Half a Giant: A History of the Confederate States and their Struggle for Independence

Baldrick

Banned
The date was April 13, 1861. Rebel artillery poured down upon the beleaguered garrison of Fort Sumter, near Charleston, South Carolina. The state had seceded from the Union several months before over the burning question of slavery, the question which had driven Abraham Lincoln to the White House. While hopes and expectations as to what the new leader might do were varied, the state authorities of South Carolina had not wanted to take the risk. On December 20, 1860, they had seceded from the Union. Nobody knew quite what might happen at the time, but a pattern quickly formed. The state had been joined over the next few weeks by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee, in that order. Now, in the name of the new Confederate States of America, the South Carolinian militia was shelling Fort Sumter. The garrison had been promised relief by President Lincoln, who was determined to take a hard line on this new, treasonous republic, but barring the arrival of a large number of fresh regiments immediately, there wasn't much that Washington, DC. could hope to do...


Part 1: First Battles


By the end of June 1861, it was inescapably clear that Lincoln's attempts to preserve the Union intact by peaceful means had failed. The Confederate States of America had been formed, with Jefferson Davis as President, a capital in Richmond, and a Constitution in the works. Whether or not Lincoln liked it, there was not a series of insurgents to be stamped out down South. There was a nation to be conquered.


The Union high command saw success right around the corner in the first few months of the war. In their eyes, a short, sharp, powerful blow into northeastern Virginia would blow the Army of Northeastern Virginia to smithereens, take Richmond, and force the Confederacy to capitulate. To that effect, Brigadier General Irvin McDowell led his forces a short distance from Washington, DC. to the town of Manassas, starting what would become known in Union circles after the fact as the Battle of Bull Run, and in Confederate ones as the Battle of Manassas. Both sides expected a quick and thrilling victory: in fact, some civilians from Washington, DC. and Manassas both came to view the battle, cheering and as happy and carefree as though it were a football match. McDowell started things off on the wrong foot straight away by launching a failed attack on the left of the Confederate forces. The defending Confederate troika of PGT Beauregard, Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson, and Joe Johnston managed to repulse the attack, and the battle dragged on. In the early afternoon, numerous junior Federal commanders tied themselves down in attacks on Rebel positions on Henry Hill, a local piece of high ground, and it was then that the Confederates unleashed their counterattack. As the Union armies attempted to shove south-east, Colonel JEB Stuart's cavalry charged north into the Union right. The broken Federal forces fled, leaving Manassas solidly in Confederate hands and the eager Washingtonians fleeing in panic. Triumphant Rebel yells scattered across the plain for the rest of the day. With the field in Confederate hands, the first major threat to the CSA had been quelled. There was now little threat to Richmond, at least in the short term, and some in Union circles feared an attack on Washington, DC. The Confederates, however, had other plans...


Following the fiasco (from the Northern perspective, at least) at First Manassas, the Union reshuffled its command. A new force was created, the so-called Army of the Potomac, under the command of Major General George B. McClellan, who would ultimately become one of the most important figures in the fight for the Union. The Army of the Potomac had responsibility for defending Washington, DC., as well as ensuring that the Army of Northern Virginia did not try to break out into Maryland or the Delmarva peninsula. However, they need not have worried. Robert E. Lee, McClellan's opposite number, was uninterested in a knockout blow for the remainder of 1861, content to build his Army of Northern Virginia and make his move in 1862. Several skirmishes and minor battles took place in western Virginia, which had considerable pro-Union sympathies, as its population consisted largely of impoverished miners and small farmers, for whom trade with Yankee states was an essential pillar of the economy and saw no need to fight and die for slavery. This had the effect of shoving Rebel lines southeast in the state. Western Virginia, along with Maryland, Delaware, Missouri, and Kentucky was seen as a border region- namely, one which permitted slavery, but was undecided about committing to the Union or Confederacy. Jefferson Davis's insightful decision as to what to do about these states made in the summer of 1861 would have major implications on the war.


The border regions, as listed above, were all wavering. Some reluctantly joined the Union, some were occupied militarily, others were of divided loyalties and fought mini-civil wars of their own, and one officially declared neutrality. These all merit examination, as they would have key implications in the 1862 fighting and beyond. The first of these states was Delaware. Delaware had been a slave state before the war, and slaveowners had considerable power over the state's economy and politics. Before the war, a large portion of Delaware's economy had consisted, like Virginia's, Maryland's, etc, of trading cotton for finished goods and currency on the world markets. Nonetheless, Delaware was also further north enough for there to be a strong pro-Union sentiment, and Yankee-funded industries were developing in the state. Although during the last days of 1860 and first of 1861, some voices had called for Delaware to join the new Confederacy, the governor of the state had declared firmly for the North, and although some Delawareans were suitably angry at this to leave the state and join Rebel regiments being assembled in Virginia, the state remained with the Union.


The second border state was Maryland. Maryland, like Delaware, had a mixed economy of slave-based agriculture and Northern-funded industry, and its population was divided as regards their attitudes to secession on similar lines. However, unlike Delaware, Maryland occupied an essential strategic position. It touched upon Washington, DC., meaning that if it joined Virginia in secession, the US capital would be encircled and would no doubt not last long in the conflict. As such, whereas Delaware was given a chance to side with the Union, Lincoln was taking no chances here. On May 13, 1861, Maryland had been placed under US martial law and had habeas corpus suspended, a state of affairs which caused much anger towards Lincoln amongst the state's population. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1861, Richmond moved to exploit this discontent. Davis made all sorts of noises on the world stage about the "Yankee oppression" in the hopes that Britain or France might notice and do something. These hopes were dashed, however, and Maryland remained under Union rule.


The next border region was western Virginia. Although not a state itself, and thus tied to the pro-slavery, pro-secession legislature in Richmond, its views on the conflict were very different from those counties in the south and east. As mentioned above, the economy of western Virginia was (a, much smaller than its southeastern counterpart, and (b, based around mining, which gave it much stronger links to the Union than the Confederacy. As such, when Northern troops occupied the area in the last six months of 1861, the population was generally welcoming.


Further west, Missouri was generally a similar case. Whereas the north consisted of farmers and woodsmen with no stake in secession, there were a plethora of plantation owners in the south who wished to join their brethren in Alabama, Mississippi, and the like. Missouri also occupied an interesting strategic position: it controlled a substantial part of the trade and communications between California and the rest of the USA. As such, both sides coveted the state. It was ruled by Governor Claiborne F. Jackson, who harboured pro-Southern sympathies. He controlled a formation called the Missouri State Militia (MSM), which had been formed at the start of the conflict, ostensibly to protect the state's neutrality. However, the disposition of the militia- namely, along the northern, eastern, and western borders, and hardly at all along the southern one- rather gave the game away as to Governor Jackson's intentions for the state. On May 12, 1861, the prominent American commander William S. Harney attempted to sign a treaty with MSM commander Major General Sterling Price, to allow the US Army in "to protect Missouri's neutrality." Governor Jackson, however, was having none of it. Price was ordered to break off negotiations, and the Confederate Army was requested to enter to protect the state from suffering the fate of Maryland. Davis was only too happy to comply and over the next two months, over six thousand Confederate troops entered the state to co-operate with the MSM. The target of the joint MSM-Confederate force was the state capital of Springfield. On August 10, Union Captain Nathaniel Lyon's army clashed with the MSM-Confederates at Wilson's Creek. Both the Federal and Rebel forces had four brigades, while there were four MSM divisions present. The usage of the term 'division' is misleading, however, as they were significantly undermanned and undersupplied. In reality, these divisions were probably closer to brigade strength, which still left Lyon outnumbered 4:7. First the Union, then the MSM-Confederates, launched attacks at the other's lines, both of which were repulsed. The Union forces next launched a counterattack into the enemy flank, but this came at the cost of dividing their army in two, with no means of communication between one and the other. This had the predictable effect, as one of the Union columns was hit hard in the flank by the Third Louisiana Infantry Brigade and dissolved. The MSM-Confederates now continued the pursuit through the morning, and by lunchtime, Captain Lyon was dead and the field in Confederate hands.


