along with Garcin. Crossing the Winschoterdiep at Hoogezand, the French could begin to follow the trail of destruction left by the SS troops. There were vehicles that had been abandoned, set up as temporary roadblocks, occasionally there were Dutch civilians, sometimes with orange armbands, but more often without, lying dead on the road, some machine gunned, others strung up and hung.
The accelerator pedals of the French vehicles were pressed a little harder to try to make up the distance and catch these criminals.
At 08:00hrs the leading group of armoured cars began to approach Oostwald. There were fires burning in the town, so the commander of the leading platoon made a more careful approach, then reversed quickly as they were fired upon by MG34s and a 37mm antitank gun. One of the armoured cars was left burning. When Garcin got the message that he had caught up with the German unit, or at least part of it, he gave orders for his unit to approach the area from various compass points, the flat farmland that surrounded the town provided little cover, so speed and aggression would have to suffice.
Two mortars began to lay down a smoke screen, along with the smoke grenades carried by the armoured cars. Coupled with the smoke coming from the fires within the town itself, the French were able to approach and take the German positions under fire. The Entente Army were using the new Belgian made FAL (Fusil Automatique Légère) and the MAG (Mitrailleuse d'Appui Général). This gave the French troops overwhelming fire power, coupled with the various types of grenades used liberally soon had the French troops in amongst the Germans.
An SS Company sized force had stayed behind, partly because they didn’t have enough petrol for all the vehicles in the column, and partly because they wanted some kind of Valhalla death ride moment. The SS men had lost any discipline they ever might of had, a number of rapes had occurred, and plenty of looting. The fires burning included the local church, where the SS had rounded up some of the population and locked them inside. An SS man had been killed by a local (ex-army) who was trying to protect his family. This had been more than enough reason for the rest of the SS Company to begin to wipe out the town.
The arrival of the French forces came too late for all too many of the civilians. But the SS men got their Valhalla moment. There were no prisoners.
11 April 1941. 09:00hrs. Scapa Flow. Scotland.
Vice Admiral ATB Curteis, Second in Command of Home Fleet, paced the deck on HMS Rodney. In a few minutes a detachment of ships would leave the anchorage to begin the long journey to Singapore. Because of the special nature of some of the ships there would be only very brief stops at various ports. HMS Cardiff and Andromeda, with various bits and pieces of camouflage to make them look a bit more like 1941 ships, were being cheered by the units of Home Fleet as they took their leave. Most of their crews were men who had been trained over the last year on the futuristic equipment, though about 10% were the originals who had come along with them from that day in 1982.
Curteis was completely conscious of what these two ships had contributed over the last year, and joined in the cheering as heartily as any of the ratings along the side of the battleship. Both ships had had time in yards to make them as ready as possible for the long sea journey ahead of them. Because of the Type 42’s air defence capability, proven again and again, she carried all the remaining Sea Dart missiles. HMS Andromeda had her Sea Wolf missiles as well as her anti-submarine capability. The newest fleet aircraft carrier, HMS Victorious followed the smaller ships, her crew lining her deck. Technically she was still working up, and in some ways this cruise was part of that process. Once she was at sea the majority of her aircraft would fly on.
The cruisers HMS York and Bonaventure, the destroyers HMS Isis, Jaguar, Kelly, Kelvin, Laforay, Lively, Mashona and Matabele joined the departing squadron. Laforey and Lively were brand new ships, the other eight had spent the best part of the last six months in various dockyards receiving the very latest in radar and anti-aircraft guns (especially the two Tribal Class ships). The two K class destroyers had been fitted with the first Squid anti-submarine mortars in the fleet, this was still being tested. HMS Isis and Jaguar had the Hedgehog system already.
A few days earlier RFA Cedardale, a Dale-class fleet tanker of the Royal Fleet Auxiliary had sailed with two Black Swan sloops, HMS Black Swan and HMS Flamingo. There were four of these Dale-class oilers that were tasked with accompanying the fleet. Because of their slower speed they would generally be pre-positioned so that the fleet could rendezvous and Replenish At Sea (RAS), a skill that all the ships heading for the China Sea (and possibly the Pacific) had acquired. RFA Olna had been considered for this role, but she was still being examined by ship designers and builders to learn the secrets of making clones of her.
As the last of the ships sailed out of the harbour, RAF 240 Squadron’s twelve Sunderland flying boats flew past, waggling their wings. They too were bound for the Far East, though their passage would be quicker. Curteis knew that they should have been flying Seafords, but Shorts still hadn’t got them into production, so the Sunderlands would have to do. For the last two months the squadron had been based at Sullom Voe converting from the Supermarine Stranraers they had had, and learning to operate with elements of this new fleet they would be working with in the China Sea.
Curteis watched until all the ships and aircraft had disappeared from view. What would it be to command such a fleet as would be gathered in Singapore? Turning away from the side, he hurried into HMS Rodney’s superstructure, ready for some warming tea, and ready to fight the battle of the paper clips for another day.
11 April 1941. 10:00 hrs. HQ 5th Infantry Division. Papenburg. Germany.
General Myles Dempsey was trying not to wring the neck of the Commander of the Royal Army Service Corps for the Division. This morning 17th Brigade were meant to have moved forward towards Leer and the Lede River, with 15th Brigade in support. Brigadier Stopford had to report that a lack ammunition put his Brigade’s push in jeopardy. The resupply that should have happened during the night had failed to show. As the delay lengthened, the start time had to be postponed three times.
Dempsey had called in Lt Col Campbell to give an account of why the forward units of the Brigades didn’t have adequate supplies to fulfil their mission. The reasons that Campbell gave were making Dempsey more and more livid. Not because Campbell had been incompetent or derelict in his duty. The problems boiled down to too few roads being too congested, especially at bottlenecks like bridges, and there were plenty of them. The second thing was that the divisional transport was wearing out. The lorries and vans that the Division had arrived with in France in December 1939 had mostly been requisitioned from civilian firms at the time. While better vehicles, purpose built for the army, were replacing them, all too slowly, the older vehicles were harder to keep on the road. Too many of the traffic jams preventing supplies being brought forward were due to broken down vehicles that had just given up the ghost.
As Commander RASC for the Division, Campbell was willing to take the blame for the delay in the resupply of the forward units, but realistically it was beyond his control. Dempsey knew that General James Marshall-Cornwall, the Corps commander was aware of the problem, which wasn’t confined to 5th Division, and he suspected that Alan Brooke, Army Group Commander would know too. However, the damage had been done and what mattered was making sure that the delay didn’t give the Germans too much of a respite.
Getting a report from both Brigade commanders that they would be ready to move at noon, Dempsey informed Corps what was happening and why. When his message was confirmed, Dempsey called his driver to take him over to 13th Brigade’s HQ. This was his old Brigade and they had been leading the Divisional advance for the last couple of days. He wanted to meet with Douglas Whimberley, the Brigade Commander, who had taken over from Dempsey when he’d been promoted to Divisional Commander.
Dempsey had been warned that he was likely to become Corps Commander as Marshall-Cornwall was slated to go to Egypt when Wavell went to South East Asia Entente Command. In that case Dempsey believed that Whimberley was the best man to take over 5th Division, but he wanted to sound him out about the promotion. They had been students together at the Staff College in Camberley back in 1925 and had remained friends. 5th Division, one of the pre-war regular divisions would have a big role in II Corps, one that Dempsey would need someone who he could rely on.
Arriving at Whimberley’s HQ he found the place as well organised and upbeat as he’d hoped. The three Battalions, 2nd Cameronians, Wiltshires and Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers hadn’t had too much bother since crossing the Rhine, and were in good heart. This had been helped enormously by the provision of hot baths and hot meals since they had set up camp. Dempsey wondered about poaching the Brigade RASC Commander since he had obviously been able to work miracles, unlike Lt Col Campbell, his Divisional superior. Looking around he could see that looking after the men was not at the expense of proper security, they were after all on enemy territory. The RA Light Anti-Aircraft unit had their Bofors guns well positioned and were on the ball, even though an attack was considered unlikely.
Whimberley himself wasn’t in the Brigade HQ when Dempsey appeared, and his Adjutant was quickly able to take Dempsey to him. In the little hamlet of Aschendorf they found him with a platoon of the Cameronians who had discovered a number of handicapped children in a house. The householder had brought them together as they might otherwise have been euthanised under the Nazi regime’s laws. The Scots had found them and were sharing their food with them and generally entertaining the children. When Whimberley had been informed, he had come over to see what was happening. It was here that Dempsey found him and together they listened to the story of Herr Walter Leitner.
His son had been born in 1934 with Cerebral Palsy, or spastic, as it was commonly known. The local Lutheran community were quite supportive, and a number of families in the area with handicapped children met together for support on a regular basis. In 1938 rumours started to circulate about children with handicaps being taken away, and never returning. It became more than a rumour after September 1939 and the families were less likely to go to the large hospitals. As the war had got closer, and the situation had got worse. Lietner, who had a large house, offered families sanctuary. If they felt their child was in danger, they could bring them to Aschendorf where he and his wife would take in the family, or just the child if that is what they wanted. Since the hamlet was in a very rural area, they didn’t believe the war would come too close to them.
Over the last few months they had lived in fear of a Nazi backlash and of being informed on by some of the locals. However, with the support of the local Lutheran Pastor, they had managed, just, to hold on. Providing food and getting coal had become more and more difficult. They had twelve children in their care, and now hoped that they since they had been “liberated” they would be able to reunite them with their parents. The British officers took note of the euthanasia programme, which would need to be put into the hands of those responsible for justice after the fighting was finished. The situation was under control as far as Whimberley and Dempsey could see, and they left the local platoon commander to get on with it, while they returned to Brigade HQ to discuss the original matter at hand.
11 April 1941. 11:00 hrs. War Office. London.
Official 1: I have a memo here asking that the 24th Infantry Brigade (Guards), which is 1st Battalions of the Scots and Irish Guards, with 2nd Battalion South Wales Borderers be, and I quote, “used more usefully.”
Official 2: I would have thought that guarding His Majesty would be considered “useful” enough.
Official 3: Perhaps providing guard duty at Buckingham Palace and Windsor Castle is getting tedious for them!
Official 1: Well the memo is from Number 10 and marked, “action this day.”
Official 3: Someone has obviously had a word in the right ear.
Official 2: Do you think it might be the Palace?
Official 1: That is not beyond the realms of possibility. However, something must be done.
Official 3: What shape are the new Guards Battalions in?
Official 2: The expansion of the Guards means that both the Grenadier and Coldstream Guards have a 4th and 5th Battalion. The Scots have a 3rd Battalion. The Irish Guards also have a 3rd Battalion, which had been their training Battalion. The Welsh Guards have a holding Battalion, which could be the basis for a 3rd Battalion.
Official 1: Haven’t those just been training up replacements for battle casualties in the Regular Battalions?
Official 2: Yes and no. The Grenadiers and Coldstream 4th Battalions are complete in themselves, but their 5th Battalions have been doing that, so are under strength. The Scots have also kept their 3rd Battalion complete, as have the Irish Guards. Just the Welsh Guards have been sending replacements forward like that.
Official 3: So along with 1st Scots and Irish Guards, we could have 3rd Scots and Irish, and 4th Grenadier and Coldstream Guards. That is six battalions, at a push another two. Even without 5th Battalion from the Grenadiers or the Coldstream, we would have enough to have a three Guards Brigades, each with a Line Regiment Battalion, like the South Wales Borderers in 24th Brigade. That would give us a Guards Division.
Official 1: We are looking for another armoured division. What about a Guards Armoured Division?
Official 3: And get their hands dirty, tinkering with machinery? The Household Cavalry Regiments are complaining enough as it is. In fact, putting one of them into a Guards Division as the reconnaissance/cavalry force might calm them down a little.
Official 2: Possibly, and it would take quite a lot of time for the infantry battalions to be retrained and equipped. The memo does say “action this day.”
Official 3: It would also be a useful addition to make up a fourth Army in Germany.
Official 1: Or…when the third Canadian Division arrives, they’ll want a Canadian Corps, which will mean reorganising at least two Corps. A Guards Division will look pretty good for whoever gets them in place of one of the Canadian Divisions.
Official 2: Shall I get the paperwork going?
Official 3: Who should get command of the Guards Division?
Official 1: Well Oliver Leese is due a Division, and he has the right form.
Official 2: Good choice, shall I add that to the paperwork?
Official 3: I should think so, don’t you old boy?
Official 1: Surely. Now, I do believe there might be time for a pink gin before lunch.
Official 2 & 3: Good show!
11 April 1941. 12:00hrs. Aschaffenburg. Germany.
Colonel Frenot was dead, and so were too many of 26e Regiment d’Infantrie. The house to house fighting was taking such a toll on the men, that 170e RI were now replacing them. The town itself was being raised to the ground. Without char support, the remaining Renault DD chars were all destroyed, the infantry had brought over a number of 75mm artillery pieces and were using them to knock out German strongholds with direct fire. For the men firing the guns this was not a healthy pastime.
The engineers, 11/1e and 11/2e Cie de Sapeurs mineurs, had also taken heavy losses, but were essential for the progress that had been made so far. General Sivot, commanding the 4e Army, hoped that the very intensity of the fighting was drawing in German troops from the area, so that once the town was cleared his army would have an easier time in the breakout phase. What was clear, and a lesson that had been experienced time and again, was that fighting in built up areas was the worst, worse even than the trenches of the last lot.
As one of the divisions that were still waiting for the MAS 40 rifle, the firepower of the French troops wasn’t as heavy as it could be. The MAS 36 was certainly superior to the old Lebel, but the semi-automatic gun would have been better. Getting sufficient ammunition and other supplies over the river to keep the momentum going was difficult, and just as there had been a shortage of shells for the artillery, the numbers of grenades being used was far more than expected. The liberal use of grenades was completely understandable, better to clear a room after a grenade was thrown in, than without.
11e Division (CO General Arlabosse), had assaulted over the river Main, to the south of the town, where a railway bridge had been blown by the Germans. The first objectives were to take the high ground that dominated the crossing. The first Battalion had managed to seize the top of the first hill, but were then assailed by strong German mortar fire that prevented them from making further progress towards the second. Their position did give the engineers enough cover to get a raft ferry over the river. The second Battalion were ferried across and moved up the railway line towards the town itself. When they had made it into the built-up area around the railway station, the infantry were on their own, having to clear the area house to house and hand to hand.
First Battalion, with artillery support made another attempt to gain the second hill. One company managed to gain a foothold, but were counterattacked before they could establish themselves in position. Their problem was made worse because of a third summit of Erbrig hill, from which the French troops were under constant surveillance and mortar fire. A third attack to gain that summit, would have to go round the hill at the bottom, but this too was blocked and ran out of steam. By the end of the first day, progress had been made, but there was a long way to go.
During the night elements of the 3rd Battalion got across the river and were pushing up through the town. It was here that the Regiment’s commander, Col Frenot, was killed by mistake. He and his command group had been moving between the companies, an anxious sentry opened fire on the movement he saw before the password could be given. The Colonel died instantly, while two others in his party were wounded. It was a blow to the morale of the Regiment, Frenot had been well respected. His second in command took over and got them settled down again. Now, with 170e Regiment being committed to the fight, it was hoped that the weight of numbers would begin to tell on the defenders.
11 April 1941. 13:00hrs. Rotterdam. The Netherlands.
Work was continuing to restore the docks to full working order. The Germans had done some damage to the infrastructure, but the engineers were confident that the whole place would be back and fully operational within another few days.
The Royal Marine Division had been pulled out the line and were getting on board ships to return to the UK to be rested and reinforced. The Dutch Marines were going with them. The working relationship, which had been good beforehand, had now been forged in battle.
What was less well known was that two divisions from First Entente Army had already disappeared. As the liberation of the Netherlands progressed more and more members of the Dutch army had been re-enlisted and they were taking on more responsibility for restoring freedom to their country. This meant that the Danish and Norwegian divisions could be released for other duties. The liberation of Denmark was becoming more achievable, especially if the Entente forces could get past Bremen and head for Hamburg.
