National Unity 1980: A John Anderson Presidency

Chapter 6: The End of the Primaries
Chapter 6: The End of the Primaries

“Take Sherman and cube it,” George H.W. Bush, referencing William T. Sherman's refusal to serve as the president in 1884 when asked by reporters if he'd accept the position of vice president.

FILE: George H W Bush June 12 1924 – November 30 2018. Nov. 11, 1979 - GEORGE  H.W. BUSH The Waldorf Astoria Hotel November 1979, The New York Hilton  Hotel New York


March seemed to be the month of Anderson. After he had beaten Bush and Reagan in Vermont and Massachusetts he had gone back home to Illinois to prepare for the primary on the 18th in the state. His return to Rockford must have felt like Napoleon's arrival in Paris following Austerlitz as crowds of mostly young enthusiastic people greeted the man whom they had not known was their congressman until a month ago. His grassroots movement had grown vastly since New Hampshire and now with his string of victories on the East Coast, he went to work once more, although it would not be nearly as difficult as it had been earlier in the campaign. He now had campaign offices across the state and volunteers willing to go door to door to gather votes for the man who the press now dubbed, "The Republican Eugene McCarthy," due to his support from young people and small donors. His newfound popularity did not make Anderson lazy though, as he campaigned across the state from the rural north to Chicago and the southern farmlands. He had his native state all to himself for a whole week as Reagan and Connolly had fought in the south and it wasn't until the twelfth that Reagan had finally appeared in the state. Connolly had decided to ignore the state knowing that his southern populism would have no appeal in Anderson's backyard and he instead focused on preparing for the Louisiana primary. Bush had also decided to avoid the state. He would have liked to have campaigned there if only to spoil Anderson and allow Reagan to win, but his campaign was too broke to allow for such vindictiveness. Gathering what few supporters he had, he decided to make a last stand in the native region of his family, Connecticut. So for the first time, Anderson and Reagan would face each other alone. Media coverage of the race would explode as columnists wondered who would win between the liberal maverick and the conservative icon. The candidates for their part would take a deeply personal interest in the race, Anderson, since he represented the state in Congress, and Reagan since it was his first home. Although Anderson had strong support in the state, he was initially regarded as the underdog due to Reagan's rebounding support within the party and the potential moderate split between him and Bush. However, on the day of the primary, they would be proven wrong as Anderson beat the Gipper by 6 points with 47 percent of the vote, to Reagan’s 41 percent, followed by Connolly with 7 percent, and Bush with 5 percent. Following his victory in the state, Anderson gave a celebratory speech even more jubilant than the one in New Hampshire as his family and friends accompanied him on stage, while Reagan scolded his campaign manager William Casey behind closed doors.


Ex-Illinois Rep. John Anderson, who ran for president in 1980, dies -  POLITICO

(John and Keke Anderson after watching the results return from the Illinois primary)

After basking in his victory, Anderson wasted no time as he flew back to New England to finally finish off the other centrist in the race. His opponent's fall from grace had been dramatic, following New Hampshire. Once the hero of national moderate and liberal republicans almost all of them had jumped ship to the Anderson campaign following his losses. His candidacy ever afterward had been treated with apathy at best and like a joke at worst. Yet despite this fact, the primary in Connecticut would be no cakewalk. Bush had been in the state for nearly a month and had the support of almost the entirety of the state GOP officials, most of whom had in one way or another been involved with the Bush family in some way. While Bush was running low on support from donors he had no problem spending his oil money to finance his campaign. He also had been souring the voter's perception of Anderson in the state, releasing attack ads agaisnt him for his similarity with Carter as well as his past. Bush had a particularly fun time informing voters that Anderson had in the 1960s introduced a constitutional amendment that would, "recognize the law and authority of Jesus Chris over the United States." When he arrived in the state he found himself in the same position that Bush had found himself in New Hampshire and Reagan had found himself in South Carolina. With a little less than a week until the primary, Bush had outmaneuvered and outspent him significantly. Anderson would likely have lost the state if it had not been for the effort of one man, Lowell Weicker. Having abandoned his earlier bid for the presidency, he had thrown his full weight behind Anderson following New Hampshire, determined to let a liberal Republican finally have control over the party. He had never cared much for Bush, viewing him as only slightly less radical than Reagan (He had been an avid Goldwater supporter in 1964 after all), and when it looked as though Bush might carry his state, he came out swinging agaisnt the son of Prescott Bush crisscrossing the region dozens of the time while appearing with Anderson while he went after Bush for his conservatism and his negativity in Anderson often saying,

"Never vote for a man whose only position is to attack the other guy."

While nowhere near as influential as Strom Thurmond had been in South Carolina, Weicker's attacks had their effect on voters, and on primary day the final nail in the coffin was put in George Bush's campaign as he came in second to Anderson with 33 percent of the vote to Anderson's 35 while Reagan came in third with 32 percent. His last hope of making a comeback finished Bush finally dropped out, although he implied that he would fight on at the convention as he declined to endorse any candidate.