The political implications of the Battle of Wilson's Creek were considerable. Federal armies were forced to regroup and start over again in Missouri from scratch, while on October 30, Missouri was formally admitted as a Confederate state, with Jackson as governor. Combined with events in Kentucky, this would set the pattern for events to come in the state...


Finally, there was Kentucky to consider. Kentucky was in many ways the quintessential border state- while slavery and related economic activities were essential to the state's economy (with slaves comprising nearly a fifth of the state's population), there was also a sizeable number of pro-Union elements, and attempts to bring industry over the Ohio River were occurring in 1861. Furthermore, there was widespread fear of becoming another Maryland, and being subject to Federal occupation and martial law. This possibility was perfectly plausible, as Kentucky occupied an essential position. Whoever controlled it could control access to the great Mississippi River, as well as masterfully cut the vast Western expanses of the United States off from the East. Were it to enter Union hands, the state would make a masterful springboard for an invasion of Confederate Tennessee, which could then progress into an invasion of the heartland of Mississippi, North Carolina, and Alabama. Conversely, were the state to align with Richmond, Rebel forces could advance into it and threaten Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana. A permanent crossing of the Ohio River by Southern troops would be every bit as devastating as a Union conquest of Tennessee. As such, Abraham Lincoln's famous remark that "I hope to have God on my side, but I must have Kentucky." was well-founded, and applied in equal measure to Davis. On May 20, 1861, Kentucky officially declared its neutrality. It would fight both Union and Confederate forces should they infringe on the state's territory. When some in Confederate circles began to debate the merits of a potential invasion of the state, Davis over-ruled them. The CSA was popular amongst many in the state: let them resist a Yankee invasion and align to Richmond, as opposed to throwing away potential supporters by invading their homeland and having to fight them. As such, Kentuckian neutrality was to hold firm for the rest of 1861, and indeed throughout the entirety of 1862 and beyond. Kentucky was not recognised as a Confederate state, and Confederate volunteers from the state were directed into Tennessee regiments. As the rest of the American Republic tore itself in two, Kentucky remained in a bizarre state of neutrality. Trade with both the Union and Confederacy existed, with US and CS currency both circulating freely. In a light touch, Kentucky even became the only place during the war to establish an exchange rate for US and CS currency: 1:1. As the conflict known in Washington as the Civil War and in Richmond as the Second War of Independence heated up, Kentucky sat back, counting its blessings that it did not suffer the fate of the other states caught in the crossfire...
 
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Baldrick

Banned
Independent Kentucky as a buffer state?

At the end of the war, a plebiscite will be held in Kentucky, to choose between joining the North, joining the South, and independence. Both sides are currently trying to woo the state, but thus far nothing...
By this point, though, Kentucky is operating like a de facto nation of its own.
 

Baldrick

Banned
Part 2: Union Failures

Almost as if it knew what was coming and was afraid of it, the sun edged its way slowly up the sky, bathing the western Virginia town of Carnifex Ferry in its glow. Dew glistened on the grass and every boot in the three brigades of the Union Army of Occupation was soon damp. Men in blue shaved nervously, some gulping down coffee or chewing on hardtack to give them sustenance for the ordeal that lay ahead. They checked their 1861 Springfields, knowing all too well that should the heavy instruments of war fail, then they were dead men. Many fell down on their knees in their tents, asking the Lord to preserve them in the struggle that came ahead, and to send them to Heaven should they fall. Barring that they wore grey, carried Fayettevilles (which were themselves mere knockoffs of the Springfield), and belonged to the Army of the Kanawha, their Rebel counterparts did the same. William S. Rosecrans, the US commander, had pored over the map in front of him countless times. He knew its contents all too well: the Rebels had invaded the Kanawha region as part of a drive to control West Virginia, surprising and mauling an Ohio regiment in the process, and now it was time to drive them back. Would his men be up to the task? Time would tell.

On the afternoon of September 10, 1861, on what had been the farm of a Mr Henry Patteson before the war, the Union and Confederate forces clashed. Having expected the attack for a long while, Confederate commander John B. Floyd had managed to set up primitive defensive positions in the form of trenches across the field. The result was that in spite of numerical superiority, the Union forces suffered very high casualties. Rosecrans was suitably embarrassed by this minor debacle and sought around for a scapegoat. He found one in the person of Henry Wise, his co-commander. In the end, Rosecrans could claim a touch of silver lining: he had artillery superiority over the Confederate defenders, who decided to conduct a tactical retreat at the end of the day. Nonetheless, it was an inauspicious occasion for the US, and for Rosecrans' career.

This was repeated just over a month later at the Battle of Ball's Bluff. Ball's Bluff was conceived, at least in part, due to an almost comic mistake. There, a reconnaissance party from Northern general George B. McClellan (he of Manassas infamy) was scouting in the night and mistook a small forest for a Confederate camp! On the morning of October 21, three hundred Union soldiers attacked the forest, destroying plenty of flora and fauna, but not a single Confederate. Colonel Charles Devens, commander of the unit, was told to stand firm and await reinforcement as a prelude to moving forwards, and so he did. When his force had been bolstered to 650 men, he marched forward to the town of Leesburg to scout out Confederate forces in depth. When he received still further reinforcement, he submitted himself to the command of US Senator and officer Edward Baker. Baker attempted to assault the Confederate right, but a counterattack stopped his progress and left the rest of the Yankee line open. Rebel commander Nathan Evans then threw his force at the Federal troops, breaking them. Baker was killed, becoming the only US Senator to die in combat, and the day belonged to the Rebels. Again.

Four major defeats in only a few months- Manassas, Wilson's Creek, Carnifex Ferry, and now Ball's Bluff- proved a serious blow to Union morale. On December 9, 1861, the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War was founded. Its main philosophy was that somewhere in the USA, there was a pro-Southern conspiracy that had led to these stunning reverses. Its main targets were officers and senators who were Democrats, as they were viewed as a fifth column. Its chairman was the Ohio senator Benjamin Wade, who was a known Radical Republican- namely, a fanatical abolitionist who wanted to eradicate slavery entirely and pursue a harsh reconstruction postwar. Anyone (barring, of course, President Lincoln) who was not known to be a Radical Republican could fall prey to the Committee. In particular, officers who were defeated often found themselves hauled before this most unpleasant of tribunals.

After Ball's Bluff, the remainder of 1861 was spent in relative quiet. A number of inconclusive skirmishes were fought, including one which evicted the majority of pro-Union Native Americans from Oklahoma, but other than that, a relative calm came to the Civil War. For the North, the year had been one of stunning defeat. They had achieved no major successes in the border region, occupying northern Missouri but with the rest of the state firmly hostile to them. Kentucky still marched down its own path of neutrality, and only Maryland and Delaware were firmly on their side. A new strategy would be required for 1862...