The Free Danish Division, along with the First Norwegian Division, had been part of First Entente Army. They had not seen action, but now were now very well trained and fully equipped. A second Danish division had been created in England from volunteers, including small numbers of volunteers from Iceland and the Faroe Islands. This Division was also ready to be deployed. The two Danish divisions, along with two Norwegian divisions (one currently in Norway as well as the one in England) would be part of the force to free Denmark. In addition, a Belgian (4th) division, would transfer from First Entente Army Group, as would the amphibious specialists the Royal Marine Division and the French 1re DLI (Light Infantry Division).
No date had yet been set for the invasion. It was still hoped by some that the Germans would come to their senses and simply give up, withdrawing from Denmark, and so the Entente forces would be able to free Denmark without firing a shot. However, no one was taking bets on this happening.
11 April 1941. 14:00hrs. Hagen. Germany.
Lieutenant-Colonel Gautier rolled up the message slip and threw it away in disgust. The General wanted him to get his chars to Unna, another 25km further on. The General obviously had no idea what he was talking about. 25km at this point could be the distance to Mars. Since yesterday his men had managed to retake Wuppertal and roll up to Hagen, which was about 25kms. By the time they had got here, they were exhausted. The surviving chars needed fuel, ammunition and maintenance. The surviving men needed sleep and hot food. In fact, they needed relieved and for someone else to move forward. The General wanted to close the Germans in a pocket by joining up with 1re Army who were also heading for Unna. Good for them. They were welcome to the glory.
Hagen, it turned out, was an important place for the German railway system. They were therefore defending it with great tenacity. Some Luftwaffe anti-aircraft guns were being used effectively against the chars, and even the B1 ters were coming off worse against them. The new German anti-tank gun, the 50mm long barrelled gun was also taking a heavy toll. It was still raining, and the AdA pilots were still on the wine back in Paris. The message from the General to get to Unna as quickly as possible was dissolving in the mud beside the road.
Gautier got onto the radio to speak to the General and tell him exactly what the situation was. As well as the exhaustion of his men, there was the small matter of attempting to cross the River Ruhr. Once more it looked as if all the bridges had been blown. All of his bridging equipment was behind him, having been used on the Wupper, Ennepe and Volme rivers. The fact that he had made 25kms yesterday was something of a miracle, the idea of making another 25kms was just laughable.
General Sciard, commanding 1re Corps took Gautier’s report, and heard the voice of a man who had shot his bolt. The 21e and 25e DIM (Motorised Infantry Division) were following up what the 3e DM (Division Mécanique) had managed to achieve over the last twenty-four hours. The two infantry divisions were a much better choice to work through the German defences. After that, General Martin would need to unleash 2e DM to continue the advance. They had some of the new Renault G1 chars, and it would be interesting to see how they did in comparison to the H39s and S40s.
General Martin, commander of 7e Army, read Sciard’s report and his plan of action. The fact that his army had only just made 50kms in 11 days gave him a feeling of shame. It was true that the other French armies hadn’t gone much further, and they hadn’t lost their bridge over the Rhine on the first day. General Martin believed that his army was the one with the most panache. The British armies had the better ground and so were making good distances, but the two French armies cutting the Ruhr valley off from the rest of Germany was going to win the war. It was just a pity that it had to be so slow and plodding.
11 April 1941. 15:00 hrs. Limburg. Germany. HQ 12th Army.
General Heitz received orders from Berlin to reassign his XXX Corps (50th and 164th Divisions) to Seventeenth Army and L Corps (46th and 60th Divisions) to Fourth Army. Other than the attempt by the French to cross the Rhine at Koblenz, his area of responsibility (south of Bonn to the River Main at Mainz) had been quiet. By removing his two reserve Corps, it just left him XVIII (Mountain) Corps, made up of three divisions to hold 140km of river. If the French made another attempt, and were successful, there would be nothing but the terrain to stop them.
There had always been the assumption that these two Corps might have to be loaned to his neighbouring armies, but to lose both at the same time was a bit of a blow. As far as the intelligence was able to piece together, the French 3e Army was still facing him. It would be crucial that the movement of these four divisions went undiscovered for as long as possible. Despatch riders were sent out with the orders, which emphasised using as much cover as possible and to leave behind some kind of deception plan that might fool the French. The bad weather, which continued to hamper aerial reconnaissance, would be a help, but there was no guarantee that this would last.
XXX Corps were headquartered at Altenkirchen. When the Corps Commander acknowledged receipt of the orders, he informed Heitz that it would take the best part of two days to gather his forces and get them to Paderborn. Heitz wondered if they would get there before the French at that rate. The problems on the rail network, which had been heavily attacked over the winter, were coming home to roost. It was particularly important to get the panzer regiment into the fight. The Corps had one spread out in various places prepared to counterattack a French attack across the Rhine. A shortage of fuel was of concern to be able to get them to the railway so that they could be moved to where they would be needed.
L Corps were based in Limburg, and the Corps Commander was able to update Heitz personally. These two Divisions were to move to Frankfurt, just 50km away. All things being equal, which so far hadn’t been the case in this war, they should get there the following day. The fighting in Aschaffenburg was tearing up the German army as much as it was the French. Two more divisions would give Fourth Army the kind of reinforcement it desperately needed.
Over a glass of schnapps the two Generals, whose friendship went back a long way reflected on the state of things. Neither of them were particularly political. During the ‘almost’ civil war, their command, which didn’t include any SS units, had mostly been untouched. There had been a steady stream of deserters, but generally most of the troops had stayed put. The fact that the war was lost was clear to them, there was little to be gained from carrying on the fight, and much to lose, but they were dedicated officers. If it took a bit longer to get the troops ready to move than Berlin would like, then so be it. There were very few professional soldiers left in the OKH, so a slower movement wouldn’t be too obvious, especially with all the other stuff that was happening. If it meant that some of the men would get home rather than die in an already lost war, then so be it.
11 April 1941. 16:00hrs. Belfast. Northern Ireland.
The heavy engineering works around Harland and Wolff was well used to war work. HMS Aster, a Flower Class corvette was being officially handed over to the Royal Navy, having been completed and fitted out. The previous day HMS Buttercup had been launched and earlier this day so had HMS Chrysanthemum, another two Flower Class corvettes which would join the fleet in a few months. Another ship was leaving the fitting out pier today as well, RFA Brown Ranger, a fleet support tanker, which would be heading for the Indian Ocean in due course. Originally the War Office had designated Belfast as the primary shipyard for repair work. Since very little of that kind of work had come their way, the main fabrication side was generally ahead of schedule.
Harland and Wolff had orders for 40 Flower Class Corvettes, HMS Aster brought the total delivered to 25. Ten had been cancelled just at the end of 1940, so there were only another five still being worked on. In place of the Flower Class ships, the first of a new class of minesweepers, HMS Algerine had been laid down in January and would be the first of ten on order, with another ten possibly to follow. It was expected that HMS Algerine would be launched in September, and join the fleet in early 1942.
HMS Black Prince, a Dido class cruiser, was coming along quickly, having been laid down in December 1939, it was expected that she would be launched in later in the summer and be ready to join the fleet in early 1942. Having previously built the cruisers HMS Penelope and HMS Belfast, the managers hoped that they might win an order for one of the follow-on class of cruisers, known unofficially as the Tiger Class.
The largest ship under construction was HMS Unicorn, an aircraft carrier, which was due to be launched in November, she was also ahead of schedule. She had been proceeded by HMS Formidable, the Illustrious class aircraft carrier. Once HMS Unicorn was launched, preparatory work would begin on HMS Gibraltar, the second of the proposed Malta Class aircraft carriers, which would dwarf Unicorn and Formidable when completed.
As well as these warships the yard was now busy constructing Landing Craft Tanks. Four were already finished and with the fleet, there were ten more of these at various stages of construction, with another ten to be laid down. Design changes to improve their handling and stability had been introduced, so the next one to be completed would be HMS LCT 100, or a Mark 3 as it was known.
The work was not all just in warships. Harland and Wolff specialised in refrigerated cargo ships and there were a few of these either building or fitting out. Oil tankers were also under construction. One of the things that the Ministry of Supply had been keen on the previous year was retraining some of the workforce on welding techniques. These were being used primarily on the LCTs, which were prefabricated sections welded together. The management and unions had been in negotiations to move more fully towards this method of construction.
The unions weren’t keen, but between incentives and threats they were coming around. The threats came from the Admiralty who were adamant that the ships they were ordering, especially the Malta Class carrier would be an all-welded construction. Losing such an order could be devastating to the company, and therefore the workforce. The incentives were coming from the Ministry of Supply, who were promising financial support for retraining and bonuses for productivity.
Away from the shipbuilding, the company had also been in the business of constructing tanks for the army, primarily the modified A9 Cruiser Close Support Tank. Work on these had ended in 1940. In its place they were now making castings for the Comet tank, as well as for artillery pieces, though the Ministry of Supply wanted the workforce to concentrate on the primary shipbuilding work.
11 April 1941. 18:00hrs. Someone’s home. Great Britain.
“This is the BBC Home Service. Friday 11th April 1941. Here is the 6 0’clock news read by Alvar Lidell.
His Majesty, King George VI, has sent his congratulations to Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands as the whole of her country is now free from German occupation. Entente forces, led by the Dutch Army, now have control of all of aspects of the nation, including its borders. The final German forces which had not surrendered have either fled or were defeated in battle. The King has assured Queen Wilhelmina that Great Britain will continue to support the Netherlands in peace as in war.
A communique from First Entente Army Group was issued this afternoon. In it the people of the Netherlands were congratulated on their steadfastness and courage. Elements of the combined British, Dutch, Belgian, Polish and French army reached the border with Germany in the Groningen province and forces landed by sea and air on the West Frisian Islands.
The three British Armies fighting in Germany made significant progress today. The commander of the British Third Army, General Bernard Montgomery, spoke to reporters today from his Headquarters and told them that his army had made over twenty miles of progress in the last twenty-four hours. Casualties continued to be light, and German resistance was described as sporadic. He singled out the Royal Engineers for praise in his press conference. The withdrawing Germans have generally destroyed or mined many of the bridges and roads on their retreat. It is the work of the Royal Engineers in rebuilding destroyed bridges and clearing mine fields that has enable the army to make the progress that is has.
Reports of war crimes and crimes against humanity that have been brought to light as British and French forces have advanced through Germany. The laws against the Jewish population have been well known, but evidence was presented today of a program of the killing of sick and disabled children and adults. In documentation presented to the Press today by the International Red Cross, under a program known as “T4” in Germany, handicapped people were systematically killed because they were described as a “burden on the State.” A spokesman for the Archbishop of Canterbury described the evidence he had heard as “inhumane and callous.” It is believed that this will add to the pressure to initiate a “War Crimes Tribunal” after the war.
In the United States of America, former President Roosevelt, made a speech at Yale University warning of a growing threat in the Far East. Noting that changes to the Japanese Cabinet had brought in, what he described as “three more hawks”, the balance of the Japanese Government is now more inclined to war than peace. He warned that if the United States wanted to continue to be neutral then it must be better prepared for war. He cited the situation in the Philippines as an example. If the Japanese were to widen their war with China, then the American forces, especially the Asiatic Fleet was “woefully unprepared”. While it was clear, he continued, that the British, French and Dutch were taking the Japanese threat seriously, President Dewey was not.
In other news, the Ministry of Supply has announced that rationing of certain foods and other goods is likely to end later in 1941. The Minister, Sir Andrew Duncan, made the statement at Liverpool docks. In the statement the minister referred to the levels of international trade, which were now returning to pre-war levels. With the ending of most of the convoy system, individual ships were free to make their way around the world without threat or hampering. He particularly noted the work that had been done by the Royal Navy in keeping the sea lanes clear, and in his speech, praised the mine sweepers who kept the access to Britain’s harbours clear of German mines.
That is the news, the next bulletin will be at seven o’clock."
12 April 1941. 07:00hrs. Emmen. Holland.
Lieutenant Banks, commanding C Company, the 1st Battalion, The King's Own Scottish Borderers, of the 9th Brigade, of the Third Division, of II Corps of the First British Army didn’t think much of being an officer. However, such was life. After the morning “stand to”, the company, and in fact the whole Brigade, was able to rest. Banks was pleased they were in Holland, rather than occupied Germany, as it meant the locals were friendly. Having fought their way through the border lands of Holland and Germany from the Rhine, most of First Army was halted. Only I Corps were still moving towards Bremen, and as far as Banks could see, the reason for the rest of the Army halting was so that all the petrol and other supplies could be concentrated in one Corps.
The KOSB’s motor transport had brought them to Emmen and was now in various states of maintenance. The men had enjoyed a hot shower and fresh clothes when they had arrived the previous evening. The local community were showing their appreciation of the British soldiers with gifts of cheese and alcohol. Banks had the NCOs on alert for anybody getting too merry. Some of the ladies were a bit too friendly for Banks’ taste, there’d likely be trouble with a few of the Jocks before they left the area. The town was putting on some kind of concert/entertainment in the evening, and so most of the day was about mending equipment, catching up on some sleep and generally being busy about doing very little.
It was expected that replacements would arrive at some point to be integrated into the Company to make up for the losses they had taken over the last ten days. The company had been almost at full strength on 31st March with just over 100 men. As of roll call this morning, the Company strength stood at 62. The battalion as a whole had suffered 42 killed, 86 injured and four missing, presumed killed. One in five men killed or wounded. The worst of the losses had been in the first few days after crossing the Rhine. Banks didn’t want to think about how many they had lost since April 1940. The original regulars were few and far between, most of the survivors, like himself were now officers or NCOs. Some of them who had been wounded last year were now back, like Captain Woods, his original platoon commander, who was now on the Brigade Staff.
It was Woods himself who had broken the news that Banks had received a battlefield commission. After the last lot of fighting, when Banks had taken command of the Company, and had done a good job. His battlefield commission had been recommended, and Woods had asked permission to be the one to break the good news. Not that it felt much like good news to Banks. Now that the Company was settled, for what would probably be a few days, Banks would have the onerous job of writing letters to the families of those who’d been killed. His successor as Company Sergeant Major was Jim Michaels, who’d been a private last March. Michaels brought him a mess tin with some breakfast in it. At least he had confidence that his new CSM was up for the job. The fact that Michaels was then able to recite the Company’s current supply situation confirmed his confidence.
12 April 1941. 08:00hrs. Fliegerhorst Oldenburg. Germany
The Luftwaffe had abandoned the airfield some months ago. It had got a pasting from the RAF over the winter, and the surviving Ju 88s of KG30 were now somewhere in Silesia. A few flak guns and a couple of companies of troops were all that was available to oppose the 2nd Northamptonshire Yeomanry and the 1st Battalion the London Rifle Brigade. The flak guns took out a few of the cruiser tanks and a couple of the Militant armoured lorries. Their resistance was quickly overcome and the whole area was cleared.
Looking at the map the commander of the battle group was dismayed at the amount of water courses between here and the Weser. Staying north of the river Hunte, there was only one decent road and the railway line to Rastede and then Brake. Another battlegroup, made up of 1st Northamptonshire Yeomanry and 1st Battalion Queen’s Westminster Rifles were heading for Varel and Wilhelmshaven. The last battlegroup of the Division, 1st Royal Gloucestershire Hussars in Valentines, with 1st Battalion London Scottish, were in reserve, and probably would have to support the attack on Wilhelmshaven. Intelligence seemed to suggest that the Kriegsmarine would likely be responsible for its defence. That would be interesting.
With this objective taken and secured, the next job would be to wait for the fuel bowsers and ammo trucks to catch up. Once they were fully resupplied, then they could move on towards the Weser. The reconnaissance troop was nosing around Oldenburg itself, and so far, they were reporting a lot of white flags flying. It was the job of Third Army, particularly VI Corps to move south of Oldenburg to close with the Weser. The briefing yesterday evening said that 56th (London) Division were at Wardenburg and moving eastwards towards the river Hunte then on past the south of Oldenburg.
VII Corps’ 3rd Armoured Division’s 21st Armoured Brigade, led by 42nd Royal Tank Regiments in their Comet tanks, supported by 1/4th Battalion South Lancashire Regiment were pressing in on Wildeshausen, attempting to cross the river Hunte there. The rest of VII Corps were pushing forward, with the 3rd Armoured Division providing the punch, while the 2nd Canadian and 43rd (Wessex) Divisions mopped up and supported the advance.