Lowell Weicker, Connecticut governor and U.S. senator, dies at 92

(Weicker stumping on behalf of Anderson in a rally in New Haven)

Yet despite all of Anderson's increasing star power, Reagan would not falter. Despite not winning any state in March besides Florida he was able to win almost all of New Yorks's delegates at the end of the month and by April it was clear that he was frontrunner again, despite the media dutifully reporting Anderson's wins in Wisconsin, Maine, and most surprisingly Pennsylvania where the normally jovial Reagan had lost temper at his campaign staff following his loss. However, there was no doubt that the gap between the other candidates and him was widening as he won double the number of contests of Anderson and while Connolly had won agaisnt Reagan in Lousiana, Reagan's support in the south was once again starting to surpass Connolly's as he crushed him in the Missouri Primary. This would become even more abundantly clear following the May 3rd and 6th primaries where Reagan won every single contest except Washington D.C. which Anderson won and Texas which Connolly very narrowly won (It has been rumored that Bush secretly helped his old rival in the state so that the convention could be deadlocked). While Anderson had support in New England and the Upper Midwest, and Connolly in the deep south, Reagan was sweeping the West, the Upper South, and the Lower Midwest. Both realized that they had no shot of winning the race outright which meant that the only way they could win, would be to garner enough delegates to prevent Reagan from winning on the first ballot. While Connolly had no qualms about attempting to deprive the winner of the popular vote of the nomination, Anderson did. Not only would it contradict his entire campaign message of good government and honesty, it would destroy his reputation. Even in the unlikely scenario of him winning the Republican nomination through backroom deals, he realized his chances of winning the election would be greatly diminished as conservatives would loathe him and they would either sit the election out or run a third-party candidate to stop him from becoming president. With this in mind, he refused all of Connolly's covert offers of a temporary alliance to stop Reagan. But that still left the question of his candidacy unanswered. What would he do when and if he lost the race to Reagan? After winning Maryland, just a single point ahead of Reagan, he eventually made a decision. If he did not win both the Michigan and Oregon primaries on the 20th he would drop out. With Michigan being the home of Gerald Ford and being known for its centrism and with the recent endorsement of the popular Oregon senator Mark Hatfield, Anderson was confident he could win both states. Despite his efforts though he would fall short. He would win Michigan comfortably but would lose Orgeon by almost ten points. The next day he ended his campaign, abandoning his long-sought effort to become the Republican nominee. Everyone was shocked at his announcement including Reagan, who was jubilant since his nomination was all but assured. Connolly meanwhile was livid, lashing out at everyone and everything at his ranch, and was reported to have said, "If that stupid Yankee had stayed in the race until July he could have been my damn vice president!" Connolly knew that the race was over, but his hubris made him stay in it until the Kentucky primary on the 27th of May where he lost to Reagan in a landslide. The next day he endorsed Reagan and the last opposition to the California governor dissipated. Conservatives across the country celebrated and it seemed as though Goldwater's loss in 1964 would finally be avenged. All eyes would be on the Gipper, until the first of June. After he had dropped out, Anderson had returned home and had thought about his next course of action. He was depressed at the thought of the nation having to choose between Carter and Reagan, a failing president and an arch-reactionary. So it was with this in mind that he made his fateful announcement the day of the debate between Mondale and Kennedy in his hometown of Rockwell.

"My friends my departure from the Republican race is just the beginning of a national movement. It is with this in mind that I quote the words of HG Welles, "An election should be the celebration of democracy," and my supporters response to my campaign indicates that this is a celebration and so I announce that I will seek the presidency of the United States as an independent candidate."

From the Archives: John B. Anderson

(John Anderson announcing his re-entrance into the race)

Results of the 1980 Republican Primaries
genusmap.php


Ronald Reagan-55% (Red)
John Anderson-26% (Yellow/Gray)
John Connolly-13% (Green)
George H.W. Bush-5% (Blue)
 
Last edited:
...I admit, I did not see an independent bid coming.
I think he honestly would have had a better shot as an independent than as a Republican, since it's unlikely that he would have had the support of evangelicals or reaganites so he probably would have lost the south to Carter as well as most of the midwest since he had less blue collar appeal than Reagan. However in this timeline with both parties much more divided he has a much better chance at winning.
 
Chapter 7: Chaos in Detroit
Chapter 7: Chaos in Detroit

"Jesse Helms wants me to move to the right, Lowell Weiker wants me to move to the left, and Teddy Kennedy wants me to move back to California," an entry in Ronald Reagan's diary.
Republican National Convention: President Reagan's Address, 49% OFF

(Ronald Reagan accepting the Republican Nomination)