A new strategy, it turned out, was not in fact forthcoming. The strongest unit in the Northern army, the Army of the Potomac, was still commanded by George B. McClellan, whose inertia made him a less than perfect commander for the task at hand. His strategy for 1862 was basically the same as it had been for 1861: namely, to concentrate a large enough mass of men and guns in northwestern Virginia that Richmond would fall. The fact that Robert E. Lee had outfoxed him already bore little meaning to him: he was sure that 1862 would be his year. As McClellan prepared his army, his dislike of rapid action meant that little was done for the first three months of 1862 on a broad strategic scale, a Union attempt to amphibiously assault North Carolina notwithstanding. On March 17, 1862, however, McClellan's pet project of the year began: an invasion of Virginia from the Chesapeake Bay.

The Peninsula Campaign commenced on March 17, when McClellan's Army of the Potomac landed at Fort Monroe on the southeastern tip of the Virginia Peninsula. In the Union general's mind, it would be the work of a minute to barge past the defenders of the peninsula and take Richmond. Over 120,000 Federal troops began a massive assault on up the peninsula on April 4. Immediately, they were faced with problems. The Confederate Navy, small and weak though it was, had control of the James River to the Union left and York River to their right. As such, much of the naval support on which the attackers had been counting on failed to materialise. Twenty-four hours later, the skill of local Confederate commanders began to make itself felt. Confederate commander John B. Magruder chose to give battle at the town of Lee's Mill and set to out-think McClellan. He had a company of men march around in circles in view of the Yankees, so as to make them think that seemingly endless reinforcement was arriving. He also spread his artillery out as far as possible to make it seem like he had more guns than he really did. McClellan fell for it hook, line, and sinker. After getting faulty intelligence reports from scouts (for example, 100,000 Rebel troops were in position at Lee's Mill alone), he made the decision to entrench his forces opposite those of Magruder, when in reality a hard blow would have had a good chance of carrying the day. At any rate, his inertia was proving fatal. Confederate commander Joseph Johnston was rushing reinforcements in, ensuring that when McClellan struck, he would have a much harder time doing so.

On April 16, at three PM, the Third Vermont Volunteer Regiment achieved a breakthrough at a dam near Lee's Mill. Thanks in large part to Johnston's reinforcements, however, the breakthrough was a short-lived one, and by five PM the Confederates had restored the position. McClellan had seen that punching through Rebel defences on the peninsula would prove trickier than thought. For the rest of the month, the Confederates continued building up their defensive capacity on the peninsula, constructing better and more earthworks, etc. During this period, Magruder also ceded command to Johnston. The new Confederate commander, however, was aware of McClellan's superiority in artillery and as such decided to move his forces further west along the peninsula, towards Richmond. A Yankee reconnaissance balloon sent up on May 4 found the Rebel earthworks that McClellan had found so threatening empty.

The next day, the first full-scale battle of the Peninsular Campaign took place at Williamsburg. Northern Brigadier General Joseph Hooker commanded a force attempting to take Fort Magruder, named after the ex-CS commander. A series of counterattacks led by Major General James Longstreet, however, threw Hooker back. The day was bloody and costly for both sides but at the end of the day, Williamsburg ought to be counted as a Confederate strategic victory, as it achieved its basic purpose- namely, to buy time for the defenders of the peninsula to pull back to Richmond. Fighting through the rest of the month demonstrated the overall Confederate strategy on the peninsula of 'trade space for time' as Johnston's supply lines were progressively shortened, and McClellan's were conversely lengthened. At the end of May, Johnston had achieved his primary purpose- he had fallen back to terrain he knew far better than the Federals and was in a position to turn around and strike. He knew that this would be something of a gamble- should he fail, Richmond could very well fall, but if he succeeded, Northern troops would be permanently expelled from the Virginia Peninsula. And at the Battle of Seven Pines, he did just that.

On May 31, 1862, the battle began. As Confederate Major General James Longstreet began a tactical attack plagued by miscommunication, Confederate Major General Daniel H. Hill threw his ten thousand men at the Yankee lines, obliterating them and achieving a breakthrough, albeit at a high cost in men. However, the day was not to be won by the Confederates. McClellan had artillery superiority over the attackers, enabling him to prevent them from cutting through his lines. In the day's fighting, however, General Johnston was wounded by Union shellfire and taken to a military hospital in Richmond. Desiring the finest brain in the CS Army on the job, President Davis appointed General Robert E. Lee to the task of commanding Confederate forces in the theatre. The next day, the Rebels tried to resume their offensive but failed. An impasse had now been reached: neither side could hope to break through the lines of the other. When it was considered how massive the Union superiority in men and artillery was, the stalemate was humiliating for them and boded well for the Confederates. Richmond might now be close enough to the front lines for long-range artillery to shell the eastern outskirts of it, but it would not fall. Thus, Seven Pines can be counted as a tactical stalemate but a Confederate strategic gain. Later on, the Seven Days Battle (June 25-July 1) would throw the Federal forces back and bring an official conclusion to the Peninsula Campaign. Nonetheless, with the failure at Seven Pines, the initiative had passed to the Confederates, making it as good a place as any to conclude the story of the Peninsula Campaign. While the failed Union advance had occurred, another major battle had been taking place: First Winchester.


On May 24, 1862, the Union garrison town of Front Royal, Virginia had fallen to the Rebels. This made General Nathaniel P. Banks, commander of Union forces in the theatre, uncomfortably aware that he could be encircled if he did not move rapidly, and he elected to flee north. Stonewall Jackson, commander of Confederate forces in the theatre, responded with a characteristically bold move: he launched a night march to catch Banks. Come the morning of May 25, Banks had assembled his army at the town of Strasburg, offering battle to the Rebels. Jackson was only too happy to accept and struck north to the town of Newton, which he rapidly captured. Meanwhile, his co-commander General Thomas Ewell led an assault to the town of Winchester, seeking to erode the Union front as much as possible. Winchester fell during fierce fighting, and Banks' men retreated across the Potomac River. The strategic implications of this battle were immense. For a start, patching up the front required drawing men and resources from McClellan on the Virginia Peninsula, contributing in part to his failure there. Second, it chased the Union forces out of a significant part of Virginia, meaning that the threat to Richmond from the northeast was considerably reduced. Finally, the battle created a sense of real panic that Washington, DC. might fall, and as such the North would spend a significant amount of resources throughout the conflict on ensuring that that could not occur.

The conflict was now a year old, and at almost every turn the Federal armies had been thwarted. They had lost (or at the very least, failed to achieve their objectives in some cases) at Manassas, Wilson's Creek, Carnifex Ferry, Ball's Bluff, Seven Pines, and now Winchester. That list does not count the other, lesser, battles in which the Union also failed (the most odious example is an attempt to take New Orleans, which the port's garrison was able to repulse). With the Confederacy having survived a year of war intact, the initiative now passed to the South in the summer of 1862. Robert E. Lee had a few ideas...
 