The ANZACs were approaching Sulingen and would then march to the Weser at Nienburg. This would give them the ability to threaten Hannover from a northerly approach. General Alan Brooke’s strategy was to give the Germans too many threats so that they if they were be able to concentrate on stopping one British approach, they would then be in danger of being flanked from any of the other thrusts.
To the south of Third Army, Jumbo Wilson’s Second Army, like First Army was having to concentrate its energies through just one Corps, in their case 1st Mechanised Corps. Having reached Bielefeld they were looking at moving towards Minden today. The 51st (Highland) Division and 1st Armoured Division were taking the lead, while the 50th Division were tying in with the French 1re Army to their south.
12 April 1941. 09:00 hrs. Scharnhorst. Germany.
General Barbe, originally commanded the 4e DLC (Light Cavalry Division) with distinction in the fighting in the Ardennes the previous year. Now he had this much more powerful 4e DM (Division Mécanique). His Division had a Brigade of Chars made up of both Somua S40s and R40s. There had been rumours that they’d be getting the new Renault G1R chars, but production had been lower than expected due to several teething troubles that could only be sorted at the factory lines.
The ground they had covered in the last few days had been hard going. It was all very well for superior officers to tell them to avoid fighting in built up areas, but if you wanted to go along a road, you tended to have to go through the towns and villages that the roads were built for. The fight for Waltrop, then Brambauer, then Brechten, then Derne and now Scharnhorst had been pretty vigorous. If the German army was collapsing as the Intelligence Officers kept saying, then Barbe’s men hadn’t seen too much evidence of it. The continuing rain wasn’t helping, it was funny how you missed air support when you were used to it. Artillery was fine, but the Germans really didn’t like napalm at all, but the French troops had grown to love smell of it, especially in the morning.
The problem for today was the airfield to the west of the town of Scharnhorst. It had also been a barracks for German transport units as well as the Luftwaffe. Between the railway and the airfield, there was lot of important ground to be defended and Barbe’s reconnaissance troops had come under heavy fire as they nosed around. Experience had taught the French that Luftwaffe bases often retained their anti-aircraft units as part of the ground defences, and if that was the case then the chars would have a difficult time of it.
One of his two infantry regiments, 31e Dragoons would take the lead today, as the other, 8e Dragoons, had suffered heavily the previous day. As well as Lorraine VBCP 38L armoured personnel carriers they had two companies in the newer 39L, which was an improvement over the earlier version as all the troops were carried in the one vehicle rather partly in a trailer. There was no overhead cover which made them vulnerable to airbursts, but the side armour would protect the men from small arms and splinters.
Colonel Rey commanded the regiment with distinction and was overdue a promotion. Once more he’d been given a tough nut to crack and he spent some time with his staff planning the best way to get the job done with as few loses as possible. The artillery had been hammering the area since first light, and it had been decided that the cavalry roots of the regiment were the best way to get the job done. With the artillery still falling, 2e battalion, with a squadron of R40 chars in support, approached the railway line from the north. 3e Battalion, with all the support weaponry gave covering fire, would approach and take the railway station through the town. 1re Battalion were in reserve.
Following the artillery barrage as closely as they dared, the French troops in their various armoured vehicles, hit the railway and found that the expected resistance was much lower than expected. A few chars were knocked out by German guns, but the cavalry charge succeeded in overwhelming what was already a demoralised defensive unit. The survivors were marched off to POW camps. Planning for the next objective, towards Unna, Colonel Rey and General Barbe could only hope that the next encounter with the Germans would be as straightforward.
12 April 1941. 10:00hrs. San Diego, California. USA.
General “Hap” Arnold, had come down to the Consolidated Aircraft plant to be part of the handover ceremony of the first of the 120 Consolidated LB-30A four engine bombers that the Armée De L’Air had ordered. The AdA had been furious to discover that an aircraft which had promised 311mph could only achieve 273mph. Wartime experience noted the need for self-sealing tanks and better defensive armament. To get the increase in speed required, Consolidated had the mechanically supercharged Pratt & Whitney R-1830-33s replaced with the turbo-supercharged R-1830s. The tail span was widened by 2 ft (0.61 m) and the pitot-static probes were relocated from the wings to the fuselage. These changes allowed the aircraft to reach nearly 311mph, and so the French had agreed reluctantly to go ahead with the order.
For General Arnold the fact that the RAF had cancelled their original order of 160 aircraft meant that the USAAC would be getting their own order for 36 sooner than he had feared. Consolidated was actively petitioning Washington DC for the RAF order be transferred to the USAAC. France was not in a position to increase its order. Not only were they struggling to find the dollars to pay for them under the original cash and carry deal, but the reintroduction of the Neutrality Act meant that, as a combatant nation they would not be able to. If the Army Air Corps didn’t increase its orders, then Consolidated Aircraft would be in a difficult position. They had designed and built the LB-30A at the request of the Chief of the Air Corps. Their agreement with Ford to build a new plant at Willow Run, Ypsilanti, Michigan had already been shelved. If the 160 aircraft originally ordered by the RAF weren’t to be built it could possibly spell the end of the company.
President Roosevelt back in 1939 had ordered that the USAAC should be expanded and General Arnold was attempting to make it happen, while the appropriations were still available. The removal of most of the RAF’s early interest had resulted in a shortfall of capital investment in the main American aircraft companies. The British had concentrated that investment in their own industry. The French however were more desperate. Their purchase of 100 P36s from Curtiss-Wright in 1939 gave that company $1 million investment to buy machine tools for their Buffalo plant. Other purchases had likewise enabled the American companies like Douglas and Glenn Martin to expand.
This was a two-edged sword for the USAAC. On the one hand, without new production being exported, allowed the increase in their own air groups’ expansion. On the other hand, the aircraft were early marks, with much development still needed, as their war experience showed. Most of Curtiss’ P40s that the French had bought were already being consigned to training roles, they weren’t up to a straight fight with German Bf 109s. Curtiss were bringing on an improved version, learning from the French experience. The Americans were aware however that even this would still be lacking against most enemies. These were the same early P40s that were entering American service.
The reduction in French orders, partly for financial reasons and partly because of how long it would take American manufacturers to supply the aircraft, meant that the companies were reliant on investment from the American government. The Works Progress Administration and Public Works Administration had been heavily involved in such investment. With the end of the New Deal under the Dewey administration, that source of investment was in danger of drying up. The cancellation of French interest in Bell’s P-39 and Lockheed’s P-38 allowed the USAAC to look forward to their delivery sooner than might have been otherwise, though both aircraft were struggling with defects and production hold-ups.
One of the worrying pieces of information that had been given to the US by the British and French was the ability of the new Japanese fighter, the Mitsubishi A6M. The pursuit squadrons in the Philippines were flying Seversky P-35s and Boeing P-26s. It sounded as if even the improved Curtiss aircraft would struggle to take on the Japanese plane.
There was one aircraft that the USAAC wanted to get its hands on and that was the Mustang that the RAF had had designed and built by North American. It seemed to be much better aircraft, especially with the Merlin engine. The Air Corps desperately wanted to buy these, but Washington wasn’t keen to paying Rolls Royce the kind of money they wanted for the engines, even with Packhard making them under license. It was interesting that the RAF was deploying a substantial number of these to Malaya to equip their squadrons there. It seemed that its range made it a better fit in that part of the world than the Spitfire.
The bomber situation was also problematical. The B17s that were being delivered by Boeing were good machines. The advice of the British against relying solely on defensive armament on the bombers to protect them from enemy fighters certainly seemed to be from their experience of daylight raids. Their Wellingtons and Halifaxes weren’t nearly as well protected as the Boeing machines. The resumption of daylight bombing in Europe did demand a large number of fighters to escort them. The P-38 should provide the bombers with a long-range escort, if it could be made safe to fly. These Consolidated bombers going off to France would be far better employed by the USAAC in Arnold’s mind, but hopefully, when they were eventually delivered to American squadrons, they would have any bugs ironed out and be better for it.
Under General Arnold’s command, the 15 regular air groups that existed before Roosevelt’s expansion plan was approaching the 24 combat ready groups planned for June 1941. Subsequent plans of the Roosevelt administration to increase it to 41 groups had been reduced under President Dewey down to thirty by the end of 1941. The doubling of the Army Air Corps was considered more than enough to protect the Western Hemisphere. What concerned Arnold more than anything now was the quality of the aircraft these groups would fly.
The bomber groups would almost exclusively be B17s, until Consolidated could start to supply these LB-30s, or B24s as they were becoming known in USAAC circles. The medium bomber groups would have the Douglas DB7 or A20, the Martin B26 and possibly the North American B25, though the prototype of this had crashed the previous day, the cause of which was under investigation. The results of the investigation could delay its entry into service. The pursuit groups would be a mix of P40s, P39s and P38s. The transport group would be made up of C47s and C46s. If that mix could come together sooner rather than later then “Hap” Arnold would be a happier man.
12 April 1941. 12:00hrs. Saint-Quentin. France.
Generals Bronisław Duch, Bronisław Prugar-Ketling, Rudolph Dreszer and Stanisław Maczek took the salute of the Free Polish Army. Standing alongside General Sikorsky, Prime Minister in exile, General André-Gaston Prételat, the Entente Supreme Commander and General Alan Brooke, commander of the First Entente Army Group. Representative units from each of the four divisions marched past with their standards.
Dreszer’s Third Polish Infantry Division had been part of the First Entente Army Group's liberation of the Netherlands. Duch’s First Grenadier Division and Prugar-Ketling’s Second Fusiliers Division had taken part in some the fighting the previous May to September in France and Belgium. Maczek’s First Mechanised Division had been undergoing formation and training in various parts of France, coming fully to its manning level with the arrival from Syria of the Carpathian Brigade, which supplied the Infantry and Artillery components to the 10th Armoured Cavalry Brigade (the Black Brigade). Coming together for the first time all four divisions were fully manned, equipped and trained. As well as Polish troops who had escaped from their homeland after the German invasion, there were volunteers from the Polish diaspora in France, UK, USA and Canada.
Since the Third Division had been fighting in Belgium and Holland it had been decided to equip the whole of the Polish contingent with the weapons used by that Army Group, a mixture of French, British and Belgian weapons. The Mechanised Division had been the most difficult to equip as they had to wait for enough Comet tanks to be made available from British factories, replacing the H35s provided by the French. The division was formed along the French model of one brigade of tanks (two battalions of 45 Comets), and one Infantry brigade, with divisional artillery and support units. Each soldier carried the FN’s 7.5mm FAL automatic rifle, and they also used the FN MAG (general purpose machine gun). The artillery was French, the anti-tank guns British, the armoured car reconnaissance regiment used French vehicles.
The plans for a fly-past by the Polish Squadrons of the RAF had had to be cancelled due to foul weather, but there were representatives of what would soon be renamed as the Polish Air Force and Navy in attendance. There were currently four full squadrons, two of fighters (Spitfires) and two of bombers (Beaufighters and Wellingtons). Plans for the expansion of these squadrons to four of each were well underway. The Polish navy, as well as their own destroyers and submarines that had fled to Britain in 1939, was also being expanded to include minesweepers and the possibility of a couple more destroyers if manning levels could be sorted.
After the parade, once they were in out of the rain, General Sikorski and the other generals celebrated the creation of the Army for a short while, as would the men for longer. The assault through Germany, towards the liberation of their homeland was uppermost in their minds. Sikorski had just arrived back from Washington DC. This had been the last in a series of visits around the capitals of the free world looking to make sure that any post war settlement re-established a free and independent Poland, with borders that would be defensible and universally recognised.
The western powers were all happy enough to recognise the pre-war boundaries, except the parts of Czechoslovakia that the Poles had taken after the fall of that country to the Nazis. The fly in the ointment was the Soviet Union. It was clear that there was no appetite in Paris or London to take on the Soviet Union after the defeat of Germany, unless Stalin declared war on them. The chances of Stalin agreeing to reinstate the terms of the Treaty of Riga were slim to say the least. A post-war settlement was difficult to envisage, but these Polish Generals, and their men, were as keen as mustard to get on with creating a new and free Poland.
Prételat agreed to Sikorski’s request to allow the Polish Army to be under the overall command of Alan Brooke’s First Entente Army Group. This was agreed as the First Entente Army was soon to be broken up. It had recently lost the Corps made up of the Norwegian, Danish and Dutch Divisions, as well as the Royal Marines and French Light Infantry Division for possible action in Denmark. The Corps of three French Divisions (23e, 60e and 68e) had been reassigned and would soon be sailing for Saigon for service in French Indo-China, along with the 1re Foreign Legion Division.
19e Bataillon de Chars de Combat (19 BCC) which had been using Renault D2s since they had been assigned to the Norway campaign, were at last to trade in their surviving D2 chars for R40s. They had hoped to get the latest Renault G1Rs but these were not yet available in large enough numbers. A second BCC, the 39e, also equipped with R40s, a vast improvement over the FT-17s they had started the war with, would transfer from the SHQ reserves. These two BCCs would sail with the French Corps to Saigon.
1st Czechoslovakian Division had been created in France in 1940 and was now operational. Two regiments of the men in the Division were former soldiers who had escaped from Czechoslovakia after it had fallen to the Nazis. The other regiment was made up of 23e Regiment de Marche de Volontaires Étrangers (RMVE). This was made up largely of Spanish Volunteers and Jewish emigrées from central Europe. This division would join the British 49th (West Riding) Division to give the Polish Army two Corps.
For the future, there was some question about the make-up of First Entente Army Group. Currently General Brooke had three British Armies (27 Divisions), the First Belgian Army (9 Divisions), and the new Polish Army (6 Divisions) under his command. The situation regarding the Dutch Army was under review, but it was hoped that at least one Dutch Division would be available for the continuing fight, possibly rising to a Corps of three divisions. The forces for the proposed liberation of Denmark had been split off into a separate command, with General William Prior, the senior Danish general, in charge. Prételat wanted to split off the British Armies, especially when the fourth came into being, into a separate British Army Group, with its own commander, and have Entente Army Group made up of the Belgians, Poles, and Dutch. The politicians in Paris and London would have to agree to this, which Prételat was confident would happen.
12 April 1941. 13:00hrs. Karachi. India.
The men of the 20th Indian Brigade had been boarding the ships all morning. Two battalions of Gurkhas (2nd battalions of the 7th and 8th Gurkha Regiments) and 3rd battalion of the 11th Sikh Regiment were off to France. Here they would join with the 21st and 24th Brigades to be part of the 10th Indian Division. The War Office had only planned to have two Indian Divisions and one Gurkha division in Europe. However there had been an argument among the Indian Congress that a strong showing by Indian troops, especially as there was a great number of volunteers joining the Indian Army, would strengthen the case for Dominion status leading to independence. This argument had been strongly opposed by some within the movement, led by Ghandi. A majority, with especially strong support from the Muslims, had carried the day.
10th Indian Division would be joined by 7th and 9th Indian Divisions in France. The three Divisions would need to be fully equipped and trained before joining the fray. The Gurkha, 4th and 5th Indian Divisions were already fighting, and the three new Divisions would bringing the Indian contingent to a total of six, the equivalent of two Corps. There was an expectation that as many Indian Officers as possible would be trained to up to Divisional and Corps staffing levels to help the future of the Indian Army to be led by Indians. In Malaya, the Indian 6th, 8th and 11th Divisions were getting acclimatised and trained for warfare in the Far East.
The question had been asked whether it might be better for the 7th, 9th and 10th Indian Divisions to stay in the Middle East, particularly to be prepared to defend against a southern thrust into Persia or Turkey by the Soviet Union. The fighting in Germany took a higher priority and it would be easier to bring the men closer to the main source of advanced equipment than having to ship it Palestine or Egypt. The Middle East had the First Cavalry Division transitioning into an Armoured Division and the First South African and Second African Division cooling their heels there.