There was not a happier man in June 1980 than Ronald Reagan. After the many trials and tribulations of the Republican primary, he had come out on top. Connolly and Anderson had dropped out and on June 3rd, he had secured enough delegates to become the presumptive nominee after winning his native California. There would be no mad rush to secure enough delegates to avoid a brokered convention and all that awaited him was his coronation in Detroit on July 14th. The party's establishment that had once despised him had finally fully united behind him as he secured the endorsements of men like Connolly, Bush, and Baker in stark contrast to the civil war being fought within the Democratic Party. As he watched the race between Kennedy and Carter, Reagan could not help but be reminded of the race between Roosevelt and Taft in 1912. While he didn't expect Kennedy to run as a third-party candidate if he lost to Carter he doubted that the Democrats would ever be united enough to defeat him. He was so optimistic in fact, that he remained completely unworried about his former rival. Anderson's re-entry into the race had been a shock to political pundits and had made front-page news. Any notions that his campaign would simply be a vanity affair or a protest vote were shattered when a Gallup poll showed that Anderson was supported by as many as 24 percent of voters. With high levels of dissatisfaction with Reagan's conservatism among moderate Republicans many in Reagan's campaign became worried that Anderson's centrism would draw away large numbers of potential voters and hand the election to Carter. Over a quarter of primary voters had voted for him after all. However, Reagan himself was largely unconcerned, because he had a plan which he believed would rally the moderate wing of the party to his campaign and would delegate Anderson to the pages of history. However, his plan was dependent on the cooperation of someone who was at best hesitant to agree to it.

Gerald Ford, the Pipe Smoking President | Smokingpipes.com

(Ford remained cold towards Reagan following his loss)

The relationship between Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan was far from warm. Ford had not forgotten how Reagan had tried to steal the nomination from him in 1976 and he still partially blamed him for his loss to Carter in that year due to his razor-thin losses in Ohio and Mississippi. Despite never wanting the presidency originally, he had never given up the idea of returning to his old job and he would have ran in 1980 had he believed that he could have beaten Reagan. As the Republican primaries unfolded he had been tempted to endorse first Bush, and then Anderson to stop Reagan, but he decided to stay neutral hoping for a brokered convention. However, when Anderson put an end to that plan by dropping out in May he had reluctantly endorsed Reagan. It was then that Reagan hatched perhaps one of the most unusual schemes ever thought of by a presidential candidate. Meeting with Ford at his Palm Springs home in June, Reagan proposed a dream ticket, that Ford would go back to the vice presidency under Reagan. While Ford was taken aback, he remained cool to the offer and declined it. This did not stop Reagan who throughout June sent more offers to Ford over the vice presidential slot as representatives from the Reagan campaign negotiated with old Ford loyalists like Dick Cheney and Henry Kissinger. By the time the Republican convention started, it seemed as though, Ford was warming to the idea, but then on the first night of the Republican convention, he blindsided Reagan with a counteroffer. In exchange for joining the ticket, he wanted it to be a "co-presidency". He did not want to return to the white house to be a powerless figurehead like he had been during the Nixon administration and he wanted significant control over foreign policy in the administration. He also wanted numerous Ford loyalists in the cabinet with Kissenger being made Secretary of State while Alan Greenspan would be made the Secretary of the Treasury. While Reagan knew he needed Ford to give him moderate support in the Midwest as well as to weaken Anderson's independent campaign he was unwilling to cede so much power away. As both men became unwilling to compromise it became clear that the dream ticket would not work. With Ford out of the picture, Reagan's optimism had started to falter. Ford was the only person who could have united both the moderates and conservatives in the party, but his departure meant that Reagan would have a far less appealing running mate. Working all night to draft a running mate, he made a last-minute shortlist that consisted of the governor of Indiana Richard Lugar, the former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, the Senate Majority Leader Howard Baker, New York Congressman Jack Kemp, and the chairman of the convention Guy Vander Jagt. While some of Reagan's advisors like Roger Stone advised him to pick the more conservative Kemp, Reagan realized that he would have to pick someone more moderate. George Bush was suggested, but Reagan shot the idea down remembering how he had crashed and burned in the primaries. Ultimately he decided to go with Howard Baker who eagerly accepted.


Griscom: Howard Baker remembered as a statesman/photographer who snapped  history | Chattanooga Times Free Press

(Reagan before announcing Baker as his vice presidential pick)

On the surface, he seemed like a perfect choice. A moderate from Tennessee he had appeal in both the North and the South. However just like Reagan's choice of Richard Schweiker had backfired in 1976, so did Bakers. As Reagan announced his choice at the convention, many conservative delegates were infuriated. They remembered how in 1978 he had supported the Panema Canal Treaty which had returned the Panema Canal to Panema earning him the ire of hawks in both parties. The issue had killed his campaign and had caused him to lose the moderate vote to Anderson an unknown congressman and Bush a man who hadn't even been able to win a senate election in Texas. That alone would not have made his selection unacceptable to hardline Conservatives, but another one of Baker's positions certainly did. His record on abortion horrified Evangelicals who had just started to support Reagan and they could not stomach his support of federally funded abortions. It didn't help that the National Abortion Rights League had given him the highest pro-choice rating of any senator that year. What made things even worse for Reagan and Baker was that Reagan had sent a telegram to the National Pro-Life Political Action Committee in February saying that he would choose a pro-life running mate. The long-forgotten promise had come back to bite Reagan as many in the party rallied to oppose Baker. Working in the shadows to support the movement was John Connally.