Baldrick

Banned
Part 3: Lee Strikes North

In June of 1862, with McClellan's Peninsula campaign having failed, Lincoln created a new formation: the Army of Virginia. This was done at least in part to relieve the overstretched Army of the Potomac, which presently had de facto responsibility for all Union operations save the guerrilla fighting in Missouri and the border skirmishes in New Mexico. The question was, however, who ought to command this new force? Lincoln looked around and found no-one with adequate experience for the task. No other general had done nearly as much as McClellan, and the commanders on the Missouri front were viewed as too inexperienced for a major task such as this. As such, Lincoln made the risky- and, it was later proven, deeply unwise- decision to entrust McClellan with the command of both armies.* The Army of Virginia's mission was to protect the capital by drawing Rebel forces west. McClellan, however, moved with his typical inertia, thus giving Lee the time he needed to make plans for battle on his terms. His goal was to crush the Army of Virginia before the Army of the Potomac could receive reinforcement from the Virginia Peninsula garrison. With his two best corps commanders, Stonewall Jackson and James Longstreet, each commanding half of the army, Lee began his offensive on August 15. After five days of combat, McClellan gave the order to retreat to the Rappahannock River line, which he quickly reached. Lee made no concerted attempt to prise the line open, instead opting to fight a series of skirmishes for five days. On August 26, however, Jackson routed the Yankees at the Battle of Manassas Station, working his way around Union corps commander Joseph Hooker's right flank to capture an important supply depot. McClellan panicked and ordered a retreat still further, undoing many of the gains made by Union forces in the first year of hostilities. When the Northern armies wheeled around and gave Lee battle, it was on the site of the very first Confederate triumph of the war: Manassas.

Second Manassas or Second Bull Run as others know it began on August 28, 1862. Stonewall Jackson knew that McClellan was receiving reinforcement from the Virginia Peninsula and sought to draw him into battle before he became too strong. To this end, he ordered an attack on a passing column on the 28th, hoping that the ensuing skirmish would escalate into a full-fledged battle. He was not disappointed. The initial fight soon became a stalemate. McClellan, however, with his usual hesitancy, decided not to pursue the attack and let the Confederates make the first move. It was, as would soon be seen, a mistake that would cost the Union the day. Two days later, on August 30th, James Longstreet charged at McClellan's right flank with a force of 28,000 men and massive artillery support. The Union left was utterly shattered, and the forces under Generals Fitz John Porter and Franz Siegel (the latter a German immigrant) were surrounded. Second Manassas was an even greater Confederate success than the first battle on the site. Within under two weeks, the Union forces had been driven back almost to the gates of Washington, DC. itself.

The defeat at Second Manassas tilted the strategic balance of the war towards the Confederacy. With the Army of Virginia thrown back to Washington, the world was, so to speak, Lee's oyster. Although the US capital itself was very heavily fortified and to strike directly towards it would entail very many casualties, it was a theoretical possibility. Another was to move north through the Shenandoah Valley to advance into and conquer Maryland, thus bringing the war to the US population while also threatening Washington, DC. Another advantage of a campaign in Maryland was that it might spark enough discontent with US rule that the largely pro-Southern population might rebel and join the Confederacy. Lee opted for the latter and drew up a very ambitious plan for the campaign. Confederate forces would cut through the Shenandoah Valley, take Baltimore, and force the US to come to terms. To accomplish this, Lee decided to spread his force out rather thinly. More and more troops were being pulled from the Confederate garrisons of Tennessee and on the Kentucky border, taking advantage of the so-called 'Western Theatre' being limited to skirmishes in Missouri and Arkansas.

Meanwhile, McClellan was licking his wounds after Second Manassas. He had six corps at his disposal to block Lee's blow when it would fall. The core of this force was survivors from the defeat at Second Manassas, but some reinforcements from the Army of the Potomac were thrown in. Also, he decided to recombine the Army of the Potomac and Army of Virginia into one unit, simply called the Army of the Potomac. However, Lincoln made it abundantly clear to his top commander that this was his last chance. He had failed to accomplish much of anything save a series of failed ventures and had cost the United States numerous battles. Were Lee not rapidly beaten when he moved, McClellan would be out of work. And on September 3, 1862, the Army of Northern Virginia crossed into Maryland. It was time for the Union to see if it had a chance to grab ahold once more of its wayward southern regions...

The Army of Northern Virginia, when it crossed into Maryland, was roughly 75,000** strong. Of this force, much had come from the Confederate heartland in Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee, as well as along the border with neutral Kentucky. However, Lee found an unwelcome surprise waiting for him. Much of the population was unwilling to risk joining the Confederates as the poor farmers of the state had little stake in slavery and were more or less content with the status quo. McClellan, meanwhile, moved at his traditional snail's pace. He had a certain numerical superiority over Lee, roughly by a margin of 10,000. Unbeknownst to McClellan, however, Lee had undertaken a major gamble by dividing his force into four to capture the strategically significant town of Harper's Ferry. James Longstreet led one arm of the Army of Northern Virginia to Hagerstown, while Stonewall Jackson was entrusted with the capture of Harper's Ferry. Lee himself kept the remaining two columns under his control. Each Rebel column was just under 20,000 strong. And in one of those bizarre accidents of history, a Confederate messenger carrying copies of Special Order 191- Lee's instructions to his commanders detailing the campaign plans and revealing how far apart his force was spread- stopped to answer the call of nature on the road and in doing so accidentally lost the order! It was discovered by Corporal Barton Mitchel, a soldier from an Indiana regiment, who gave it to his superiors. When McClellan got his hands on the document, he must have smiled a wide smile of relief, for now, he knew that he had the weapon with which he could beat Lee.

And indeed, September 13, 1862, did belong to McClellan... only in that, it did not belong to Lee. Had a more decisive commander been in charge on that day, the fabled Army of Northern Virginia could have been crushed, or at the very least badly broken. As it was, McClellan decided to wait a fateful eighteen hours before attacking, giving Lee (who had heard about the loss of Special Order 191) critical time to withdraw. Lee decided to concentrate his force at the town of Sharpsburg, thus forcing McClellan into a battle, not on his terms. Along the way, Stonewall Jackson managed to deliver the Yankees a nasty blow at the Battle of Harper's Ferry, where a whopping 12,000 Union soldiers were captured. This had the effect of reducing the Army of the Potomac to the same numerical strength as the Army of Northern Virginia. And when it is remembered that Lee was a superior commander to McClellan and that the Federal troops were fighting on their soil, the Confederates had a good reason for optimism...

The last major battle of the Civil War/Confederate War of Independence commenced on September 17, 1862. 87,000 men fought under the Stars and Stripes, 50,000 under the Stars and Bars. McClellan, however, was convinced that anywhere between 100,000 and 120,000 Confederate troops opposed him, and made the fatal decision to commit his forces piecemeal, only feeding sixty thousand of his men into the battle. Lee, by contrast, attacked with his whole 50,000-strong force. An offensive by Union General Joseph Hooker early on in the day bogged down into a series of bayonet duels, while a mid-morning attack designed to bend back the Confederate left was also a dismal failure. By lunchtime, both sides had lost roughly 13,000 men, and two Federal corps commanders had become casualties. In the middle hours of the day, a series of Union attacks against the Rebel line faltered, due in large part to the strong earthworks in which the Rebels had entrenched, as well as Confederate artillery superiority. In the central sector of the front, known as 'Bloody Lane', there was little progress made, with the fighting disintegrating into a vicious back and forth that cost many lives. The afternoon was no different, with attritional fighting wearing both armies down, but neither side breaking through. The Northerners had lost 12,000 men, the Confederates 10,000. Lee now judged that he had enough strength to hold, and on the night of September 17-18, ordered his men to entrench. McClellan, meanwhile, judged his failure to crush Lee as a sign that the Confederates were far stronger than anticipated. Instinct told him to stand on the defensive, however, such a thing was impossible for political reasons. Every day that the Army of Northern Virginia stood on the soil of Maryland was an embarrassment for Lincoln and the whole United States, and McClellan remembered Lincoln's threat of firing him hanging over his head like the sword of Damocles. He resolved to throw absolutely everything he had at Lee on the next day, come what would.