Progress was also being seen in the shipping of the Indian First Armoured Brigade to France. Since its formation the previous year, the level of competency and education had risen exponentially. Their training had primarily been on Indian Pattern armoured carriers. These had been created using Canadian Ford and GMC truck chassis which Tata Steel created armoured vehicles from. The three General Motors subsidiaries in Britain (Vauxhall), Australia (Holden) and GM South Africa, were cooperating to produce Comet tanks for the Dominions of Australia, South Africa and New Zealand, as well as for the Indian army. Progress was much slower than hoped, and there wouldn’t be enough of these Comets to fully equip the Brigade. A second Indian Armoured Brigade was still in formation and expected to be fully operational in Malaya by September.
The Indian Air Force was also expanding from the tiny beginnings in 1940. From 14 officers, it now had well over 200. Four full squadrons were operational. Two of Hurricane IIb fighters, one of Hurribombers and one of Blenheims. Another four squadrons were in training, two on Hurricanes and two on Blenheims. The Blenheims were all expected to be replaced by Beaufighters as these became available. Similarly, Hurricane fighters would give way to Spitfires when there were enough. All the old Audaxes and Wapitis were now only used for training in conjunction with the more common Wirraways.
There was another element however that showed the lack of progress of India was making in some respects. That was the presence of only one Indian Navy ship in the convoy escort. The convoy, composed of 8 transports, was escorted by two Hunt Class destroyers, HMS Cotswold and HMS Cattistock, part of East Indies Command based at Colombo on Ceylon. HMIS Hindustan was the only RNIS sloop available to be part of the covering force for the convoy.
The pre-war plan to increase and improve the RIN was made with the ability to defend India’s ports and sea communication in mind. It was reckoned that it would take 48 ships for local naval defence. Only 31 ships had been taken over for war work and it had become obvious that properly designed warships and trained crews would have to be found for the Royal Indian Navy if it was to fulfil the role expected if India was a Dominion. There were only five sloops to police the sea lanes, so it fell to the Royal Navy, represented here by the two Hunt class destroyers, to do most of that work.
There were problems with recruitment to the Royal Indian Navy as many of those who had earned their living on the sea before the war wanted to continue with the Merchant Marine as the pay had improved. It had taken some time for the Indian Government to come up with a “hostilities only” rate of pay. At one point, men in the navy recruited in Calcutta, were paid less than those recruited in Bombay. One of the traditional areas for sailors to come from was Daman, but these were Portuguese subjects and not able to join. A large percentage of those who did volunteer were unable to pass the physical exam to join the navy, up to 66%, even after the lowering of standards. The sudden increase in the numbers of men joining the navy also put enormous strain on the facilities, and for the first twelve months of the war, the men suffered from overcrowded accommodations and poor levels of training. The new kinds of guns that the ratings would have to be trained on were in too short supply for the numbers to be trained, and all too often when a draft were mustered aboard ship, the officers found them not trained or prepared for the work they would have to do.
By April 1941 some of the “growing pains” were being worked out, and with appropriate funding and leadership things were looking much better. The design for the Ton class minesweeper had been shared with Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers, Calcutta. This company was preparing to assemble the first two of these ships with some equipment shipped out from Britain. It was expected that at least another eight would be ordered of the type. There were some who could envisage a Royal Indian Navy that would take over most of the duties of the Royal Navy in the Indian Ocean. An RIN with an aircraft carrier, a cruiser squadron, destroyers, frigates and submarines, as well as all of the other coastal vessels. For many it was a pipe dream, for others it was something to work towards.
12 April 1941. 14:00 hrs. Kota Bharu, Malaya.
Air Chief Marshall Ludlow-Hewitt, Inspector General of the RAF, completed his tour of inspection of the facilities that had been created in the expanded air field in Northern Malaya. The creation of a proper network of bases, radar and maintenance facilities had been continuing in Malaya and Singapore over the last twelve months.
It was now at a reasonable level, as the pilots in Kota Bharu were finding and Ludlow-Hewitt was seeing. Those who had served in the air war in Europe, and were now leading the Far East’s squadrons, still found things fairly primitive. It was clearly a wartime setting and there were few signs of complacency. All the airfields had Operations Rooms, with redundancy, tied into a network with radar and anti-aircraft defences. There was an absence of quite as many anti-aircraft guns as you would expect in forward operating bases in Belgium. The facilities for them were provided and as soon as they arrived, they would be a welcome addition. There was a strong army presence in the local area to provide ground defences and part of the anti-aircraft contingent at the airfield were from the local Indian Brigade.
One consequence of the expansion of the Indian Air Force since 1939 was it had allowed the RAF to move some of its squadrons eastwards. No 5 Squadron were now learning to fly Mustangs, their Hurricanes had been transferred to the Indian Air Force. No 60 (flying Blenheims), No 20 and No 28 squadrons (early mark Hurribombers) were all now based in here at Kota Bharu. These reinforced Royal Air Force Far East Command who were responsible for the defence of British interests in the area.
Unfortunately the improvements in facilities on Singapore and in Malaya weren’t yet fully mirrored in the types of aircraft that the squadrons were flying. The two torpedo bomber squadrons Nos 36 and 100 Squadrons, were flying Vildebeest and Swordfish bi-planes. General Reconnaissance was provided by No 10 Squadron (RAAF), not long arrived with their Sunderlands to join No 230 Squadron in the same type, and No 205 Squadron who were flying Hudsons.
There were only four other fighter squadrons in the Command. Nos 243, 21 (RAAF) and recently arrived 453 (RAAF) and 488 (RNZAF) Squadrons. All four squadrons were transitioning onto Mustangs as these aircraft were delivered, otherwise they had Hurricanes. The bomber squadrons, Nos 11, 34, 60 and 62 Squadrons were all flying Blenheims. The night fighter squadron (No 27 Squadron) also flying Blenheims, and only one of these had AI radar, on which everyone was expected to train.
Things however were not going to stay that way for long. Just as the Hurricanes were being replaced by Mustangs, Beaufighters would replace the Blenheims, Vildebeests and Swordfish in the night fighter and torpedo roles as and when they became available. Likewise, Wellingtons or Halifaxes were expected to give the bomber Squadrons greater range and hitting power. Until things changed in Europe however these new aircraft weren’t yet available. Though a planning timetable was in place, which relied somewhat on Australia.
Production of Beaufighters in Australia was finally beginning, and these would be the source for the replacements of the Blenheims. The Department of Aircraft Production (DAP) had initially to resort to assembling parts shipped out from the UK as the network of subcontractors were struggling to produce home grown parts effectively, for example no one in Australia manufactured ball bearings. Assembling the aircraft had given the workforce important experience and a full squadron of planes were now with the RAAF being used to train pilots and navigators on the new type. As of January, the situation had improved, and with the exception of the engines which still needed to be imported, the first full Australian production model was due to roll out in a little earlier than expected in May, and hopefully run at about 25-30 per month.
The privately owned company, CAC, as well as building Wirraways for training schools, were doing the final assembly of Mustangs. North American were shipping them in crates from Inglewood, California over the Pacific. Handley Page’s attempt to set up a factory in Australia for Halifax bombers hadn’t got as far as they hoped. The DAP had struggled to get the Beaufighter production line into operation, and there just wasn’t a wide enough manufacturing base to permit an even more complex aircraft to be built. In another year or two as things progressed it might be possible, but for the moment the RAF and RAAF would have to rely on British factories, which were already extremely busy.
The reinforcement by the four squadrons from India to Kota Bharu was expected to be followed by another four squadrons from Middle East Command, now that Italy was clearly no longer a threat to British interests in the Mediterranean. Two fighter (Nos 30 and 33) and two bomber squadrons (Nos 45 and 55) were expected to arrive in June. The two fighter squadrons were going to be leaving their Hurricanes and Gladiators behind and would transition onto Mustangs. The two bomber squadrons were already transiting onto Wellingtons and would be the first of that type in the area. Another squadron of Sunderlands were already on their way from Coastal command. The RAAF and RNZAF had agreed to provide another five squadrons between them (one fighter and three ground attack from the Australians and one ground attack from New Zealand). At the moment the Indian Air Force would do little more than provide a reserve force.
The aim for RAF Far East Command was to have eight day fighter squadrons of Mustangs, one night fighter squadron of AI equipped Beaufighters, four general reconnaissance squadrons, mostly in Sunderlands. They really wanted a PR Spitfire or Mosquito squadron too, but that was unrealistic while the war in Europe continued. There were to be six ground attack squadrons, seven bomber squadrons and two torpedo bomber squadrons, altogether more than 400 modern aircraft.
Air Chief Marshall Ludlow-Hewitt’s visit confirmed that the facilities were in place for these squadrons, however, he identified a number of deficiencies. Firstly, there was an expectation that the squadrons would be mobile, being able to move among the various airfields depending on the mission. While there had been some training for this, most squadrons weren’t as familiar with airfields other than their own base as they should be. There was also a question mark over whether the standard operating procedures for all RAF bases in the area was being followed exactly.
Secondly, there was a lack of transport aircraft to facilitate such mobility. If a torpedo bomber squadron had to move from its home base, how would it get replacement torpedoes quickly enough? Ludlow-Hewitt recommended that at least one squadron from Transport Command should transferred for this purpose, he specifically recommended transferring 216 Squadron from the Middle East with their Bristol Bombays.
Thirdly he suggested that the Malayan Volunteer Air Force should be given a proper role and the aircraft to carry it out. Recruited from members of four flying clubs, they were flying a variety of civilian aircraft. Squadron Leader Chattaway had been flying the Air Chief Marshall around the country in a Dragon Rapide. Their local knowledge could be invaluable, especially for a roll such as transporting artillery spotters or forward air controllers. The recommendation was a batch of surplus Lysanders might give this unit a useful purpose.
Fourthly the RAF was generally deficient in motor transport and while some civilian vehicles could be impressed into service, it would be better to have their own standardised equipment. Fifthly, responsibility for the defence of airfields lay in the hands of infantry units that may well neither have the training for such a defence nor be immune from being reassigned to other duties at the command of their senior officers. Work on the formation of the RAF Regiment was continuing and it was his opinion that some squadrons of the regiment should be considered for deployment to Malaya.
Lastly of all the areas he had been to inspect the worst prepared was British Borneo. There was only one aerodrome at Kuching and one landing field at Miri. Neither of these were developed nor suitable for larger aircraft. There were no anti-aircraft defences and only weak ground defences. Both of these fields needed to be extended and while he was happy to note that this was planned, he recommended that it had to be prioritised. There was no radar coverage and it was not part of a network of communications with Singapore and Malaya, or indeed with the Dutch East Indies. Greater cooperation with the Dutch was absolutely necessary in his opinion.
The Air Chief Marshall’s next port of call would be to French Indo-China to see the situation there for himself. It was entirely possible that the RAF would need to use forward bases there and there was some doubt that the facilities would support this. While the RAF knew that the Armée de L’Air was strengthening its position in Indo-China, the question was whether they were doing enough on the ground to allow the projection of air power. General Gabriel Cochet had recently been appointed as commander of the AdA in Indo-China and he at least had some notion of what the reality of the war was like.
One of the questions that Ludlow-Hewitt would want answered was the situation regarding radar. The French had been relying on the extension of the Chain Home British system that had been put into France in the early months of 1940. The French hadn’t made much progress in building their own, but two French companies were building British sets under license. It was expected that when these were available, they would be shipped to Indo-China. The sheer size of the colony, and the lack of experienced French radar operators gave the RAF something to worry about. Ludlow-Hewitt would have to make a recommendation once he had toured the French sites, and then go on to the Dutch East Indies. No one would be surprised if that recommendation meant the transfer of British equipment and operators to make up a shortfall.
12 April 1941. 15:00 hrs. 7° 50'N, 14° 00'W. 100 miles southwest of Freetown.
Percy Reavley, Master of the steam merchantman St Helena, finished sweeping the horizon with his binoculars. The ship was on its way to Hull, having set out from Montevideo by way of Rio Grande do Sul, Santos, Bahia and Freetown. The ship was carrying 7600 tons of grain and general cargo, including canned meat, cotton, rice and wet hides, a useful cargo. A briefing from the Royal Navy in Freetown had confirmed that there were no known threats on the way home, with a slim chance of mines off the east coast of England. It was great that they didn’t need to wait for a convoy, they could come and go freely bringing much needed goods to the people of Britain.
For the forty-one souls on board life went on as usual. The U-boats which had played havoc in the Great War were absent from the high seas thanks to the work of the Royal Navy. Any surviving U-boats were locked away in the Baltic Sea or already scrapped, their crews being used as infantry. The German surface fleet and Q ships likewise scoured clean. Ships like the St Helena could go about their business freely. Reavley left the bridge and went back to his cabin to do some paperwork. The First Mate took over the bridge watch, with only the prospect of seeing some whales surfacing to break the monotony.
12 April 1941. 16:00 hrs. Rastenburg. East Prussia.
The armoured train Atlas rolled into the station and two companies of SS troops immediately began their work of making sure all was secure. Another train was due to arrive the next day and it was imperative that a cordon was in place to ensure the safety of the Fuhrer.
SS-Standartenführer Hans Rattenhuber, head of the Reich Security Service, had been here for a month supervising the process of making the Wolfsschanze ready for use. The Todt organisation had built it in the Masurian Woods, 8 km from Rastenburg. Work had begun the previous autumn and was as complete as it was ever likely to be. Rattenhuber had confirmed that the whole area was “Judenfrei” and a large proportion of the slave workers involved in building the complex were now in a mass grave a few kilometres away.
The arrival of the Atlas was the last piece of the jigsaw, as it brought many of the communications staff and other specialists to make the place come fully to life. The extra SS troops would be added to the guard units, there was no place anywhere for any Wehrmacht units. The best part of a Regiment of SS men were needed to secure the three levels of security.
East Prussia was one of the most fortified districts of the Third Reich. There were many fortresses in this area (such as Lötzen, Thorn, Memel and Pillau) and there were also the so called 'fortified areas'. For a national redoubt it had a number of advantages, but it was also an important part of the fabric of the psychological make up of Germany.
12 April 1941. 18:00hrs. Forecasting Division. Meteorological Office. Dunstable. Bedfordshire. UK.
Charles Douglas finalised his report for the next 36 -48 hours and approved it for distribution. The serious of weather fronts that had socked in the air forces over the last week or so looked as if they were moderating. The information coming from the Atlantic seemed to suggest that there was going to be a break in the weather, possibly only for a few days, but at least it looked as if there might be some flying days.
As the weather report was being received in various headquarters and airfields, there was an outbreak of optimism. Planning staffs had a list of plans ready to go, needing only some up to date reconnaissance to finalise them. The maintenance crews had caught up with the backlog of work, giving squadrons some of the best numbers of available aircraft they had seen for long enough. The stocks of weapons had been refilled and tanks of fuel for the planes were topped up. Pilots were well rested, even those who had been getting to the end of their tether were much calmer after a few days’ rest. The newer pilots, replacements for the most part, were keen to prove themselves, though rightly nervous about what they were about to face.
12 April 1941. 21:00hrs. Bletchley Park. England.
Commander Alastair Denniston, operational head of GC&CS at Bletchley Park read the translation of a message picked up earlier in the evening. First of all, he noted just how quickly they had managed to intercept, decode and translate it. The team were quite extraordinary in their abilities, though he knew that they were looking out especially for this particular unit.
Denniston picked up the phone and relayed the contents of the information through the scrambler device. Soon a number of other phones were ringing and planning staffs were given a problem to solve. Movement orders were issued, it was going to be a tight timetable, but it was a high value target, and worth the effort.
59e GRDI (the reconnaissance unit of 68e DI) had arrived on the outskirts of Groningen during the night, and had taken up defensive positions, not wishing to enter the town until there was enough light. Intelligence had suggested that as the HQ of the SD in occupied Holland, there might be some SS units that would put up a fight. As dawn was breaking, the French troops were mounting their vehicles and getting ready for the day’s events.
Two men, wearing orange armbands, the common sign of Dutch resistance, approached warily from the early morning gloom and rain. The Dutch liaison officer with the French unit ascertained from them that the SS had already pulled out of the town. They had done some damage to a number of bridges and locks around the town, but obviously didn’t have enough explosives for everything they wanted to destroy. The Dutch population, including many soldiers who had gone to ground when the Germans had conquered the country the year before, had secured as much of the infrastructure as they could.