John connally hi-res stock photography and images - Alamy

(Connally and his wife at the convention)

Connally had expected to be nominated or at least considered for the vice presidency following his strong showing in the primaries and his subsequent endorsement of Reagan following his loss in Kentucky. He had spent most of June campaigning in Texas and across the South for Reagan but had not received any serious consideration from Reagan. Following the announcement of Baker, he secretly allied with southern delegates to draft the arch-conservative Jesse Helms in the hope of deadlocking the first ballot so that he could emerge as a compromise candidate on the second ballot. He was helped by other delegates who attempted to draft Jack Kemp and Richard Lugar, depriving Baker of support from many Western and Northern States as well as most of the South. The effort would fail, but several hundred delegates would vote for Helms as well as for Kemp and Lugar and the deep south would vote almost entirely for Helms. Even though Baker was nominated Reagan was in no mood to celebrate. He had infuriated the very people he needed to win the election with his pick and they had nearly been able to stop him from being nominated, something that was unheard of. He briefly considered dropping Baker and replacing him with someone more palatable to the religious right like Richard Lugar, but he knew that would only make him look weak and indecisive like it had with McGovern and Eagleton in 1972. He instead met with Helms who was able to make the party platform much more conservative than even before and any pretense of Reagan moderating was gone as the platform pledged to fight the ERA and to establish a constitutional amendment banning abortion.

1976-Primary-1.gif

(Jesse Helms and Ronald Reagan meeting to discuss the party platform)

Reagan's rightward turn had pleased his core supporters but had angered the party's moderates including Baker as they watched the party platform being handed over to extremists and religious fanatics. Echoes of Barry Goldwater and the 1964 convention filled the hall before Reagan finally gave his acceptance speech. Luckily for him, Reagan's charisma and sunny optimism could win just about anyone over and as he finished his speech which focused on hope for the future he received thunderous applause. Yet despite the high note as the convention ended the wounds that had been caused by the fight between the moderates and conservatives had still not healed.

UBid5Sn5PYpDkTrY11BoEz-2bkHishrcoyR4JPWyQ6hX0hEE9K7Uqj4YDm591LhJfyeHvfIHrgaW3M27LKTVWROg9frVI-3y6VZCUf4f59bDHGB1JKPgpvbF8AZVb9EJw8E1G9O2fuALtLIPFLH7ikw
 
Hello again. Sorry that I have not written much this week. I have been quite busy with my exams, but I should be able to start positing more regularly following next week.
 
Just found this story and I’m really loving it, gripping without anything out of character for the cast. Watched.
Wow thank you! It's really fun writing about Anderson and the other figures in that election. They're all quite interesting especially Connally who is sort of like the Texan Loki of this timeline.
 
What's the hostage crisis sparking my going from following local to National politics as a 10-year-old, the 1980 election was really interesting to me in our timeline. This would really be fascinating and would probably allow me to understand a lot faster how some of those conventions could have had dozens of ballots many decades earlier.

I remember seeing that 103 in 1924 and thinking, wow, why didn't they just all run for president like in 1824. :)
 
Here’s an idea for a potential cabinet or vp pick. In a race where you are a Midwesterner needing to pick someone who could theoretically bring back the New England region from a Democratic control due to Kennedy opening the doors to you, there’s a a logical choice in picking someone from that area who appeals to various groups. Downsides being they have recently lost an election and were embroiled in minor scandal.

But a Black Massachusetts Republican would certainly tick a lot of boxes of people needed to win this whole thing. Plus a lot of ideological compatibility.
 
With the threadmark “Chaos in Detroit” and the title of the thread, I was expecting Hinckley to take out Reagan at the convention…
 
Here’s an idea for a potential cabinet or vp pick. In a race where you are a Midwesterner needing to pick someone who could theoretically bring back the New England region from a Democratic control due to Kennedy opening the doors to you, there’s a a logical choice in picking someone from that area who appeals to various groups. Downsides being they have recently lost an election and were embroiled in minor scandal.

But a Black Massachusetts Republican would certainly tick a lot of boxes of people needed to win this whole thing. Plus a lot of ideological compatibility.
I like your thinking. I was considering making Brooke, Anderson's VP but in this timeline, he'll choose a Democrat to balance out party affiliation. But Brooke will definitely play an important role in Anderson's presidency and will occupy a cabinet position.
 
Chapter 8: The Two Mavericks
Chapter Eight: The Two Mavericks

"The people have spoken — the bastards,"-Mo Udall
90

(Anderson speaking in Philidelphia)