Little sleep was had by either the Union or Confederate soldiers that night. The first day of Antietam had been exhausting for both sides and nearly every soldier shuddered at the thought of what they had been through in yesterday's gridlock. In the Union camp, there was fear and resignation. The men had just fought a vicious battle, one of the bloodiest in their nation's history, and achieved nothing. It had now been approximately eighteen months since the bombardment of Fort Sumter, and the Federal soldiers were well aware of the fact that their country had not managed to make any real progress in combatting the rebels. Especially after the horrors of yesterday, there was a real lack of confidence in McClellan. Nonetheless, as all soldiers do, they would do their duty come sunup. In the Confederate camp, the men were acutely aware of what would happen if they failed in the next day's fighting- the Yankees would crush them by weight of numbers. Added to this was the ferocity with which they entrenched. When sleep came to the Army of Northern Virginia, it came too late and was broken too early. There was much writing of letters to loved ones and praying on both sides of the line that night...

The men of the Army of Northern Virginia saw the sun ascend into the sky on the morning of September 18, 1862. When it rose, it saw the Confederate rifles and artillery pointed at it, as though it were the enemy. Filled with coffee and hardtack, and feeling somewhat secure behind the fortifications, Lee's men were ready to do their bit for the C.S.A. In the Union camp, there was tremendous nervousness as the men set out in blue, clutching their rifles. The shadows were still long and the dew on the grass had yet to shorten as the first rifle shots rang out. The fighting simply continued where it had left off yesterday: the Union attacks across Antietam Creek against the Confederates all ran into Rebel artillery superiority and in many cases, a local numerical advantage. Today, McClellan was throwing everything he had into the battle, but the entrenched nature of the Confederate defence made up for this. By lunchtime, it was painfully clear that Lee would survive. Casualty levels for the Union were roughly 7,600, for the Confederates, 5,000. Should the battle be permitted to drag on for the rest of the day, simple math dictated that the Union would lose over four thousand more men than the next day, while the Confederates would lose a further 10,000. McClellan was simply unwilling to suffer such losses, and as such at 1:12 PM gave the order to retreat eastwards. Lee, however, was unwilling to let the Federals go so easily, and gave orders to pursue the retreating Northern troops. Longstreet's men came thundering down the Boonsboro Road, crashing into the Union right. Major George Sykes' V Corps, already battered, was utterly crushed, with Skyes himself killed. Although it had been a bloody two days, costing Lee nearly a third of the Army of Northern Virginia, the Battle of Antietam was his.

For Lincoln, Antietam was the last straw. On September 20, McClellan was given a dishonourable discharge and replaced by Ambrose Burnside. Burnside, however, inherited a seriously weakened Army of the Potomac. The losses would require time to recoup, and patching the front back together after the Army of Northern Virginia had disintegrated it would require scarce resources. Lee, by contrast, had the initiative, and the promise of further reinforcement from the Western Theatre, President Davis being more than willing to trade space in Missouri and Arkansas for resources for his top commander in a critical theatre. Having now won a major battle to the north of Washington, DC. he could roam more or less free in Maryland. While a head-on assault on the US capital was out of the question for the moment, as it would require bloodletting on a scale not possible for the damaged Army of Northern Virginia, a drive on Baltimore might be possible. However, it would prove unnecessary. Outside powers were now deeply impressed by the Confederacy and its military prowess and decided to send a mission to Richmond to explore the possibility of diplomatic relations...

*In OTL (our timeline), John Pope, the commander of the short-lived Union Army of Virginia, gained major experience in the Western Theatre before being sent east. Here, since he only sees a few skirmishes, Lincoln gives the Army of Virginia to McClellan

**In ATL (alternate timeline), the Army of Northern Virginia is much bigger, as the resources of Tennessee are fully open to it, and there is no need to fight Union forces on a large scale in the Western Theatre. This allows Lee to cling on during Antietam, which persuades a desperate McClellan to launch his failed attack of September 18.

Please comment with your thoughts!
 
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Baldrick

Banned
Part 4: A Confederacy is Born

"The astounding thing about the latter twelve days of September 1862 is that Lincoln showed such little resolve to carry on the fight once Britain and France had made their positions known. That great resolve with which he had been previously credited upon numerous occasions was found to be lacking. And that was truly something which we in Richmond were taken aback by. After Great Britain extended relations to my administration seven days following our licking of General McClellan on the eighteenth of September, I discussed with General Lee via our correspondence the possibility of the British and Canadians opening up a second front in the vast north of the United States, and he was in agreement that his potential drive towards Baltimore was obliged to go ahead regardless of the political situation in place. It was assumed that it would take a further year's campaigning in conjunction with Great Britain for us to receive recognition by the United States Government, and it was a pleasant surprise to find that this was not in fact the case."- Jefferson Davis, in an interview in his mansion in Vicksburg, June 6, 1888, a year and a half before his death.

When the Army of Northern Virginia repelled McClellan's failed assault at Antietam on September 18, 1862, everyone assumed that that was just one more in a long string of Confederate successes since First Manassas. Lee had defeated McClellan countless times, yet somehow the Union managed to hold on. And he was not exempted from this line of thought. Lee immediately began to see what he could do as regards a drive on Baltimore, assuming- as was only logical- that the United States would fight on. Yet, behind closed doors, the situation in Washington, DC. had radically changed. The American people had lost their appetite for war. Their sons had been thrown at the Confederates since June of 1861 and had failed to halt Lee, let alone capture any meaningful piece of Confederate territory. Stopping the Confederates seemed impossible, and thus after McClellan was sacked, Lincoln lost his confidence. Meanwhile, Great Britain was watching from the sidelines and saw an opportunity to carve out a new puppet state on the North American continent, thus punishing the United States for winning the Revolutionary War and for fighting the British Empire to a de facto draw in 1812. In fact, the situation of the Confederacy post-Antietam was remarkably similar to that of the American rebels post-Yorktown. While neither could destroy the capacity to fight them (both Lincoln and the British Empire outweighed Lee and Washington, respectively), they had been handed such a defeat that the desire to fight was lost. Thus, on September 22, British foreign minister Lord John Russel made a covert ploy to recognise the Confederacy. He expressed his abject horror at the losses caused (the two days of Antietam alone cost both sides 34,000 men) and requested that both Lincoln and Davis accept his proposal for a truce. At the same time, he pressured Prime Minister Lord Palmerston to move troops to Canada, and several brigades were sent to the Canada-New England border. Palmerston also offered to host a tripartite peace conference in London, and Davis was only too happy to agree. Lincoln sensed that if the United States did not participate, the Rebels would walk away from the conference with British diplomatic recognition, but also saw the horrid truth that if a United States delegation was sent, it would confer a certain legitimacy upon Richmond. Nonetheless, what choice was there but to go?