The SS had stolen many vehicles and were using these to make their way back to Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Maillot, commanding the GRDI was keen to get to grips with the SS before they could join up with the rest of their kind and cause more trouble. Without aerial support, which would have probably made mincemeat of the German column, Maillot’s Deep Reconnaissance Squadrons Group would probably be the best unit to try to intercept them. With the information of when the Germans had left and which road they had taken, Maillot, with Major Garcin, commander of the cavalry squadron, worked out the best routes to take. It would take some luck to actually catch them, but if it meant that a strong unit got to the border with Germany at Nieuweschans that would be worthwhile in itself. The rest of the GRDI would go into Groningen, and then move north towards the coast at Delfzijl. The rest of the Infantry Division would arrive in its own good time.
Garcin gave a quick briefing to his officer group and then the Panhard armoured cars and motorcycles roared off into the gloom, trucks and cars following them carrying part of the heavy weapons squadron. The Dutch liaison officer had stayed with Maillot and the rest of the GRDI, but one of the resistance men, a reservist in the Dutch Army rode along with Garcin. Crossing the Winschoterdiep at Hoogezand, the French could begin to follow the trail of destruction left by the SS troops. There were vehicles that had been abandoned, set up as temporary roadblocks, occasionally there were Dutch civilians, sometimes with orange armbands, but more often without, lying dead on the road, some machine gunned, others strung up and hung.
The accelerator pedals of the French vehicles were pressed a little harder to try to make up the distance and catch these criminals.
At 08:00hrs the leading group of armoured cars began to approach Oostwald. There were fires burning in the town, so the commander of the leading platoon made a more careful approach, then reversed quickly as they were fired upon by MG34s and a 37mm antitank gun. One of the armoured cars was left burning. When Garcin got the message that he had caught up with the German unit, or at least part of it, he gave orders for his unit to approach the area from various compass points, the flat farmland that surrounded the town provided little cover, so speed and aggression would have to suffice.
Two mortars began to lay down a smoke screen, along with the smoke grenades carried by the armoured cars. Coupled with the smoke coming from the fires within the town itself, the French were able to approach and take the German positions under fire. The Entente Army were using the new Belgian made FAL (Fusil Automatique Légère) and the MAG (Mitrailleuse d'Appui Général). This gave the French troops overwhelming fire power, coupled with the various types of grenades used liberally soon had the French troops in amongst the Germans.
An SS Company sized force had stayed behind, partly because they didn’t have enough petrol for all the vehicles in the column, and partly because they wanted some kind of Valhalla death ride moment. The SS men had lost any discipline they ever might of had, a number of rapes had occurred, and plenty of looting. The fires burning included the local church, where the SS had rounded up some of the population and locked them inside. An SS man had been killed by a local (ex-army) who was trying to protect his family. This had been more than enough reason for the rest of the SS Company to begin to wipe out the town.
The arrival of the French forces came too late for all too many of the civilians. But the SS men got their Valhalla moment. There were no prisoners.
11 April 1941. 09:00hrs. Scapa Flow. Scotland.
Vice Admiral ATB Curteis, Second in Command of Home Fleet, paced the deck on HMS Rodney. In a few minutes a detachment of ships would leave the anchorage to begin the long journey to Singapore. Because of the special nature of some of the ships there would be only very brief stops at various ports. HMS Cardiff and Andromeda, with various bits and pieces of camouflage to make them look a bit more like 1941 ships, were being cheered by the units of Home Fleet as they took their leave. Most of their crews were men who had been trained over the last year on the futuristic equipment, though about 10% were the originals who had come along with them from that day in 1982.
Curteis was completely conscious of what these two ships had contributed over the last year, and joined in the cheering as heartily as any of the ratings along the side of the battleship. Both ships had had time in yards to make them as ready as possible for the long sea journey ahead of them. Because of the Type 42’s air defence capability, proven again and again, she carried all the remaining Sea Dart missiles. HMS Andromeda had her Sea Wolf missiles as well as her anti-submarine capability. The newest fleet aircraft carrier, HMS Victorious followed the smaller ships, her crew lining her deck. Technically she was still working up, and in some ways this cruise was part of that process. Once she was at sea the majority of her aircraft would fly on.
The cruisers HMS York and Bonaventure, the destroyers HMS Isis, Jaguar, Kelly, Kelvin, Laforay, Lively, Mashona and Matabele joined the departing squadron. Laforey and Lively were brand new ships, the other eight had spent the best part of the last six months in various dockyards receiving the very latest in radar and anti-aircraft guns (especially the two Tribal Class ships). The two K class destroyers had been fitted with the first Squid anti-submarine mortars in the fleet, this was still being tested. HMS Isis and Jaguar had the Hedgehog system already.
A few days earlier RFA Cedardale, a Dale-class fleet tanker of the Royal Fleet Auxiliary had sailed with two Black Swan sloops, HMS Black Swan and HMS Flamingo. There were four of these Dale-class oilers that were tasked with accompanying the fleet. Because of their slower speed they would generally be pre-positioned so that the fleet could rendezvous and Replenish At Sea (RAS), a skill that all the ships heading for the China Sea (and possibly the Pacific) had acquired. RFA Olna had been considered for this role, but she was still being examined by ship designers and builders to learn the secrets of making clones of her.
As the last of the ships sailed out of the harbour, RAF 240 Squadron’s twelve Sunderland flying boats flew past, waggling their wings. They too were bound for the Far East, though their passage would be quicker. Curteis knew that they should have been flying Seafords, but Shorts still hadn’t got them into production, so the Sunderlands would have to do. For the last two months the squadron had been based at Sullom Voe converting from the Supermarine Stranraers they had had, and learning to operate with elements of this new fleet they would be working with in the China Sea.
Curteis watched until all the ships and aircraft had disappeared from view. What would it be to command such a fleet as would be gathered in Singapore? Turning away from the side, he hurried into HMS Rodney’s superstructure, ready for some warming tea, and ready to fight the battle of the paper clips for another day.
11 April 1941. 10:00 hrs. HQ 5th Infantry Division. Papenburg. Germany.
General Myles Dempsey was trying not to wring the neck of the Commander of the Royal Army Service Corps for the Division. This morning 17th Brigade were meant to have moved forward towards Leer and the Lede River, with 15th Brigade in support. Brigadier Stopford had to report that a lack ammunition put his Brigade’s push in jeopardy. The resupply that should have happened during the night had failed to show. As the delay lengthened, the start time had to be postponed three times.
Dempsey had called in Lt Col Campbell to give an account of why the forward units of the Brigades didn’t have adequate supplies to fulfil their mission. The reasons that Campbell gave were making Dempsey more and more livid. Not because Campbell had been incompetent or derelict in his duty. The problems boiled down to too few roads being too congested, especially at bottlenecks like bridges, and there were plenty of them. The second thing was that the divisional transport was wearing out. The lorries and vans that the Division had arrived with in France in December 1939 had mostly been requisitioned from civilian firms at the time. While better vehicles, purpose built for the army, were replacing them, all too slowly, the older vehicles were harder to keep on the road. Too many of the traffic jams preventing supplies being brought forward were due to broken down vehicles that had just given up the ghost.
As Commander RASC for the Division, Campbell was willing to take the blame for the delay in the resupply of the forward units, but realistically it was beyond his control. Dempsey knew that General James Marshall-Cornwall, the Corps commander was aware of the problem, which wasn’t confined to 5th Division, and he suspected that Alan Brooke, Army Group Commander would know too. However, the damage had been done and what mattered was making sure that the delay didn’t give the Germans too much of a respite.
Getting a report from both Brigade commanders that they would be ready to move at noon, Dempsey informed Corps what was happening and why. When his message was confirmed, Dempsey called his driver to take him over to 13th Brigade’s HQ. This was his old Brigade and they had been leading the Divisional advance for the last couple of days. He wanted to meet with Douglas Whimberley, the Brigade Commander, who had taken over from Dempsey when he’d been promoted to Divisional Commander.
Dempsey had been warned that he was likely to become Corps Commander as Marshall-Cornwall was slated to go to Egypt when Wavell went to South East Asia Entente Command. In that case Dempsey believed that Whimberley was the best man to take over 5th Division, but he wanted to sound him out about the promotion. They had been students together at the Staff College in Camberley back in 1925 and had remained friends. 5th Division, one of the pre-war regular divisions would have a big role in II Corps, one that Dempsey would need someone who he could rely on.
Arriving at Whimberley’s HQ he found the place as well organised and upbeat as he’d hoped. The three Battalions, 2nd Cameronians, Wiltshires and Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers hadn’t had too much bother since crossing the Rhine, and were in good heart. This had been helped enormously by the provision of hot baths and hot meals since they had set up camp. Dempsey wondered about poaching the Brigade RASC Commander since he had obviously been able to work miracles, unlike Lt Col Campbell, his Divisional superior. Looking around he could see that looking after the men was not at the expense of proper security, they were after all on enemy territory. The RA Light Anti-Aircraft unit had their Bofors guns well positioned and were on the ball, even though an attack was considered unlikely.
Whimberley himself wasn’t in the Brigade HQ when Dempsey appeared, and his Adjutant was quickly able to take Dempsey to him. In the little hamlet of Aschendorf they found him with a platoon of the Cameronians who had discovered a number of handicapped children in a house. The householder had brought them together as they might otherwise have been euthanised under the Nazi regime’s laws. The Scots had found them and were sharing their food with them and generally entertaining the children. When Whimberley had been informed, he had come over to see what was happening. It was here that Dempsey found him and together they listened to the story of Herr Walter Leitner.
His son had been born in 1934 with Cerebral Palsy, or spastic, as it was commonly known. The local Lutheran community were quite supportive, and a number of families in the area with handicapped children met together for support on a regular basis. In 1938 rumours started to circulate about children with handicaps being taken away, and never returning. It became more than a rumour after September 1939 and the families were less likely to go to the large hospitals. As the war had got closer, and the situation had got worse. Lietner, who had a large house, offered families sanctuary. If they felt their child was in danger, they could bring them to Aschendorf where he and his wife would take in the family, or just the child if that is what they wanted. Since the hamlet was in a very rural area, they didn’t believe the war would come too close to them.
Over the last few months they had lived in fear of a Nazi backlash and of being informed on by some of the locals. However, with the support of the local Lutheran Pastor, they had managed, just, to hold on. Providing food and getting coal had become more and more difficult. They had twelve children in their care, and now hoped that they since they had been “liberated” they would be able to reunite them with their parents. The British officers took note of the euthanasia programme, which would need to be put into the hands of those responsible for justice after the fighting was finished. The situation was under control as far as Whimberley and Dempsey could see, and they left the local platoon commander to get on with it, while they returned to Brigade HQ to discuss the original matter at hand.
11 April 1941. 11:00 hrs. War Office. London.
Official 1: I have a memo here asking that the 24th Infantry Brigade (Guards), which is 1st Battalions of the Scots and Irish Guards, with 2nd Battalion South Wales Borderers be, and I quote, “used more usefully.”
Official 2: I would have thought that guarding His Majesty would be considered “useful” enough.
Official 3: Perhaps providing guard duty at Buckingham Palace and Windsor Castle is getting tedious for them!
Official 1: Well the memo is from Number 10 and marked, “action this day.”
Official 3: Someone has obviously had a word in the right ear.
Official 2: Do you think it might be the Palace?
Official 1: That is not beyond the realms of possibility. However, something must be done.
Official 3: What shape are the new Guards Battalions in?
Official 2: The expansion of the Guards means that both the Grenadier and Coldstream Guards have a 4th and 5th Battalion. The Scots have a 3rd Battalion. The Irish Guards also have a 3rd Battalion, which had been their training Battalion. The Welsh Guards have a holding Battalion, which could be the basis for a 3rd Battalion.
Official 1: Haven’t those just been training up replacements for battle casualties in the Regular Battalions?
Official 2: Yes and no. The Grenadiers and Coldstream 4th Battalions are complete in themselves, but their 5th Battalions have been doing that, so are under strength. The Scots have also kept their 3rd Battalion complete, as have the Irish Guards. Just the Welsh Guards have been sending replacements forward like that.
Official 3: So along with 1st Scots and Irish Guards, we could have 3rd Scots and Irish, and 4th Grenadier and Coldstream Guards. That is six battalions, at a push another two. Even without 5th Battalion from the Grenadiers or the Coldstream, we would have enough to have a three Guards Brigades, each with a Line Regiment Battalion, like the South Wales Borderers in 24th Brigade. That would give us a Guards Division.
Official 1: We are looking for another armoured division. What about a Guards Armoured Division?
Official 3: And get their hands dirty, tinkering with machinery? The Household Cavalry Regiments are complaining enough as it is. In fact, putting one of them into a Guards Division as the reconnaissance/cavalry force might calm them down a little.
Official 2: Possibly, and it would take quite a lot of time for the infantry battalions to be retrained and equipped. The memo does say “action this day.”
Official 3: It would also be a useful addition to make up a fourth Army in Germany.
Official 1: Or…when the third Canadian Division arrives, they’ll want a Canadian Corps, which will mean reorganising at least two Corps. A Guards Division will look pretty good for whoever gets them in place of one of the Canadian Divisions.
Official 2: Shall I get the paperwork going?
Official 3: Who should get command of the Guards Division?
Official 1: Well Oliver Leese is due a Division, and he has the right form.
Official 2: Good choice, shall I add that to the paperwork?
Official 3: I should think so, don’t you old boy?
Official 1: Surely. Now, I do believe there might be time for a pink gin before lunch.
Official 2 & 3: Good show!
11 April 1941. 12:00hrs. Aschaffenburg. Germany.
Colonel Frenot was dead, and so were too many of 26e Regiment d’Infantrie. The house to house fighting was taking such a toll on the men, that 170e RI were now replacing them. The town itself was being raised to the ground. Without char support, the remaining Renault DD chars were all destroyed, the infantry had brought over a number of 75mm artillery pieces and were using them to knock out German strongholds with direct fire. For the men firing the guns this was not a healthy pastime.
The engineers, 11/1e and 11/2e Cie de Sapeurs mineurs, had also taken heavy losses, but were essential for the progress that had been made so far. General Sivot, commanding the 4e Army, hoped that the very intensity of the fighting was drawing in German troops from the area, so that once the town was cleared his army would have an easier time in the breakout phase. What was clear, and a lesson that had been experienced time and again, was that fighting in built up areas was the worst, worse even than the trenches of the last lot.
As one of the divisions that were still waiting for the MAS 40 rifle, the firepower of the French troops wasn’t as heavy as it could be. The MAS 36 was certainly superior to the old Lebel, but the semi-automatic gun would have been better. Getting sufficient ammunition and other supplies over the river to keep the momentum going was difficult, and just as there had been a shortage of shells for the artillery, the numbers of grenades being used was far more than expected. The liberal use of grenades was completely understandable, better to clear a room after a grenade was thrown in, than without.
11e Division (CO General Arlabosse), had assaulted over the river Main, to the south of the town, where a railway bridge had been blown by the Germans. The first objectives were to take the high ground that dominated the crossing. The first Battalion had managed to seize the top of the first hill, but were then assailed by strong German mortar fire that prevented them from making further progress towards the second. Their position did give the engineers enough cover to get a raft ferry over the river. The second Battalion were ferried across and moved up the railway line towards the town itself. When they had made it into the built-up area around the railway station, the infantry were on their own, having to clear the area house to house and hand to hand.
First Battalion, with artillery support made another attempt to gain the second hill. One company managed to gain a foothold, but were counterattacked before they could establish themselves in position. Their problem was made worse because of a third summit of Erbrig hill, from which the French troops were under constant surveillance and mortar fire. A third attack to gain that summit, would have to go round the hill at the bottom, but this too was blocked and ran out of steam. By the end of the first day, progress had been made, but there was a long way to go.
During the night elements of the 3rd Battalion got across the river and were pushing up through the town. It was here that the Regiment’s commander, Col Frenot, was killed by mistake. He and his command group had been moving between the companies, an anxious sentry opened fire on the movement he saw before the password could be given. The Colonel died instantly, while two others in his party were wounded. It was a blow to the morale of the Regiment, Frenot had been well respected. His second in command took over and got them settled down again. Now, with 170e Regiment being committed to the fight, it was hoped that the weight of numbers would begin to tell on the defenders.