Not even John Anderson could have imagined how far his campaign would go when he first entered the race in April of 1979. He had risen from obscurity and garnered a second-place finish in the Republican primaries against the likes of John Connally, George H. W. Bush, and Howard Baker and had almost defeated Reagan himself. But even his defeat in the primaries had not put an end to his campaign. The thought of having to support either Carter or Reagan had scared a great deal of voters and Anderson's poll numbers had surged as he announced his independent bid. Throughout June and July, he never polled less than 20 percent and at one point he was polling at around 26 percent. Yet despite polling better than any other third-party candidate in recent memory his campaign faced seemingly insurmountable challenges. Unlike Carter and Reagan, he was not automatically qualified for the 51 ballots in the election and he had almost no fundraising money compared to the other candidates. His late entry in the race meant he would have to spend what little money he had to get ballot access in all fifty states and Washington D.C., a long process that was slowed even further by both the Reagan and Carter campaigns who attempted to smother his campaign before it could become a real threat. While their efforts failed Anderson's challenges had only begun. The Republican and Democratic parties had millions of dollars ready to be spent and used while Anderson had no such financial luxuries. Most of the campaign money he had gathered had been used in the Republican primaries and he found it difficult to raise money initially. He was not independently wealthy and he had no large special interest groups supporting his campaign as the usual wealthy powerbrokers in elections such as unions and big businesses were firmly supporting Carter and Reagan respectably. However, Anderson's fundraising deficit would not be a death knell to his candidacy as money would finally start to pour into his campaign from two sources. The first was from small donors who had helped to start his grassroots movement. They came mainly from suburban voters and young people who liked Anderson's centrism and outsider appeal. The other source was from Hollywood. Even though he was a Republican Anderson had received the endorsements of many prominent Hollywood liberals starting with Paul Newman who had been attracted to the anti-establishment candidate like he had been attracted to Eugene McCarthy in 1968. Many others had joined Newman including Norman Lear and Cliff Robertson who admired Andersons Quixotic's campaign. As he became closer with Newman during his campaign Anderson turned to his new friend to help with his fundraising struggles and Newman obliged. He soon convinced many of his other Hollywood friends to support Anderson and he hosted fundraisers for him throughout Hollywood which late-night hosts were quick to make fun of. Yet even with ballot access and increased fundraising Anderson would still be outcompeted by the other candidates in one critical area, coverage. Despite being well received by the press during his run in the primaries, media coverage of his campaign dropped significantly once the initial shock of his re-entrance into the race died down. Nobody really thought that he could win despite his high poll numbers and the majority of the media coverage in the race focused on Reagan and Carter. It also didn't help that both major candidates completely ignored Anderson and treated him like a non-entity. Things would get worse for him as the Republican and Democratic conventions unfolded and media coverage focused almost exclusively on them in their election coverage. As July turned into August Anderon's poll numbers would drop and he would become desperate. He briefly considered going on an international tour of the Middle East and Western Europe to get more coverage, but he was quickly dissuaded from the idea by his advisors who realized that the tour would cost him valuable time that he would need to campaign and there was no guarantee that the media would even spend much time covering the tour. He instead decided to hold a quasi-convention of his own to gather much-needed attention for his campaign. In the meantime, he spent time barnstorming New England and the Midwest where his poll numbers were the highest as well as holding more fundraisers with Paul Newman and other Hollywood celebrities. As he campaigned he received an unexpected opportunity for publicity. A few days before the Democratic convention in New York, he held a press conference with several key democratic figures including Scoop Jackson and Gary Hart. He would briefly have the opportunity to meet with Ted Kennedy who had arrived at the convention. Still, he quickly declined, not wanting to be seen as meddling in the Democratic convention. The event would generate some coverage and at the convention, many Kennedy supporters would speak about him positively during and after the convention as they fumed at Carter. It was after the convention on August 26th that he would finally announce his choice of running mate. His shortlist would include a wide list of names and would be incredibly ideologically diverse as he considered picking Shirley Chisholm, an incredibly liberal African American congresswoman from New York, Patrick Lucey a moderate Democrat, Edward Brooke the first African American senator since Reconstruction and one of the last liberal Republicans in national politics, and Hugh Carey the Democratic governor of New York and a prominent supporter of Ted Kennedy. However, he ultimately decided to make a gamble as he chose the liberal maverick, Morris K. Udall.
Morris King “Mo” Udall (1922-1998) - Find a Grave Memorial

The choice was not a complete surprise as Udall's brother, Stewart Udall, the former Secretary of the Interior had already endorsed Anderson and the two had a good relationship in Congress. He also would bring with him the support of many former Kennedy supporters who held little loyalty to the current president. Once Udall accepted the position he would also bring with him the support of many other prominent democrats who had supported Kennedy like Kevin White, Barbra Jordan, and Hugh Carey. The pick did have its downside, though. While it galvanized many liberals it turned off many of Anderson's moderate supporters who were dismayed at how left-wing Udall was. To neutralize the potential loss of support among centrists Anderson would meet with Udall to discuss their platform like Nixon had with Rockefeller twenty years previously. While the two largely agreed on social issues they remained at odds on fiscal ones. The two reached a compromise on economic issues with Udall agreeing to support Anderson’s proposals so long as they weren’t too conservative. In a news conference after their meeting, Udall promised to enthusiastically support Anderson and his platform, true to his word. A few days later, Anderson would finally be able to hold his convention. He decided to host it in Philadelphia because of its connection with the American Revolution as well as the fact that it was the sight of the Democratic Convention in 1948 when Harry Truman had been running as the underdog. In the meantime, he frantically sought to gain endorsements and speakers which he was mostly successful at. His old friend Lowell Weicker was able to bring several liberal Republicans to the Anderson campaign including Anderson's former rival for the GOP primaries Senator Larry Pressler of South Dakota, Edward Brooke, and New York senator Jacob Javits who withdrew his endorsement from Reagan. By the time the convention began, he had a sizable amount of endorsements from figures in both parties as well as from many celebrities. It would only last for a day, but Anderson would finally be able to receive the thing he craved, wide-scale national coverage. The speeches from the convention hall would be widely covered and besides Anderson's four would particularly stand out. The first was Larry Pressler's speech about his role in the Abscam Investigations in which he had refused to take bribes from undercover FBI agents and how he saw the same honesty and integrity in Anderson. He was followed by Paul Newman who gave a speech about Anderson's outsider credibilities and how he would inspire a new era in American politics, and then by Edward Brooke who focused his speech on how both parties had abandoned the Civil Rights Movement and how Anderson would be in a unique position to help African Americans, and finally Mo Udall's keynote speech in which he highlighted Anderon's social liberalism and qualifications as a candidate through his usual mix of charisma and witt. When it was finally Anderson's turn to speak he did not disappoint as he unveiled the party platform in which he declared support for the ERA, the right to an abortion, stronger involvement in NATO, campaign finance reform, fiscal responsibility, and most controversially a gasoline tax to make America energy independent and social security solvent. His speech emphasized the themes of change and unity and he also incorporated a healthy amount of anti-establishment rhetoric into it. By the end of Anderson's speech, the hall had erupted into cheers as the delegates marched under the banner of the newly formed National Unity Party with John Anderson at the head of the ticket. For the first time in American politics, it seemed as though the American people really had an alternative to the two-party system.