On October 18, one month after Lee's victory at Antietam, the London Conference opened. The British 'mediators' (if that word, conjuring up notions of fairness and impartiality, can, in fact, be utilised here) were Lord John Russel, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Lyons, British minister to the USA, and Benjamin Disraeli, who many suspected was Palmerston's pick for minister to the Confederacy. The United States sent Secretary of State William H. Seward and Secretary of War Edwin McMasters Stanton, while the Confederate team consisted of Judah P. Benjamin, their own Secretary of State, and G.W. Randolph, the Confederate secretary of war. Kentucky Governor James Fisher Robinson, who had come into power the month before and followed the state's policy of vigilant, armed neutrality, was also present. The meetings were held at No. 10 Downing Street and dragged on from October 18 to November 2. It became painfully clear to the American team (and delightfully clear to the Southern one), that the British were essentially treating the Rebels as an independent country. Both sides kept their respective presidents informed of every development, and both Lincoln and Davis sent their delegations instructions via telegraph. Eventually, after two weeks of painstaking negotiations, the Treaty of London was signed, containing the following provisions:

  • One: All hostilities between the United States and the Confederate States shall cease immediately upon the signing of this document
  • Two: The boundaries of the Confederate States of America shall be designated forthwith: the states of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, Oklahoma Territory, and Arizona Territory.
  • Three: The United State of Missouri is to be partitioned along the thirty-eighth parallel, with the northern half remaining as the United State of Missouri. Its capital is to be in Columbia. The southern half is to be incorporated into the Confederate States of America as the twelfth state, under the name of Davis. The capital of Davis is to be Springfield.
  • Four: Her Majesty Queen Victoria's Government agrees to henceforth open diplomatic relations with the Government of the Confederate States of America with all deliberate speed, and to recognise the above as a sovereign nation amongst nations. The above agrees to open diplomatic relations with Her Majesty's Government with all deliberate speed.
  • Five: The United States shall hereby and forthwith renounce, now and forever, any and all claim to the territory of the Confederate States of America
  • Six: The United States does hereby agree to terminate forthwith the naval blockade of those stretches of coastline belonging to the Confederate States of America.
  • Seven: The United States shall withdraw all forces from the territory claimed by the Confederate States of America within fifteen days of the signing of this document
  • Eight: Not more than fourteen days from the signing of this document, a plebiscite shall be had in Kentucky, to determine the future of the territory. The inhabitants may seek admission to the United States of America, to the Confederate States of America, or to enter the community of nations as a sovereign state. In the event that the third option prevails, the Governments of the United States, Confederate States, and Great Britain do hereby agree to welcome the above into the family of nations and to establish diplomatic ties.
At 2:20 PM on November 2, 1862, the Treaty of London was signed. The Confederate States of America was now a nation, and the Civil War/War of Southern Independence was over. Over the next two weeks, as the eyes of both states watched Kentucky, armies trudged north and south- one trudging dismally, staring at the mud, tears in the corners of the eyes of more than a few officers, one marching joyously, belting 'Dixie' at the top of their lungs, tears in the corners of the eyes of more than a few officers. Farmers in northwestern Virginia returned to their plots carefully, cognisant of the Stars and Bars now flying over them, while the people of Washington, DC. looked south and west fearfully at the grey-clad men waiting to conquer their town should the call ever come. Benjamin Disraeli arrived in Richmond on November 15 to open the British embassy and was greeted with thunderous applause. The next day, November 16, the citizens of Kentucky went to the polls, with the soldiers of the Army of Kentucky (the term for the self-defence force accumulated by the state during the war) watching over them- both US and CS were told in no uncertain terms to keep out. When they stepped out, Kentucky had gone from wayward Union state to the Republic of Kentucky, capital Frankfort, with James Fisher Robinson as the first president. The Kentuckian constitution was a carbon copy of the Confederate one, except the preamble was different and presidents served unlimited four-year terms in the Yankee fashion. The Kentuckian dollar became the official national currency, although, since the US, CS, and Kentucky all coined to the same standard, money from both the northern and southern colossi was accepted by most shopkeepers, albeit not by the federal government. Even that had its limits, however, as the Kentuckian dollar, US dollar, and CS dollar were all exchanged at the rate of 1:1:1.

Following the Confederate victory, Abraham Lincoln was thrown into a deep depression. In the 1862 midterms, the Democrats swamped the Republicans. There was talk of McClellan running on the Democratic ticket in 1864, and even of the radical notion that the Republicans would jettison Lincoln in the 1864 election, a shocking concept. Lincoln also had to deal with gloating from Richmond, from London, and from Paris (which recognised the Confederacy on November 11), as well as the loss of his young son Willy. Willy had died in February, leaving Lincoln in grief and his marriage in tatters. As such, on November 20, 1862, Vice President Hannibal Hamlin woke up to find his predecessor dead by suicide and himself as president. At twelve noon on that day, President Hamlin was inaugurated as the seventeenth President of the United States. Unfortunately, the sorry fate of Lincoln was but a microcosm of that of the United States. However, mass suicide was not going to prove an option for the population of the reduced Union. There were calls in Maryland, Delaware, and Missouri to join their more prosperous southern neighbour, although President Hamlin vigourously nipped these movements in the bud. The US economy, cut off from its major cash crops and much of its revenue, dipped through all of the remainder of 1862. Come 1863, the American economy was perhaps 45% of its 1861 size. Nonetheless, faith in the system in the "Half a Giant" remained very strong in the US. The American people had fought hard for eighteen months for their Union, and they would not abandon it now. Although the people were all too willing to leave "Honest Abe" (a nickname that would soon become the bread and butter of satirists in years to come) lying in the Presidential Cemetary and were hardly willing to give President Hamlin the benefit of the doubt. Nonetheless, George B. McClellan made his ignominious return to the public sphere with a declaration that he would run for the presidency in 1864. But for the average American, 1864 seemed impossibly far off...

On the other side of the newfound border, the Confederate States of America was basking in the sun, in the radiant glow of triumph. September 18 was commemorated as Victory Day, and November 2 entered the lexicon as Victory Day. On New Years Day 1863, President Davis laid out in a speech in Richmond a path ahead for the new Confederacy, involving the strengthening of ties with Great Britain, expansion to become the dominant regional power, and above all, the strengthening and deepening of slavery. The CSA's "peculiar institution", as it was known, was deepened and strengthened throughout the first year of Confederate independence. This won them little love from Britain and France, but neither European power could even contemplate dropping its patronage of the young racist state- they had already made a foe out of the Union, and angering the Confederacy would make that for nothing. The one area in which President Davis did restrict slavery was in his commitment to ban the African slave trade. African-Americans would continue to be held as property in the Confederacy for decades to come, but no new Africans would be shipped into the country. There was, at all levels, a great deal of optimism and hope amongst the Confederate people, a confidence that the future would be theirs.

In Kentucky, there was a certain relief at having escaped the carnage of war. Although individual Kentuckians had fought for both sides, and "brother had slain brother", the population had been spared the horrors of the Confederate War of Independence on the whole, and for that they were grateful. Under the rule of President Robinson, the Republic of Kentucky maintained strong economic ties to both Washington and Richmond. Its landowning aristocracy maintained slavery, trading human beings with the CSA, while in northern towns such as Louisville, great effort was made to attract Yankee investment. All in all, the people of Kentucky were glad of their independence, as it meant that the twin pillars of their economy- slavery and industry- could continue to operate side by side, and trade was only increased. Throughout the next several decades, the people of Kentucky would often count their blessings for their independent neutrality, as it enabled them to become one of the few safe lands escaping the various conflagrations to sweep across North America...

Please comment with your thoughts!
 
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Good TL; if the Republic of Kentucky is still around in the 20th century, I expect TTL's version of Colonel Harlan Sanders (the head and founder of KFC, and president of the US in the excellent Kentucky Fried Politics TL; have you read that TL, BTW?) to become president...