11 April 1941. 13:00hrs. Rotterdam. The Netherlands.
Work was continuing to restore the docks to full working order. The Germans had done some damage to the infrastructure, but the engineers were confident that the whole place would be back and fully operational within another few days.
The Royal Marine Division had been pulled out the line and were getting on board ships to return to the UK to be rested and reinforced. The Dutch Marines were going with them. The working relationship, which had been good beforehand, had now been forged in battle.
What was less well known was that two divisions from First Entente Army had already disappeared. As the liberation of the Netherlands progressed more and more members of the Dutch army had been re-enlisted and they were taking on more responsibility for restoring freedom to their country. This meant that the Danish and Norwegian divisions could be released for other duties. The liberation of Denmark was becoming more achievable, especially if the Entente forces could get past Bremen and head for Hamburg.
The Free Danish Division, along with the First Norwegian Division, had been part of First Entente Army. They had not seen action, but now were now very well trained and fully equipped. A second Danish division had been created in England from volunteers, including small numbers of volunteers from Iceland and the Faroe Islands. This Division was also ready to be deployed. The two Danish divisions, along with two Norwegian divisions (one currently in Norway as well as the one in England) would be part of the force to free Denmark. In addition, a Belgian (4th) division, would transfer from First Entente Army Group, as would the amphibious specialists the Royal Marine Division and the French 1re DLI (Light Infantry Division).
No date had yet been set for the invasion. It was still hoped by some that the Germans would come to their senses and simply give up, withdrawing from Denmark, and so the Entente forces would be able to free Denmark without firing a shot. However, no one was taking bets on this happening.
11 April 1941. 14:00hrs. Hagen. Germany.
Lieutenant-Colonel Gautier rolled up the message slip and threw it away in disgust. The General wanted him to get his chars to Unna, another 25km further on. The General obviously had no idea what he was talking about. 25km at this point could be the distance to Mars. Since yesterday his men had managed to retake Wuppertal and roll up to Hagen, which was about 25kms. By the time they had got here, they were exhausted. The surviving chars needed fuel, ammunition and maintenance. The surviving men needed sleep and hot food. In fact, they needed relieved and for someone else to move forward. The General wanted to close the Germans in a pocket by joining up with 1re Army who were also heading for Unna. Good for them. They were welcome to the glory.
Hagen, it turned out, was an important place for the German railway system. They were therefore defending it with great tenacity. Some Luftwaffe anti-aircraft guns were being used effectively against the chars, and even the B1 ters were coming off worse against them. The new German anti-tank gun, the 50mm long barrelled gun was also taking a heavy toll. It was still raining, and the AdA pilots were still on the wine back in Paris. The message from the General to get to Unna as quickly as possible was dissolving in the mud beside the road.
Gautier got onto the radio to speak to the General and tell him exactly what the situation was. As well as the exhaustion of his men, there was the small matter of attempting to cross the River Ruhr. Once more it looked as if all the bridges had been blown. All of his bridging equipment was behind him, having been used on the Wupper, Ennepe and Volme rivers. The fact that he had made 25kms yesterday was something of a miracle, the idea of making another 25kms was just laughable.
General Sciard, commanding 1re Corps took Gautier’s report, and heard the voice of a man who had shot his bolt. The 21e and 25e DIM (Motorised Infantry Division) were following up what the 3e DM (Division Mécanique) had managed to achieve over the last twenty-four hours. The two infantry divisions were a much better choice to work through the German defences. After that, General Martin would need to unleash 2e DM to continue the advance. They had some of the new Renault G1 chars, and it would be interesting to see how they did in comparison to the H39s and S40s.
General Martin, commander of 7e Army, read Sciard’s report and his plan of action. The fact that his army had only just made 50kms in 11 days gave him a feeling of shame. It was true that the other French armies hadn’t gone much further, and they hadn’t lost their bridge over the Rhine on the first day. General Martin believed that his army was the one with the most panache. The British armies had the better ground and so were making good distances, but the two French armies cutting the Ruhr valley off from the rest of Germany was going to win the war. It was just a pity that it had to be so slow and plodding.
11 April 1941. 15:00 hrs. Limburg. Germany. HQ 12th Army.
General Heitz received orders from Berlin to reassign his XXX Corps (50th and 164th Divisions) to Seventeenth Army and L Corps (46th and 60th Divisions) to Fourth Army. Other than the attempt by the French to cross the Rhine at Koblenz, his area of responsibility (south of Bonn to the River Main at Mainz) had been quiet. By removing his two reserve Corps, it just left him XVIII (Mountain) Corps, made up of three divisions to hold 140km of river. If the French made another attempt, and were successful, there would be nothing but the terrain to stop them.
There had always been the assumption that these two Corps might have to be loaned to his neighbouring armies, but to lose both at the same time was a bit of a blow. As far as the intelligence was able to piece together, the French 3e Army was still facing him. It would be crucial that the movement of these four divisions went undiscovered for as long as possible. Despatch riders were sent out with the orders, which emphasised using as much cover as possible and to leave behind some kind of deception plan that might fool the French. The bad weather, which continued to hamper aerial reconnaissance, would be a help, but there was no guarantee that this would last.
XXX Corps were headquartered at Altenkirchen. When the Corps Commander acknowledged receipt of the orders, he informed Heitz that it would take the best part of two days to gather his forces and get them to Paderborn. Heitz wondered if they would get there before the French at that rate. The problems on the rail network, which had been heavily attacked over the winter, were coming home to roost. It was particularly important to get the panzer regiment into the fight. The Corps had one spread out in various places prepared to counterattack a French attack across the Rhine. A shortage of fuel was of concern to be able to get them to the railway so that they could be moved to where they would be needed.
L Corps were based in Limburg, and the Corps Commander was able to update Heitz personally. These two Divisions were to move to Frankfurt, just 50km away. All things being equal, which so far hadn’t been the case in this war, they should get there the following day. The fighting in Aschaffenburg was tearing up the German army as much as it was the French. Two more divisions would give Fourth Army the kind of reinforcement it desperately needed.
Over a glass of schnapps the two Generals, whose friendship went back a long way reflected on the state of things. Neither of them were particularly political. During the ‘almost’ civil war, their command, which didn’t include any SS units, had mostly been untouched. There had been a steady stream of deserters, but generally most of the troops had stayed put. The fact that the war was lost was clear to them, there was little to be gained from carrying on the fight, and much to lose, but they were dedicated officers. If it took a bit longer to get the troops ready to move than Berlin would like, then so be it. There were very few professional soldiers left in the OKH, so a slower movement wouldn’t be too obvious, especially with all the other stuff that was happening. If it meant that some of the men would get home rather than die in an already lost war, then so be it.
11 April 1941. 16:00hrs. Belfast. Northern Ireland.
The heavy engineering works around Harland and Wolff was well used to war work. HMS Aster, a Flower Class corvette was being officially handed over to the Royal Navy, having been completed and fitted out. The previous day HMS Buttercup had been launched and earlier this day so had HMS Chrysanthemum, another two Flower Class corvettes which would join the fleet in a few months. Another ship was leaving the fitting out pier today as well, RFA Brown Ranger, a fleet support tanker, which would be heading for the Indian Ocean in due course. Originally the War Office had designated Belfast as the primary shipyard for repair work. Since very little of that kind of work had come their way, the main fabrication side was generally ahead of schedule.
Harland and Wolff had orders for 40 Flower Class Corvettes, HMS Aster brought the total delivered to 25. Ten had been cancelled just at the end of 1940, so there were only another five still being worked on. In place of the Flower Class ships, the first of a new class of minesweepers, HMS Algerine had been laid down in January and would be the first of ten on order, with another ten possibly to follow. It was expected that HMS Algerine would be launched in September, and join the fleet in early 1942.
HMS Black Prince, a Dido class cruiser, was coming along quickly, having been laid down in December 1939, it was expected that she would be launched in later in the summer and be ready to join the fleet in early 1942. Having previously built the cruisers HMS Penelope and HMS Belfast, the managers hoped that they might win an order for one of the follow-on class of cruisers, known unofficially as the Tiger Class.
The largest ship under construction was HMS Unicorn, an aircraft carrier, which was due to be launched in November, she was also ahead of schedule. She had been proceeded by HMS Formidable, the Illustrious class aircraft carrier. Once HMS Unicorn was launched, preparatory work would begin on HMS Gibraltar, the second of the proposed Malta Class aircraft carriers, which would dwarf Unicorn and Formidable when completed.
As well as these warships the yard was now busy constructing Landing Craft Tanks. Four were already finished and with the fleet, there were ten more of these at various stages of construction, with another ten to be laid down. Design changes to improve their handling and stability had been introduced, so the next one to be completed would be HMS LCT 100, or a Mark 3 as it was known.
The work was not all just in warships. Harland and Wolff specialised in refrigerated cargo ships and there were a few of these either building or fitting out. Oil tankers were also under construction. One of the things that the Ministry of Supply had been keen on the previous year was retraining some of the workforce on welding techniques. These were being used primarily on the LCTs, which were prefabricated sections welded together. The management and unions had been in negotiations to move more fully towards this method of construction.
The unions weren’t keen, but between incentives and threats they were coming around. The threats came from the Admiralty who were adamant that the ships they were ordering, especially the Malta Class carrier would be an all-welded construction. Losing such an order could be devastating to the company, and therefore the workforce. The incentives were coming from the Ministry of Supply, who were promising financial support for retraining and bonuses for productivity.
Away from the shipbuilding, the company had also been in the business of constructing tanks for the army, primarily the modified A9 Cruiser Close Support Tank. Work on these had ended in 1940. In its place they were now making castings for the Comet tank, as well as for artillery pieces, though the Ministry of Supply wanted the workforce to concentrate on the primary shipbuilding work.
11 April 1941. 18:00hrs. Someone’s home. Great Britain.
“This is the BBC Home Service. Friday 11th April 1941. Here is the 6 0’clock news read by Alvar Lidell.
His Majesty, King George VI, has sent his congratulations to Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands as the whole of her country is now free from German occupation. Entente forces, led by the Dutch Army, now have control of all of aspects of the nation, including its borders. The final German forces which had not surrendered have either fled or were defeated in battle. The King has assured Queen Wilhelmina that Great Britain will continue to support the Netherlands in peace as in war.
A communique from First Entente Army Group was issued this afternoon. In it the people of the Netherlands were congratulated on their steadfastness and courage. Elements of the combined British, Dutch, Belgian, Polish and French army reached the border with Germany in the Groningen province and forces landed by sea and air on the West Frisian Islands.
The three British Armies fighting in Germany made significant progress today. The commander of the British Third Army, General Bernard Montgomery, spoke to reporters today from his Headquarters and told them that his army had made over twenty miles of progress in the last twenty-four hours. Casualties continued to be light, and German resistance was described as sporadic. He singled out the Royal Engineers for praise in his press conference. The withdrawing Germans have generally destroyed or mined many of the bridges and roads on their retreat. It is the work of the Royal Engineers in rebuilding destroyed bridges and clearing mine fields that has enable the army to make the progress that is has.
Reports of war crimes and crimes against humanity that have been brought to light as British and French forces have advanced through Germany. The laws against the Jewish population have been well known, but evidence was presented today of a program of the killing of sick and disabled children and adults. In documentation presented to the Press today by the International Red Cross, under a program known as “T4” in Germany, handicapped people were systematically killed because they were described as a “burden on the State.” A spokesman for the Archbishop of Canterbury described the evidence he had heard as “inhumane and callous.” It is believed that this will add to the pressure to initiate a “War Crimes Tribunal” after the war.
In the United States of America, former President Roosevelt, made a speech at Yale University warning of a growing threat in the Far East. Noting that changes to the Japanese Cabinet had brought in, what he described as “three more hawks”, the balance of the Japanese Government is now more inclined to war than peace. He warned that if the United States wanted to continue to be neutral then it must be better prepared for war. He cited the situation in the Philippines as an example. If the Japanese were to widen their war with China, then the American forces, especially the Asiatic Fleet was “woefully unprepared”. While it was clear, he continued, that the British, French and Dutch were taking the Japanese threat seriously, President Dewey was not.
In other news, the Ministry of Supply has announced that rationing of certain foods and other goods is likely to end later in 1941. The Minister, Sir Andrew Duncan, made the statement at Liverpool docks. In the statement the minister referred to the levels of international trade, which were now returning to pre-war levels. With the ending of most of the convoy system, individual ships were free to make their way around the world without threat or hampering. He particularly noted the work that had been done by the Royal Navy in keeping the sea lanes clear, and in his speech, praised the mine sweepers who kept the access to Britain’s harbours clear of German mines.
That is the news, the next bulletin will be at seven o’clock."
12 April 1941. 07:00hrs. Emmen. Holland.
Lieutenant Banks, commanding C Company, the 1st Battalion, The King's Own Scottish Borderers, of the 9th Brigade, of the Third Division, of II Corps of the First British Army didn’t think much of being an officer. However, such was life. After the morning “stand to”, the company, and in fact the whole Brigade, was able to rest. Banks was pleased they were in Holland, rather than occupied Germany, as it meant the locals were friendly. Having fought their way through the border lands of Holland and Germany from the Rhine, most of First Army was halted. Only I Corps were still moving towards Bremen, and as far as Banks could see, the reason for the rest of the Army halting was so that all the petrol and other supplies could be concentrated in one Corps.
The KOSB’s motor transport had brought them to Emmen and was now in various states of maintenance. The men had enjoyed a hot shower and fresh clothes when they had arrived the previous evening. The local community were showing their appreciation of the British soldiers with gifts of cheese and alcohol. Banks had the NCOs on alert for anybody getting too merry. Some of the ladies were a bit too friendly for Banks’ taste, there’d likely be trouble with a few of the Jocks before they left the area. The town was putting on some kind of concert/entertainment in the evening, and so most of the day was about mending equipment, catching up on some sleep and generally being busy about doing very little.
It was expected that replacements would arrive at some point to be integrated into the Company to make up for the losses they had taken over the last ten days. The company had been almost at full strength on 31st March with just over 100 men. As of roll call this morning, the Company strength stood at 62. The battalion as a whole had suffered 42 killed, 86 injured and four missing, presumed killed. One in five men killed or wounded. The worst of the losses had been in the first few days after crossing the Rhine. Banks didn’t want to think about how many they had lost since April 1940. The original regulars were few and far between, most of the survivors, like himself were now officers or NCOs. Some of them who had been wounded last year were now back, like Captain Woods, his original platoon commander, who was now on the Brigade Staff.
It was Woods himself who had broken the news that Banks had received a battlefield commission. After the last lot of fighting, when Banks had taken command of the Company, and had done a good job. His battlefield commission had been recommended, and Woods had asked permission to be the one to break the good news. Not that it felt much like good news to Banks. Now that the Company was settled, for what would probably be a few days, Banks would have the onerous job of writing letters to the families of those who’d been killed. His successor as Company Sergeant Major was Jim Michaels, who’d been a private last March. Michaels brought him a mess tin with some breakfast in it. At least he had confidence that his new CSM was up for the job. The fact that Michaels was then able to recite the Company’s current supply situation confirmed his confidence.
12 April 1941. 08:00hrs. Fliegerhorst Oldenburg. Germany
The Luftwaffe had abandoned the airfield some months ago. It had got a pasting from the RAF over the winter, and the surviving Ju 88s of KG30 were now somewhere in Silesia. A few flak guns and a couple of companies of troops were all that was available to oppose the 2nd Northamptonshire Yeomanry and the 1st Battalion the London Rifle Brigade. The flak guns took out a few of the cruiser tanks and a couple of the Militant armoured lorries. Their resistance was quickly overcome and the whole area was cleared.
Looking at the map the commander of the battle group was dismayed at the amount of water courses between here and the Weser. Staying north of the river Hunte, there was only one decent road and the railway line to Rastede and then Brake. Another battlegroup, made up of 1st Northamptonshire Yeomanry and 1st Battalion Queen’s Westminster Rifles were heading for Varel and Wilhelmshaven. The last battlegroup of the Division, 1st Royal Gloucestershire Hussars in Valentines, with 1st Battalion London Scottish, were in reserve, and probably would have to support the attack on Wilhelmshaven. Intelligence seemed to suggest that the Kriegsmarine would likely be responsible for its defence. That would be interesting.