bj-dsDM3DUpBlj-nGFIpB6fI0Y_hGF-ez5_MiCLfZEzfNj9YL1IMHueUIfodGMdEQNNzgc4VD61JKYoQrRkJrgdVzmnBKRfv3cq9Basp5IHA1Gnkszq9CDiWFTIahC_j1hFBssrNyIxHOh1rtfvA-jE

(Despite not being as charismatic as some of the other speakers, Pressler's speech struck a chord with many delegates as he talked about the influence money had on politics and his own experience with corruption)


1,418 Democratic National Convention Celebrities Stock Photos, High-Res  Pictures, and Images - Getty Images

(Newman's skill as a Hollywood actor helped him greatly as he gave a memorable speech on the hope Anderson gave him towards the future)

File:Edward Brooke at the 1968 RNC (2) (cropped).jpg - Wikipedia

(Brookes's speech focused on his rise to the senate and Anderson's flawless record on civil rights)


american-candidate-for-the-democratic-party-nomination-for-the-us-presidency-of-1976-morris-udall.jpg

(Udall's keynote speech would generate almost as many laughs as cheers as he praised Anderson for his courage and independence)

Windblown_Independent_Presidential_Candidate_John_Anderson_speaks_to_students_at_the_University_of_Michigan%2C_September_3%2C_1980._%287670512080%29.jpg

(Anderson's acceptance speech would be widely praised compared to Carter's fumbling pessimistic speech in New York and Reagan's speech In Detroit which was very light on substance).

4Fa1yRHnpljCWz7c_Tl-7iAVgcPxxZeERGbJh2tEMAyQIlO5OUemZoNVtLbXyj80FSCc10Y96aOxCn0KLXa6UOyiL9kPsr-kLSkB5iXrgnB0Kz7WmK-_ry6Jp7q-TbQoS_1Ldtp5Z0IUpfhzNFhjHrM
 
Last edited:
Sorry, I meant to give an update on Sunday but I haven't had as much time recently. My next reply will hopefully be sooner.
 
Last edited:
Chapter Nine: The First Debates New
Chapter Nine: The First Debates

"For those of you who don't understand Reaganomics, it's based on the principle that the rich and the poor will get the same amount of ice. In Reaganomics, however, the poor get all of theirs in winter," Mo Udall