I admit, I've never seen an independent Kentucky TL...
 
enjoying this. in part 3 of the treaty you have northern MO both going to the north and the south
 
Was western Virginia forced to remain with the rest of Virginia or was it allowed to stay with the Union?
 

Baldrick

Banned
Part 5: The First Five Years

Years after the fact, American political scientists would point to the 1864 election as the great turning point in American politics. George B. McClellan ran as the Democratic candidate, while Hannibal Hamlin decided not to seek re-election. The Republican Party nominated former Radical Republican John C Fremont as the presidential nominee. The main plank of the election was, of course, the new, hostile Southern Confederacy. What was to be done about it? Both sides effectively set the parameters of their party platforms for decades to come with the proposals put forth. McClellan had, during the war, been pro-peace, and as such his main slogan was "Move On!" McClellan and the rest of the Democratic Party effectively stated that, well, the Confederate States of America was an independent nation now, and it was time for the United States to accept that fact. One of McClellan's campaign promises was to open an embassy in Richmond and to invite President Davis to open one in Washington- at present, the USA and CSA did not have actual diplomatic relations. By contrast, Fremont based his campaign around the basic (although unofficial) slogan "To Hell with Richmond!" Were he elected, he promised, all possible pressure would be placed on the Confederacy. Fremont pledged to keep the US military at a high level of concentration along the Confederate border and to dissuade other nations from recognising the Confederates. Unlike McClellan, who made no comment on the issue, Fremont also pledged to abolish slavery at the federal level and to force all states to comply. In terms of economic policy, both sides generally agreed on the need for increased industrialisation, but whereas Fremont aggressively pushed the notion, McClellan was much more lukewarm. Contemporary political analysts generally called the election for McClellan, predicting that the loss of the war still tarred the Republican Party, and by extension Fremont. And on November 8, 1864, the people of the United States went to the polls...

On November 9, 1864, the majority of Yankee political analysts ate crow while John C. Fremont ate caviar. With Fremont elected as the 18th President of the United States, many Republicans were confident that they would survive the loss of the war and that the memory of Lincoln would soon fade away. The main reason for Fremont's victory was that, as McClellan himself said, the Confederate States was an independent nation now. And with the loss of the South, the Democratic Party's main voting base was now in a foreign country. McClellan managed to take Maryland, Delaware, Kansas, Missouri, and New Jersey. All the rest fell to Fremont, including the eleven-day-old state of Nevada. In the Senate, the Democrats held their ground better, and the Republicans earned a majority of just five congressmen. McClellan retired following the defeat, published his memoirs, and died in 1885.

President Fremont lived up to his campaign promises. The US Army was reorganised into several new departments, the Upper Potomac Department (responsible for everything between Pittsburgh and the sea), the Ohio Department (everything from St. Louis to Pittsburgh, including the Kentucky border), the New England Department (everything east of Pittsburgh), and the Western Department (everything else). The first two departments were the strongest. Major General Irvin McDowell was placed in command of the Upper Potomac Department, and Major General Ambrose Burnside was assigned the Ohio Department. President Fremont was confident that the new military dispositions would ensure the success of any Union defence against a future Confederate invasion, while also providing an excellent backbone for US troops marching south. In the vein of planning for a future war with the CSA, President Fremont took the unpopular, but in his view necessary, step of moving the capital from Washington, DC. to Philadelphia, as the former was seen as too exposed to the Confederates. This process would not be complete until January of 1866, however, meaning that Fremont continued to reside in the White House until then. In addition, in the 1865 session of Congress (held in Washington, DC.), the Abolition Act was passed, abolishing immediately the institution of slavery in the United States. The Abolition Act was followed by a great deal of debate over how far to extend civil rights to the nation's now-free African-American population. Many Democrats advocated segregation laws and suppressing the African-American vote. However, the majority of Republicans took the opposite cause. They (and President Fremont was very much amongst them) argued that if the interests of African-Americans and policies that aided them (such as equal voting nationwide and full civil rights), were promoted in the United States, then Confederate blacks would look at their northern neighbour as a liberator. In this vein, the Fugitive Slave Act was repealed. The Civil Rights Act was also passed, granting all African-Americans the vote and banning segregation. As such, the pre-war Underground Railroad managed to survive the separation of the Union, as African-Americans saw the USA as a liberator. Escaped slaves from the Confederacy (not, however, Kentucky) were encouraged to write memoirs or to have them ghostwritten. Long Flight North, the memoirs of Leroy Edmonds, an Alabama slave who fled to Cleveland, Ohio in February 1865, was published fifteen months after he attained his freedom, and rapidly achieved bestseller status in the North. The young writer who accepted the post to ghostwrite the book, Samuel Clemens, found that his appetite for writing was only whetted by the job. The book was, to Clemens' pride and amusement, rapidly banned in both the Confederacy and Kentucky. Another major African-American figure rose to increased popularity: Frederick Douglass. Frederick Douglass was an avid supporter of President Fremont and his policies, exhorting the few African-Americans left in the United States (the US black population in 1864 was but 1/10 of what it had been in 1860) to vote Republican. Douglass made speeches promoting equal rights and criticising Democrats for their pro-CSA attitudes. In 1865, using a small grant from the federal government but mainly with private money, he created the Freedman's Bank and Trust, the country's largest African-American-owned bank. Douglass also supported philanthropic causes, giving generously to charities for blacks, participating in investment in African-American neighbourhoods and towns, and donating to the Republican Party.

In terms of foreign policy, the Fremont administration adopted the attitude that Britain and France were the new mortal enemies of the United States. That meant, of course, that new allies had to be found. And operating on the principle that 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend', Fremont found an unlikely potential ally: the Russian Empire. Russia and Britain were presently locked in the 'Great Game', massive competition for territory and influence in Central Asia. The British saw Russia as a threat to their colonies in India and sought to protect these valuable holdings by expanding north and west to create a buffer of land in what is today Pakistan and Afghanistan OTL. These fears were well-founded, as Russia, under the rule of Tsar Alexander II, was pushing into what would become Kazakhstan and Turkestan. Many Republicans sought to exploit the friction between Russia and the United States for their own gain. As such, when Russia offered its colony of Alaska to the US in 1867 for the sum of 7.2 million, Fremont was only too happy to accept. This, as it turned out, was a very bad idea economically (which shall be covered below), but in terms of foreign policy, it was a notable gain. St. Petersburg and Philadelphia had had a positive interaction, and both sides were left desiring more. US Ambassador to Russia, Cassius M. Clay (who, incidentally, was a native of Kentucky, and held dual US-Kentuckian citizenship), increased diplomatic contact with the Tsar's regime throughout the 1860s.

The purchase of Alaska may have been a significant development in terms of foreign policy, but it was a disaster economically. President Fremont radically overestimated the strength of the US economy post-war. In fact, now that it was bereft of its southern third (which included most of its cash crops), and with the burdens of increased military spending and moving the capital to Philadelphia, the Union economy had been teetering on the brink for years. Throwing an additional 7.2 million dollars of expenditure was more than it could take. President Fremont decided to devalue the currency to raise revenue, as taxes were now far less of an economic source of revenue given that much of the prewar tax base resided in a foreign state. The inflation, however, did far more harm than good. A month after the devaluation was announced, on September 1, 1867, the New York Stong Exchange crashed, as investors were deterred by the shrinking value of the US dollar. The conflagration spread to the rest of the United States within a few days and the so-called Alaska Crash began. The economy of the United States continued to contract throughout all of 1867, and inflation continued through the same period. Philadelphia's two southern neighbours, the Confederate States and Kentucky, were also adversely affected, as the United States, Confederate, and Kentuckian dollar had all been valued the same before this. Now, a wealth of worthless Yankee money was sweeping through the borders. Choosing between a rock and a hard place, Presidents Davis and the new Kentuckian president (see below) jointly slapped heavy tariffs on US imports in an attempt to keep their own currencies sound. The plan, however, failed. Kentucky (and to a lesser extent the CSA) was dependent upon Northern industrial trade, and tariffs (which had to be continuously raised, so as to keep up with the depreciation in Yankee currency) were only serving to keep US imports out, which in turn hurt the American economy still further. The crisis gradually ended by 1870, when the new US president revalued the currency and the new Confederate and Kentuckian presidents did the same.