With this objective taken and secured, the next job would be to wait for the fuel bowsers and ammo trucks to catch up. Once they were fully resupplied, then they could move on towards the Weser. The reconnaissance troop was nosing around Oldenburg itself, and so far, they were reporting a lot of white flags flying. It was the job of Third Army, particularly VI Corps to move south of Oldenburg to close with the Weser. The briefing yesterday evening said that 56th (London) Division were at Wardenburg and moving eastwards towards the river Hunte then on past the south of Oldenburg.
VII Corps’ 3rd Armoured Division’s 21st Armoured Brigade, led by 42nd Royal Tank Regiments in their Comet tanks, supported by 1/4th Battalion South Lancashire Regiment were pressing in on Wildeshausen, attempting to cross the river Hunte there. The rest of VII Corps were pushing forward, with the 3rd Armoured Division providing the punch, while the 2nd Canadian and 43rd (Wessex) Divisions mopped up and supported the advance.
The ANZACs were approaching Sulingen and would then march to the Weser at Nienburg. This would give them the ability to threaten Hannover from a northerly approach. General Alan Brooke’s strategy was to give the Germans too many threats so that they if they were be able to concentrate on stopping one British approach, they would then be in danger of being flanked from any of the other thrusts.
To the south of Third Army, Jumbo Wilson’s Second Army, like First Army was having to concentrate its energies through just one Corps, in their case 1st Mechanised Corps. Having reached Bielefeld they were looking at moving towards Minden today. The 51st (Highland) Division and 1st Armoured Division were taking the lead, while the 50th Division were tying in with the French 1re Army to their south.
12 April 1941. 09:00 hrs. Scharnhorst. Germany.
General Barbe, originally commanded the 4e DLC (Light Cavalry Division) with distinction in the fighting in the Ardennes the previous year. Now he had this much more powerful 4e DM (Division Mécanique). His Division had a Brigade of Chars made up of both Somua S40s and R40s. There had been rumours that they’d be getting the new Renault G1R chars, but production had been lower than expected due to several teething troubles that could only be sorted at the factory lines.
The ground they had covered in the last few days had been hard going. It was all very well for superior officers to tell them to avoid fighting in built up areas, but if you wanted to go along a road, you tended to have to go through the towns and villages that the roads were built for. The fight for Waltrop, then Brambauer, then Brechten, then Derne and now Scharnhorst had been pretty vigorous. If the German army was collapsing as the Intelligence Officers kept saying, then Barbe’s men hadn’t seen too much evidence of it. The continuing rain wasn’t helping, it was funny how you missed air support when you were used to it. Artillery was fine, but the Germans really didn’t like napalm at all, but the French troops had grown to love smell of it, especially in the morning.
The problem for today was the airfield to the west of the town of Scharnhorst. It had also been a barracks for German transport units as well as the Luftwaffe. Between the railway and the airfield, there was lot of important ground to be defended and Barbe’s reconnaissance troops had come under heavy fire as they nosed around. Experience had taught the French that Luftwaffe bases often retained their anti-aircraft units as part of the ground defences, and if that was the case then the chars would have a difficult time of it.
One of his two infantry regiments, 31e Dragoons would take the lead today, as the other, 8e Dragoons, had suffered heavily the previous day. As well as Lorraine VBCP 38L armoured personnel carriers they had two companies in the newer 39L, which was an improvement over the earlier version as all the troops were carried in the one vehicle rather partly in a trailer. There was no overhead cover which made them vulnerable to airbursts, but the side armour would protect the men from small arms and splinters.
Colonel Rey commanded the regiment with distinction and was overdue a promotion. Once more he’d been given a tough nut to crack and he spent some time with his staff planning the best way to get the job done with as few loses as possible. The artillery had been hammering the area since first light, and it had been decided that the cavalry roots of the regiment were the best way to get the job done. With the artillery still falling, 2e battalion, with a squadron of R40 chars in support, approached the railway line from the north. 3e Battalion, with all the support weaponry gave covering fire, would approach and take the railway station through the town. 1re Battalion were in reserve.
Following the artillery barrage as closely as they dared, the French troops in their various armoured vehicles, hit the railway and found that the expected resistance was much lower than expected. A few chars were knocked out by German guns, but the cavalry charge succeeded in overwhelming what was already a demoralised defensive unit. The survivors were marched off to POW camps. Planning for the next objective, towards Unna, Colonel Rey and General Barbe could only hope that the next encounter with the Germans would be as straightforward.
12 April 1941. 10:00hrs. San Diego, California. USA.
General “Hap” Arnold, had come down to the Consolidated Aircraft plant to be part of the handover ceremony of the first of the 120 Consolidated LB-30A four engine bombers that the Armée De L’Air had ordered. The AdA had been furious to discover that an aircraft which had promised 311mph could only achieve 273mph. Wartime experience noted the need for self-sealing tanks and better defensive armament. To get the increase in speed required, Consolidated had the mechanically supercharged Pratt & Whitney R-1830-33s replaced with the turbo-supercharged R-1830s. The tail span was widened by 2 ft (0.61 m) and the pitot-static probes were relocated from the wings to the fuselage. These changes allowed the aircraft to reach nearly 311mph, and so the French had agreed reluctantly to go ahead with the order.
For General Arnold the fact that the RAF had cancelled their original order of 160 aircraft meant that the USAAC would be getting their own order for 36 sooner than he had feared. Consolidated was actively petitioning Washington DC for the RAF order be transferred to the USAAC. France was not in a position to increase its order. Not only were they struggling to find the dollars to pay for them under the original cash and carry deal, but the reintroduction of the Neutrality Act meant that, as a combatant nation they would not be able to. If the Army Air Corps didn’t increase its orders, then Consolidated Aircraft would be in a difficult position. They had designed and built the LB-30A at the request of the Chief of the Air Corps. Their agreement with Ford to build a new plant at Willow Run, Ypsilanti, Michigan had already been shelved. If the 160 aircraft originally ordered by the RAF weren’t to be built it could possibly spell the end of the company.
President Roosevelt back in 1939 had ordered that the USAAC should be expanded and General Arnold was attempting to make it happen, while the appropriations were still available. The removal of most of the RAF’s early interest had resulted in a shortfall of capital investment in the main American aircraft companies. The British had concentrated that investment in their own industry. The French however were more desperate. Their purchase of 100 P36s from Curtiss-Wright in 1939 gave that company $1 million investment to buy machine tools for their Buffalo plant. Other purchases had likewise enabled the American companies like Douglas and Glenn Martin to expand.
This was a two-edged sword for the USAAC. On the one hand, without new production being exported, allowed the increase in their own air groups’ expansion. On the other hand, the aircraft were early marks, with much development still needed, as their war experience showed. Most of Curtiss’ P40s that the French had bought were already being consigned to training roles, they weren’t up to a straight fight with German Bf 109s. Curtiss were bringing on an improved version, learning from the French experience. The Americans were aware however that even this would still be lacking against most enemies. These were the same early P40s that were entering American service.
The reduction in French orders, partly for financial reasons and partly because of how long it would take American manufacturers to supply the aircraft, meant that the companies were reliant on investment from the American government. The Works Progress Administration and Public Works Administration had been heavily involved in such investment. With the end of the New Deal under the Dewey administration, that source of investment was in danger of drying up. The cancellation of French interest in Bell’s P-39 and Lockheed’s P-38 allowed the USAAC to look forward to their delivery sooner than might have been otherwise, though both aircraft were struggling with defects and production hold-ups.
One of the worrying pieces of information that had been given to the US by the British and French was the ability of the new Japanese fighter, the Mitsubishi A6M. The pursuit squadrons in the Philippines were flying Seversky P-35s and Boeing P-26s. It sounded as if even the improved Curtiss aircraft would struggle to take on the Japanese plane.
There was one aircraft that the USAAC wanted to get its hands on and that was the Mustang that the RAF had had designed and built by North American. It seemed to be much better aircraft, especially with the Merlin engine. The Air Corps desperately wanted to buy these, but Washington wasn’t keen to paying Rolls Royce the kind of money they wanted for the engines, even with Packhard making them under license. It was interesting that the RAF was deploying a substantial number of these to Malaya to equip their squadrons there. It seemed that its range made it a better fit in that part of the world than the Spitfire.
The bomber situation was also problematical. The B17s that were being delivered by Boeing were good machines. The advice of the British against relying solely on defensive armament on the bombers to protect them from enemy fighters certainly seemed to be from their experience of daylight raids. Their Wellingtons and Halifaxes weren’t nearly as well protected as the Boeing machines. The resumption of daylight bombing in Europe did demand a large number of fighters to escort them. The P-38 should provide the bombers with a long-range escort, if it could be made safe to fly. These Consolidated bombers going off to France would be far better employed by the USAAC in Arnold’s mind, but hopefully, when they were eventually delivered to American squadrons, they would have any bugs ironed out and be better for it.
Under General Arnold’s command, the 15 regular air groups that existed before Roosevelt’s expansion plan was approaching the 24 combat ready groups planned for June 1941. Subsequent plans of the Roosevelt administration to increase it to 41 groups had been reduced under President Dewey down to thirty by the end of 1941. The doubling of the Army Air Corps was considered more than enough to protect the Western Hemisphere. What concerned Arnold more than anything now was the quality of the aircraft these groups would fly.
The bomber groups would almost exclusively be B17s, until Consolidated could start to supply these LB-30s, or B24s as they were becoming known in USAAC circles. The medium bomber groups would have the Douglas DB7 or A20, the Martin B26 and possibly the North American B25, though the prototype of this had crashed the previous day, the cause of which was under investigation. The results of the investigation could delay its entry into service. The pursuit groups would be a mix of P40s, P39s and P38s. The transport group would be made up of C47s and C46s. If that mix could come together sooner rather than later then “Hap” Arnold would be a happier man.
12 April 1941. 12:00hrs. Saint-Quentin. France.
Generals Bronisław Duch, Bronisław Prugar-Ketling, Rudolph Dreszer and Stanisław Maczek took the salute of the Free Polish Army. Standing alongside General Sikorsky, Prime Minister in exile, General André-Gaston Prételat, the Entente Supreme Commander and General Alan Brooke, commander of the First Entente Army Group. Representative units from each of the four divisions marched past with their standards.
Dreszer’s Third Polish Infantry Division had been part of the First Entente Army Group's liberation of the Netherlands. Duch’s First Grenadier Division and Prugar-Ketling’s Second Fusiliers Division had taken part in some the fighting the previous May to September in France and Belgium. Maczek’s First Mechanised Division had been undergoing formation and training in various parts of France, coming fully to its manning level with the arrival from Syria of the Carpathian Brigade, which supplied the Infantry and Artillery components to the 10th Armoured Cavalry Brigade (the Black Brigade). Coming together for the first time all four divisions were fully manned, equipped and trained. As well as Polish troops who had escaped from their homeland after the German invasion, there were volunteers from the Polish diaspora in France, UK, USA and Canada.
Since the Third Division had been fighting in Belgium and Holland it had been decided to equip the whole of the Polish contingent with the weapons used by that Army Group, a mixture of French, British and Belgian weapons. The Mechanised Division had been the most difficult to equip as they had to wait for enough Comet tanks to be made available from British factories, replacing the H35s provided by the French. The division was formed along the French model of one brigade of tanks (two battalions of 45 Comets), and one Infantry brigade, with divisional artillery and support units. Each soldier carried the FN’s 7.5mm FAL automatic rifle, and they also used the FN MAG (general purpose machine gun). The artillery was French, the anti-tank guns British, the armoured car reconnaissance regiment used French vehicles.
The plans for a fly-past by the Polish Squadrons of the RAF had had to be cancelled due to foul weather, but there were representatives of what would soon be renamed as the Polish Air Force and Navy in attendance. There were currently four full squadrons, two of fighters (Spitfires) and two of bombers (Beaufighters and Wellingtons). Plans for the expansion of these squadrons to four of each were well underway. The Polish navy, as well as their own destroyers and submarines that had fled to Britain in 1939, was also being expanded to include minesweepers and the possibility of a couple more destroyers if manning levels could be sorted.
After the parade, once they were in out of the rain, General Sikorski and the other generals celebrated the creation of the Army for a short while, as would the men for longer. The assault through Germany, towards the liberation of their homeland was uppermost in their minds. Sikorski had just arrived back from Washington DC. This had been the last in a series of visits around the capitals of the free world looking to make sure that any post war settlement re-established a free and independent Poland, with borders that would be defensible and universally recognised.
The western powers were all happy enough to recognise the pre-war boundaries, except the parts of Czechoslovakia that the Poles had taken after the fall of that country to the Nazis. The fly in the ointment was the Soviet Union. It was clear that there was no appetite in Paris or London to take on the Soviet Union after the defeat of Germany, unless Stalin declared war on them. The chances of Stalin agreeing to reinstate the terms of the Treaty of Riga were slim to say the least. A post-war settlement was difficult to envisage, but these Polish Generals, and their men, were as keen as mustard to get on with creating a new and free Poland.
Prételat agreed to Sikorski’s request to allow the Polish Army to be under the overall command of Alan Brooke’s First Entente Army Group. This was agreed as the First Entente Army was soon to be broken up. It had recently lost the Corps made up of the Norwegian, Danish and Dutch Divisions, as well as the Royal Marines and French Light Infantry Division for possible action in Denmark. The Corps of three French Divisions (23e, 60e and 68e) had been reassigned and would soon be sailing for Saigon for service in French Indo-China, along with the 1re Foreign Legion Division.
19e Bataillon de Chars de Combat (19 BCC) which had been using Renault D2s since they had been assigned to the Norway campaign, were at last to trade in their surviving D2 chars for R40s. They had hoped to get the latest Renault G1Rs but these were not yet available in large enough numbers. A second BCC, the 39e, also equipped with R40s, a vast improvement over the FT-17s they had started the war with, would transfer from the SHQ reserves. These two BCCs would sail with the French Corps to Saigon.
1st Czechoslovakian Division had been created in France in 1940 and was now operational. Two regiments of the men in the Division were former soldiers who had escaped from Czechoslovakia after it had fallen to the Nazis. The other regiment was made up of 23e Regiment de Marche de Volontaires Étrangers (RMVE). This was made up largely of Spanish Volunteers and Jewish emigrées from central Europe. This division would join the British 49th (West Riding) Division to give the Polish Army two Corps.
For the future, there was some question about the make-up of First Entente Army Group. Currently General Brooke had three British Armies (27 Divisions), the First Belgian Army (9 Divisions), and the new Polish Army (6 Divisions) under his command. The situation regarding the Dutch Army was under review, but it was hoped that at least one Dutch Division would be available for the continuing fight, possibly rising to a Corps of three divisions. The forces for the proposed liberation of Denmark had been split off into a separate command, with General William Prior, the senior Danish general, in charge. Prételat wanted to split off the British Armies, especially when the fourth came into being, into a separate British Army Group, with its own commander, and have Entente Army Group made up of the Belgians, Poles, and Dutch. The politicians in Paris and London would have to agree to this, which Prételat was confident would happen.
12 April 1941. 13:00hrs. Karachi. India.
The men of the 20th Indian Brigade had been boarding the ships all morning. Two battalions of Gurkhas (2nd battalions of the 7th and 8th Gurkha Regiments) and 3rd battalion of the 11th Sikh Regiment were off to France. Here they would join with the 21st and 24th Brigades to be part of the 10th Indian Division. The War Office had only planned to have two Indian Divisions and one Gurkha division in Europe. However there had been an argument among the Indian Congress that a strong showing by Indian troops, especially as there was a great number of volunteers joining the Indian Army, would strengthen the case for Dominion status leading to independence. This argument had been strongly opposed by some within the movement, led by Ghandi. A majority, with especially strong support from the Muslims, had carried the day.
10th Indian Division would be joined by 7th and 9th Indian Divisions in France. The three Divisions would need to be fully equipped and trained before joining the fray. The Gurkha, 4th and 5th Indian Divisions were already fighting, and the three new Divisions would bringing the Indian contingent to a total of six, the equivalent of two Corps. There was an expectation that as many Indian Officers as possible would be trained to up to Divisional and Corps staffing levels to help the future of the Indian Army to be led by Indians. In Malaya, the Indian 6th, 8th and 11th Divisions were getting acclimatised and trained for warfare in the Far East.