s-l1600.jpg


By the beginning of September, there was no longer any doubt that the election of 1980 would be a three-way race. Following the convention Anderson immediately surged in the polls. For the next few weeks, he would never poll below 25%, and at one point his support capped at 30%, just two points behind Carter and five behind Reagan. Due to the efforts of Mo Udall and his other key supporters, he was amassing a winning coalition of centrists, liberal Republicans, Suburbanites, Women, and Kennedy Democrats who were all united behind their disgust of the two most unpopular major party nominees since Stephen Douglas and Abraham Lincoln in the election of 1860. It was a large enough coalition to make him qualify for the debates as he had far surpassed the 15 percent threshold needed by any national candidate. The first one would be held on September 21st and would be hosted by the League of Women Voters. The only question was whether the other candidates would participate. Reagan had made it known that he was willing to share the stage with Anderson thinking that he was more of a problem for Carter than himself since his hold over conservatives was rock solid. Carter was a different story, however. Throughout the summer he had been hoping that Anderson's campaign would internally implode or at least become weaker as the public became bored with his candidacy and moved back to the reality of the two-party system. As a result, he ignored his candidacy as he waited for the inevitable to occur yet the opposite had happened. There had been no internal power struggle between his Republican and Democratic supporters in his campaign like there had been in 1936 with the Union Party and there had been no Curtis LeMay "I don't believe the world will end if we explode a nuclear weapon," moment either. Then after he had finally defeated Kennedy and the liberals had finally started to rally behind him, Anderson had chosen Mo Udall of all people to be his vice president and they were starting to abandon him. The last thing Carter needed was for Anderson to get any more attention so he announced that he would boycott the debate. He was immediately condemned by both the Reagan and Anderson campaigns and even the normally liberal media could not help but criticize Carter as his favorability ratings among the American people declined even further. However, Carter believed that the damage he was receiving would pale to the suffering he would experience if he attended the debate. He would let the two of them debate while he watched as Anderson would finally fade away and he would be left alone to debate with Reagan at the next debate in October. Yet his opponents had other plans. Anderson was not just content to debate Reagan and he and his campaign would raise holy hell over Carter's boycott every chance they got. Anderson was able to use his ever-expanding war chest to attack Carter almost exclusively through most of September which would lead Udall to quip, "It's just a shame that Carter can't skip the election." But despite all the protests that Anderson made it is unlikely that Carter would have agreed to the debate without the efforts of one man, Ronald Reagan. While his advisors were concerned about Anderson taking away Liberal Republican support from the campaign, the candidate himself was unconcerned. Firstly he had Howard Baker as his VP who he was sure could real in the moderate Republicans and secondly, he was sure that Anderson was a much greater problem for Carter than himself despite some of his advisors telling him otherwise. Anderson's strong showing in the primaries did nothing to change his mind as Reagan still thought of him as just another liberal. It was with this in mind that he not only vocally criticized Carter's decision, he also reached out to Anderson himself. The two would put aside their differences and would hold a joint press conference a week before the scheduled debate on September 14th and Reagan would fatefully announce that if Carter would not attend the debate with both himself and Anderson he would not attend. It was then that Carter knew that his decision had backfired immensely just like it had in June with the debacle in Cleveland. Carter's support in the polls would drop considerably following the conference and even many of his fellow democrats would finally criticize him. With no other option than to lose even more faith with the American public Carter would finally agree to join the debate a few days later.

ronald-reagan-and-john-anderson-shake-hands-9-21-before-squaring-off-in-a-debate-in-baltimore.jpg

(The news conference with Anderson and Reagan at the sight of the debate in Baltimore would forever alter the race)

After his gambit paid off, Anderson would have little time to celebrate as he spent the next week preparing for the debate. With all the additional campaign donations he was receiving he was able to get an ample amount of debate prep, yet there was still something wrong. Despite all of his intelligence and knowledge, he was similar to Richard Nixon in terms of his debating skills. While he wasn't socially awkward or overly nervous his speaking style was passionate but he often came across as angry and self-righteous when he didn't mean to be. Luckily for him, he had been endorsed by some of the most skilled debaters in either party who were more than willing to help him. He set to work with his campaign team as well as Mo Udall and Ed Brooke who helped him refine his charisma and be prepared to face his respective opponents. Udall would act as Carter while Brooke acted as Reagan in the practice sessions. By the time the debate rolled around, Anderson felt prepared and would enter it confidently like he had in the first Republican debate in Iowa as the three candidates geared for their first showdown.

maxresdefault.jpg

(Anderson and Reagan waiting for Carter to arrive)

The debate would be an unmitigated disaster for Carter. He knew his debate skills could never surpass Reagan or Anderson so he just hoped that he would be able to come out of the debate relatively unscathed with his calm and kind demeanor, but these hopes would be misplaced. He would be the last candidate to arrive for the debate in Baltimore and was almost late for it. As the cameras rolled and the debate started his stressed and tired figure was on full display to the American public. After the debate, many commentators would note the similarities between Carter and Nixon, although unlike Nixon both those who listened on radio or watched on television agreed that he got trounced. Even before the first question was asked Reagan took the attack to Carter during his opening statement and repeated the ploy he made in Nassau and criticized him for not having the courage to debate with Anderson even though he was polling better than any third-party candidate in history. Carter knew he was going to be attacked for this yet his response was still meandering and he attempted to paint his refusal to join the debate as necessary since unlike the other candidates he was working actively to bring the hostages home from Iran and manage the energy crisis. Then as Anderson gave his opening address he would say the most memorable line of the night,

"President Carter if you were doing your job competently I wouldn't be here."

Things only went downhill from there for Carter. The moderators could not have chosen a worse opening subject than inflation, for the president as he alienated both liberals and moderates as he claimed that his tax cuts and proposed stimulus would help to combat the issue. As soon as he finished his response Reagan pointed out Carter's obvious flip flop reminding the voters that he had opposed a stimulus package at the Democratic Convention. He then criticized the plan itself as wasteful saying, "If you want the American people to get their money back, give them a tax cut. Don't take money out of their pockets just so you redistribute it back to them." When it was Anderson's turn to respond he attacked both Carter's and Reagan's proposals for their fiscal irresponsibility and pointed out that it was impossible to reduce the amount of revenue the government took in while increasing spending. He then laid out his controversial gasoline tax plan to the American public and was able to frame it in a positive light as a way to both increase funding for social security as well as help solve the energy crisis. Carter and Reagan both attacked his plan, but Anderson had been well prepared on the subject and deflected both candidates' criticisms of the plan by reminding the voters that Carter could neither solve the energy crisis nor the problems that seniors were facing with social security and deflecting Reagan's critiques by informing listeners that Reagan's plan would cut social security. As the debate moved onto other topics such as conservation, the draft, and urban decay, Carter continued to fumble his way through the debate. Anderson and Reagan indirectly and directly tied Carter to all of the major issues that were facing the country and Carter did a poor job defending himself. Despite a few respites such as when all three candidates agreed that a peacetime draft was a bad idea and when Carter was able to point out his record on conservation and how he had protected millions of acres of the Alaskan wilderness from drilling. Yet ultimately in the election people cared about jobs and not the environment. The final subject of the debate was abortion where Reagan came out as the clear winner as he was successfully able to defend his pro-life beliefs while he brought up Anderson's record and his amendment in the 1960s which would have made Christianity the national religion. Anderson did not give a great defense of his role with the amendment, but he was able to pivot and attack Carter for his wishy-washness on the issue while establishing himself as the most pro-choice candidate. As the debate ended it was clear there were two winners and one loser. While Reagan had clearly won the debate with his acting skills and charm, Anderson had been able to hold his own and he came across as the reasonable alternative to both major party candidates and was able to double down on his anti-establishment rhetoric which had helped him so greatly in the primaries. Yet nothing good came out for Carter. He came across as weak and indecisive and many traditional democrats that were reluctantly supporting him started to have second thoughts. This was evident when Gallup released a poll that would show the unthinkable. Anderson for the first time was polling in second place

Reagan/Baker: 36%
Anderson/Udall: 31%
Carter/Mondale: 29%

Carter-debate.jpg

(Throughout the debate Carter seemed nervous, especially on the issue of inflation)

"Let's turn inflation over to the Post Office. That'll slow it down," one of Mo Udall's many quips during the vice presidential debate.
bob-walter-mo-plotting-how-to-lose-the-1984-election-photo-v0-qe1h6mugl8ec1.jpeg

(Mo Udall meeting in Baltimore before the debate with Walter Mondale and Bob Beckel)


Although far less important the vice presidential debate was far more entertaining than the presidential one. This was thanks to Mo Udall who was perhaps the funniest man in politics and was proving to be a very capable vice presidential pick. After Carter had agreed to join the debate with the League of Women Voters Udall had called upon Baker and Mondale to join him for a vice presidential debate. While both Baker and Mondale were reluctant to agree to a debate, Mondale would relent after Carter's horrible performance, hoping to get at least some redemption for his boss. Not wanting to be embarrassed and attacked like Carter was, Baker reluctantly agreed as well. The debate would once again hosted by the League of Women Voters on October 1st, once again in Baltimore. The debate was much more casual than the last one and would be held in a discussion-type setting instead. The main topics of the debate would be similar to the last debate, foreign policy and the Salt ll Treaty, abortion, and inflation having the most air time. Udall would steal the show with his one-liners as Mondale and Baker struggled to keep up and both at various points often broke into laughs themselves. Mondale would do his best to attack Udall for his supposed opportunism and his defection from the Democratic party, but Udall wasn't fazed and he explained that in his view Carter had betrayed social liberals across the country with his failure to pass the ERA and that Anderson had better and more pragmatic solutions for the energy crisis than Carter. Mondale attempted to launch more attacks against Udall, but they all fell flat as Udall disarmed him and the audience with his wit. Baker would almost fade into the background of the debate, his much more quiet and introverted personality was ill-suited against the warm and extroverted personas of Mondale and Baker. He would briefly attempt to try and paint Mondale and Udall as two liberals who had few differences on policy but failed as Udall argued with both Mondale and Baker over Anderson's economic policies. His opposition to the SALT ll treaty wouldn't do him any favors either as both Mondale and Udall attacked him for it and Baker failed to defend his position effectively. On abortion, Baker would be boxed in as both Udall and Mondale reminded him of his past pro-choice votes in the Senate and his support of federally funded abortion, which would lead Baker to claim that he was personally pro-life and regretted some of his votes but that he still believed that abortion was a settled issue, a statement that would anger moderates who were upset at his flip-flopping and infuriate conservatives who believed that abortion was far from a settled issue. As the debate wrapped up, Udall would be asked about his diagnosis with Parkinson's disease and how his handicap would affect his ability to serve as vice president to which he replied,

"Handicap? I'm a one-eyed Mormon Democrat from conservative Arizona … you can't find a higher handicap than that unless of course, you're Jimmy Carter's Vice President or a pro-choice senator from Tennessee."

While both Mondale and Baker would try and correct the record later they could not help but chuckle in that moment along with the audience. While it received significantly less viewership than the previous debate, footage from the debate would be used widely, especially by the Carter and Anderson campaigns and eventually another one. While Udall's remarks would initially be the most memorable from the night, one of Baker's statements would crawl its way back to the public view and would later haunt the Reagan campaign.

11304757_1200x.jpg

(Mondale and Baker meeting to discuss foreign policy in the Senate before the debate)
 
Last edited:
Top