The question had been asked whether it might be better for the 7th, 9th and 10th Indian Divisions to stay in the Middle East, particularly to be prepared to defend against a southern thrust into Persia or Turkey by the Soviet Union. The fighting in Germany took a higher priority and it would be easier to bring the men closer to the main source of advanced equipment than having to ship it Palestine or Egypt. The Middle East had the First Cavalry Division transitioning into an Armoured Division and the First South African and Second African Division cooling their heels there.
Progress was also being seen in the shipping of the Indian First Armoured Brigade to France. Since its formation the previous year, the level of competency and education had risen exponentially. Their training had primarily been on Indian Pattern armoured carriers. These had been created using Canadian Ford and GMC truck chassis which Tata Steel created armoured vehicles from. The three General Motors subsidiaries in Britain (Vauxhall), Australia (Holden) and GM South Africa, were cooperating to produce Comet tanks for the Dominions of Australia, South Africa and New Zealand, as well as for the Indian army. Progress was much slower than hoped, and there wouldn’t be enough of these Comets to fully equip the Brigade. A second Indian Armoured Brigade was still in formation and expected to be fully operational in Malaya by September.
The Indian Air Force was also expanding from the tiny beginnings in 1940. From 14 officers, it now had well over 200. Four full squadrons were operational. Two of Hurricane IIb fighters, one of Hurribombers and one of Blenheims. Another four squadrons were in training, two on Hurricanes and two on Blenheims. The Blenheims were all expected to be replaced by Beaufighters as these became available. Similarly, Hurricane fighters would give way to Spitfires when there were enough. All the old Audaxes and Wapitis were now only used for training in conjunction with the more common Wirraways.
There was another element however that showed the lack of progress of India was making in some respects. That was the presence of only one Indian Navy ship in the convoy escort. The convoy, composed of 8 transports, was escorted by two Hunt Class destroyers, HMS Cotswold and HMS Cattistock, part of East Indies Command based at Colombo on Ceylon. HMIS Hindustan was the only RNIS sloop available to be part of the covering force for the convoy.
The pre-war plan to increase and improve the RIN was made with the ability to defend India’s ports and sea communication in mind. It was reckoned that it would take 48 ships for local naval defence. Only 31 ships had been taken over for war work and it had become obvious that properly designed warships and trained crews would have to be found for the Royal Indian Navy if it was to fulfil the role expected if India was a Dominion. There were only five sloops to police the sea lanes, so it fell to the Royal Navy, represented here by the two Hunt class destroyers, to do most of that work.
There were problems with recruitment to the Royal Indian Navy as many of those who had earned their living on the sea before the war wanted to continue with the Merchant Marine as the pay had improved. It had taken some time for the Indian Government to come up with a “hostilities only” rate of pay. At one point, men in the navy recruited in Calcutta, were paid less than those recruited in Bombay. One of the traditional areas for sailors to come from was Daman, but these were Portuguese subjects and not able to join. A large percentage of those who did volunteer were unable to pass the physical exam to join the navy, up to 66%, even after the lowering of standards. The sudden increase in the numbers of men joining the navy also put enormous strain on the facilities, and for the first twelve months of the war, the men suffered from overcrowded accommodations and poor levels of training. The new kinds of guns that the ratings would have to be trained on were in too short supply for the numbers to be trained, and all too often when a draft were mustered aboard ship, the officers found them not trained or prepared for the work they would have to do.
By April 1941 some of the “growing pains” were being worked out, and with appropriate funding and leadership things were looking much better. The design for the Ton class minesweeper had been shared with Garden Reach Shipbuilders & Engineers, Calcutta. This company was preparing to assemble the first two of these ships with some equipment shipped out from Britain. It was expected that at least another eight would be ordered of the type. There were some who could envisage a Royal Indian Navy that would take over most of the duties of the Royal Navy in the Indian Ocean. An RIN with an aircraft carrier, a cruiser squadron, destroyers, frigates and submarines, as well as all of the other coastal vessels. For many it was a pipe dream, for others it was something to work towards.
12 April 1941. 14:00 hrs. Kota Bharu, Malaya.
Air Chief Marshall Ludlow-Hewitt, Inspector General of the RAF, completed his tour of inspection of the facilities that had been created in the expanded air field in Northern Malaya. The creation of a proper network of bases, radar and maintenance facilities had been continuing in Malaya and Singapore over the last twelve months.
It was now at a reasonable level, as the pilots in Kota Bharu were finding and Ludlow-Hewitt was seeing. Those who had served in the air war in Europe, and were now leading the Far East’s squadrons, still found things fairly primitive. It was clearly a wartime setting and there were few signs of complacency. All the airfields had Operations Rooms, with redundancy, tied into a network with radar and anti-aircraft defences. There was an absence of quite as many anti-aircraft guns as you would expect in forward operating bases in Belgium. The facilities for them were provided and as soon as they arrived, they would be a welcome addition. There was a strong army presence in the local area to provide ground defences and part of the anti-aircraft contingent at the airfield were from the local Indian Brigade.
One consequence of the expansion of the Indian Air Force since 1939 was it had allowed the RAF to move some of its squadrons eastwards. No 5 Squadron were now learning to fly Mustangs, their Hurricanes had been transferred to the Indian Air Force. No 60 (flying Blenheims), No 20 and No 28 squadrons (early mark Hurribombers) were all now based in here at Kota Bharu. These reinforced Royal Air Force Far East Command who were responsible for the defence of British interests in the area.
Unfortunately the improvements in facilities on Singapore and in Malaya weren’t yet fully mirrored in the types of aircraft that the squadrons were flying. The two torpedo bomber squadrons Nos 36 and 100 Squadrons, were flying Vildebeest and Swordfish bi-planes. General Reconnaissance was provided by No 10 Squadron (RAAF), not long arrived with their Sunderlands to join No 230 Squadron in the same type, and No 205 Squadron who were flying Hudsons.
There were only four other fighter squadrons in the Command. Nos 243, 21 (RAAF) and recently arrived 453 (RAAF) and 488 (RNZAF) Squadrons. All four squadrons were transitioning onto Mustangs as these aircraft were delivered, otherwise they had Hurricanes. The bomber squadrons, Nos 11, 34, 60 and 62 Squadrons were all flying Blenheims. The night fighter squadron (No 27 Squadron) also flying Blenheims, and only one of these had AI radar, on which everyone was expected to train.
Things however were not going to stay that way for long. Just as the Hurricanes were being replaced by Mustangs, Beaufighters would replace the Blenheims, Vildebeests and Swordfish in the night fighter and torpedo roles as and when they became available. Likewise, Wellingtons or Halifaxes were expected to give the bomber Squadrons greater range and hitting power. Until things changed in Europe however these new aircraft weren’t yet available. Though a planning timetable was in place, which relied somewhat on Australia.
Production of Beaufighters in Australia was finally beginning, and these would be the source for the replacements of the Blenheims. The Department of Aircraft Production (DAP) had initially to resort to assembling parts shipped out from the UK as the network of subcontractors were struggling to produce home grown parts effectively, for example no one in Australia manufactured ball bearings. Assembling the aircraft had given the workforce important experience and a full squadron of planes were now with the RAAF being used to train pilots and navigators on the new type. As of January, the situation had improved, and with the exception of the engines which still needed to be imported, the first full Australian production model was due to roll out in a little earlier than expected in May, and hopefully run at about 25-30 per month.
The privately owned company, CAC, as well as building Wirraways for training schools, were doing the final assembly of Mustangs. North American were shipping them in crates from Inglewood, California over the Pacific. Handley Page’s attempt to set up a factory in Australia for Halifax bombers hadn’t got as far as they hoped. The DAP had struggled to get the Beaufighter production line into operation, and there just wasn’t a wide enough manufacturing base to permit an even more complex aircraft to be built. In another year or two as things progressed it might be possible, but for the moment the RAF and RAAF would have to rely on British factories, which were already extremely busy.
The reinforcement by the four squadrons from India to Kota Bharu was expected to be followed by another four squadrons from Middle East Command, now that Italy was clearly no longer a threat to British interests in the Mediterranean. Two fighter (Nos 30 and 33) and two bomber squadrons (Nos 45 and 55) were expected to arrive in June. The two fighter squadrons were going to be leaving their Hurricanes and Gladiators behind and would transition onto Mustangs. The two bomber squadrons were already transiting onto Wellingtons and would be the first of that type in the area. Another squadron of Sunderlands were already on their way from Coastal command. The RAAF and RNZAF had agreed to provide another five squadrons between them (one fighter and three ground attack from the Australians and one ground attack from New Zealand). At the moment the Indian Air Force would do little more than provide a reserve force.
The aim for RAF Far East Command was to have eight day fighter squadrons of Mustangs, one night fighter squadron of AI equipped Beaufighters, four general reconnaissance squadrons, mostly in Sunderlands. They really wanted a PR Spitfire or Mosquito squadron too, but that was unrealistic while the war in Europe continued. There were to be six ground attack squadrons, seven bomber squadrons and two torpedo bomber squadrons, altogether more than 400 modern aircraft.
Air Chief Marshall Ludlow-Hewitt’s visit confirmed that the facilities were in place for these squadrons, however, he identified a number of deficiencies. Firstly, there was an expectation that the squadrons would be mobile, being able to move among the various airfields depending on the mission. While there had been some training for this, most squadrons weren’t as familiar with airfields other than their own base as they should be. There was also a question mark over whether the standard operating procedures for all RAF bases in the area was being followed exactly.
Secondly, there was a lack of transport aircraft to facilitate such mobility. If a torpedo bomber squadron had to move from its home base, how would it get replacement torpedoes quickly enough? Ludlow-Hewitt recommended that at least one squadron from Transport Command should transferred for this purpose, he specifically recommended transferring 216 Squadron from the Middle East with their Bristol Bombays.
Thirdly he suggested that the Malayan Volunteer Air Force should be given a proper role and the aircraft to carry it out. Recruited from members of four flying clubs, they were flying a variety of civilian aircraft. Squadron Leader Chattaway had been flying the Air Chief Marshall around the country in a Dragon Rapide. Their local knowledge could be invaluable, especially for a roll such as transporting artillery spotters or forward air controllers. The recommendation was a batch of surplus Lysanders might give this unit a useful purpose.
Fourthly the RAF was generally deficient in motor transport and while some civilian vehicles could be impressed into service, it would be better to have their own standardised equipment. Fifthly, responsibility for the defence of airfields lay in the hands of infantry units that may well neither have the training for such a defence nor be immune from being reassigned to other duties at the command of their senior officers. Work on the formation of the RAF Regiment was continuing and it was his opinion that some squadrons of the regiment should be considered for deployment to Malaya.
Lastly of all the areas he had been to inspect the worst prepared was British Borneo. There was only one aerodrome at Kuching and one landing field at Miri. Neither of these were developed nor suitable for larger aircraft. There were no anti-aircraft defences and only weak ground defences. Both of these fields needed to be extended and while he was happy to note that this was planned, he recommended that it had to be prioritised. There was no radar coverage and it was not part of a network of communications with Singapore and Malaya, or indeed with the Dutch East Indies. Greater cooperation with the Dutch was absolutely necessary in his opinion.
The Air Chief Marshall’s next port of call would be to French Indo-China to see the situation there for himself. It was entirely possible that the RAF would need to use forward bases there and there was some doubt that the facilities would support this. While the RAF knew that the Armée de L’Air was strengthening its position in Indo-China, the question was whether they were doing enough on the ground to allow the projection of air power. General Gabriel Cochet had recently been appointed as commander of the AdA in Indo-China and he at least had some notion of what the reality of the war was like.
One of the questions that Ludlow-Hewitt would want answered was the situation regarding radar. The French had been relying on the extension of the Chain Home British system that had been put into France in the early months of 1940. The French hadn’t made much progress in building their own, but two French companies were building British sets under license. It was expected that when these were available, they would be shipped to Indo-China. The sheer size of the colony, and the lack of experienced French radar operators gave the RAF something to worry about. Ludlow-Hewitt would have to make a recommendation once he had toured the French sites, and then go on to the Dutch East Indies. No one would be surprised if that recommendation meant the transfer of British equipment and operators to make up a shortfall.
12 April 1941. 15:00 hrs. 7° 50'N, 14° 00'W. 100 miles southwest of Freetown.
Percy Reavley, Master of the steam merchantman St Helena, finished sweeping the horizon with his binoculars. The ship was on its way to Hull, having set out from Montevideo by way of Rio Grande do Sul, Santos, Bahia and Freetown. The ship was carrying 7600 tons of grain and general cargo, including canned meat, cotton, rice and wet hides, a useful cargo. A briefing from the Royal Navy in Freetown had confirmed that there were no known threats on the way home, with a slim chance of mines off the east coast of England. It was great that they didn’t need to wait for a convoy, they could come and go freely bringing much needed goods to the people of Britain.
For the forty-one souls on board life went on as usual. The U-boats which had played havoc in the Great War were absent from the high seas thanks to the work of the Royal Navy. Any surviving U-boats were locked away in the Baltic Sea or already scrapped, their crews being used as infantry. The German surface fleet and Q ships likewise scoured clean. Ships like the St Helena could go about their business freely. Reavley left the bridge and went back to his cabin to do some paperwork. The First Mate took over the bridge watch, with only the prospect of seeing some whales surfacing to break the monotony.
12 April 1941. 16:00 hrs. Rastenburg. East Prussia.
The armoured train Atlas rolled into the station and two companies of SS troops immediately began their work of making sure all was secure. Another train was due to arrive the next day and it was imperative that a cordon was in place to ensure the safety of the Fuhrer.
SS-Standartenführer Hans Rattenhuber, head of the Reich Security Service, had been here for a month supervising the process of making the Wolfsschanze ready for use. The Todt organisation had built it in the Masurian Woods, 8 km from Rastenburg. Work had begun the previous autumn and was as complete as it was ever likely to be. Rattenhuber had confirmed that the whole area was “Judenfrei” and a large proportion of the slave workers involved in building the complex were now in a mass grave a few kilometres away.
The arrival of the Atlas was the last piece of the jigsaw, as it brought many of the communications staff and other specialists to make the place come fully to life. The extra SS troops would be added to the guard units, there was no place anywhere for any Wehrmacht units. The best part of a Regiment of SS men were needed to secure the three levels of security.
East Prussia was one of the most fortified districts of the Third Reich. There were many fortresses in this area (such as Lötzen, Thorn, Memel and Pillau) and there were also the so called 'fortified areas'. For a national redoubt it had a number of advantages, but it was also an important part of the fabric of the psychological make up of Germany.
12 April 1941. 18:00hrs. Forecasting Division. Meteorological Office. Dunstable. Bedfordshire. UK.
Charles Douglas finalised his report for the next 36 -48 hours and approved it for distribution. The serious of weather fronts that had socked in the air forces over the last week or so looked as if they were moderating. The information coming from the Atlantic seemed to suggest that there was going to be a break in the weather, possibly only for a few days, but at least it looked as if there might be some flying days.
As the weather report was being received in various headquarters and airfields, there was an outbreak of optimism. Planning staffs had a list of plans ready to go, needing only some up to date reconnaissance to finalise them. The maintenance crews had caught up with the backlog of work, giving squadrons some of the best numbers of available aircraft they had seen for long enough. The stocks of weapons had been refilled and tanks of fuel for the planes were topped up. Pilots were well rested, even those who had been getting to the end of their tether were much calmer after a few days’ rest. The newer pilots, replacements for the most part, were keen to prove themselves, though rightly nervous about what they were about to face.
12 April 1941. 21:00hrs. Bletchley Park. England.
Commander Alastair Denniston, operational head of GC&CS at Bletchley Park read the translation of a message picked up earlier in the evening. First of all, he noted just how quickly they had managed to intercept, decode and translate it. The team were quite extraordinary in their abilities, though he knew that they were looking out especially for this particular unit.
Denniston picked up the phone and relayed the contents of the information through the scrambler device. Soon a number of other phones were ringing and planning staffs were given a problem to solve. Movement orders were issued, it was going to be a tight timetable, but it was a high value target, and worth the effort.