Political analysts expected that Fremont would have to pay for his creating the Alaska Crash at the ballot box in 1868, and they were absolutely correct. Running as an independent, but using many of the policy ideas of the fast-fading Democrats, Samuel J. Tilden became the nineteenth POTUS on March 4, 1869, walloping the president as he ran for re-election. His was the first inauguration to be held in Philadelphia. President Tilden promised to shrink the military budget, revalue the currency, and open diplomatic relations with the CSA. In the first hundred days of Tilden's administration, the Upper Potomac and Ohio departments were all shrunk, and the currency was brought back to its 1867 value. Although it took a year to do so, the Alaska Crash faded into an unpleasant memory, and the Confederate and Kentuckian governments soon restored their currencies and economies. In his quest to overturn the Fremont administration's policies, President Tilden went too far on one key issue: civil rights. Since Congress was still Republican, and since Tilden did not belong to the Democratic Party (which was shrinking fast, with people recognising a sinking ship when they saw one), he could take little direct action, but he did call for the repeal of the Civil Rights Act. This earned him condemnation from Frederick Douglass and drove the United States' black population solidly into the arms of the Republicans, but it did mean that he could count on support in Maryland, Delaware, and Missouri. Tilden also moved to open diplomatic relations with Richmond, sending Grover Cleveland as the first US ambassador to the Confederate States on May 10, 1869. Pendelton Murrah, who had been the governor of Texas during the war, went north to Philadelphia to act as the first Confederate Ambassador to the United States.

The first years of the Confederate States of America were ones where the halo of victory began to fade, to be replaced by a not altogether palatable reality. President Davis often met with acrimony and resistance from state governors as he attempted to enforce legislation. That was one of the major problems faced by the CSA: the central government in Richmond had very little power. This meant that certain states, such as Louisiana (with the port of New Orleans), Virginia (with large urbanisation and most of the Confederacy's industry), and the Carolinas (with most of the Confederacy's cash-crops), became markedly richer than landlocked states like Arkansas and Tennessee, which suffered from economic regression (although trade with Kentucky helped northern Tennessee). In 1868, as per the Confederate Constitution, President Davis stepped down and was replaced by Robert E. Lee, the victor of an uncontested election. In his inauguration on February 22, 1868, President Lee pledged to continue strong ties to Britain and France, as well as do his utmost to restore the Confederate economy. Lee took steps to revalue the Confederate dollar, one of the few federal actions which virtually every state was more than happy to see. In terms of foreign policy, Lee pledged to draw the Confederate States closer to Britain and France- which was a euphemism for receiving aid from Britain and France to help us stand up to the Yankees. Three weeks after his inauguration, President Lee signed the Anglo-French Commerce Act, which essentially gave preferential treatment to British and French merchants. In this, he was supported heavily by coastal states such as Louisiana, who were heavily dependent on trade. President Lee also commissioned a number of new warships for the Confederate Navy from shipyards in Liverpool. As such, during this period the Confederate Navy grew from a mere coastal-defence force to a proper navy, although it was not a blue-water fleet, designed mainly to patrol the Caribbean. Naval expansion during this period was also hampered by the fact that, unlike the Yankees, the CSA lacked a Pacific coastline.

Industrialisation also crept slowly into the Confederacy. Virginia became the main centre of industry, owing to its being the furthest north in the Confederacy (and thus not so torturous to work in during the summer months). Lee, although taking a generally hard line in many respects towards the North, was not above purchasing raw materials from the United States to help get Confederate industry on its feet. By 1874, when his term expired, the Confederate States had achieved limited self-sufficiency in industrial matters. One major factor which hampered the growth of Confederate industry, however, was the extreme emphasis on state's rights, which made it hard for Lee and Richmond to control development. The net result was that while Virginia grew richer from industry, the other states were left mostly in the dust. Yankee tariffs on Confederate cotton also made trading for industrial goods and equipment with the USA harder than it would've been otherwise.

President Lee also placed a great deal of emphasis on the military. He viewed the United States as an existential threat to the CSA and was determined that the country would be able to defend itself. A series of fortifications in Virginia and Davis were constructed to impede any Northern moves south. However, in what was unmistakably the greatest blunder of his career, President Lee signed an executive order in 1871 introducing conscription by lottery for a period of three years. All Confederate males aged 18-25 would be eligible for service. The state governors reacted viciously to this, with many refusing outright to provide a single conscript for Richmond. In the end, President Lee was forced to repeal the executive order, which ended up coming to nothing. This was just one example of how the over-emphasis on state's rights harmed the Confederacy, as potentially useful and even sometimes downright necessary measures were killed.

Finally, in Kentucky, the new nation was forced to maintain a delicate balancing act. The small nation's economy was divided between the pro-North regions along the Ohio River, which were attempting to industrialise and supported river trade and industry as the main plank of the economy, and the south, which was a slave-owning, cash-crop-based region no different than the Confederate States. The people of the north might well have liked to join the Union and resented being a part of the CSA, while the reverse was true in the south. Independence, then, was a compromise. Nonetheless, as demonstrated by the Alaska Crash, Kentucky's economy was highly vulnerable to the health of its larger neighbours. In 1863, President James F. Robinson won a second term to the presidency with particular strength in the south. (Kentuckian counties acted in much the same way that states did in US and CS.) During Robinson's second term, the politics of Kentucky began to take shape: the Kentucky Democrats supporting slavery, closer ties to Richmond, and a weaker central government, while the National Whigs supported industry, more power to the central government, and concentrating on relations with the USA.

The late 1860s would be remembered, overall, as a peaceful decade by those who lived through them. Yes, the Alaska Crash brought hard times, but they were overcome, and come 1870 the storm was over. The next few years, however, would bring tumultuousness to the people of the half a giant- and its two newfound neighbours- once more...

Thoughts?
 

Baldrick

Banned
Part 6: The Twins Expand: 1870-1904

For the Confederate States of America, the 1870s were a decade of expansion, of growth and strength. No longer were they an infant nation, created from the fires of war with the North and celebrating taking their first steps as a country. Now, they were a state- a young state, yes, but a state to be sure. And that meant that they would have to take independent steps and forge their own path with more independence from their Anglo-French patrons. And for the most part, Richmond succeeded in doing so. A prime example would be the diversification of the economy. The War of Southern Independence/Civil War had been fought to protect the institution of slavery in the Confederacy, and slavery had previously meant one thing: cotton. However, the cotton-based economy which had driven the American South all the way back to the British colonial era was now weakening. Great Britain controlled India and Egypt, both sources of cotton. And since the British economy was much larger and more diverse than the Confederate economy, they could sell their cotton for less than the South. This meant that foreign countries were more willing to buy British cotton than Confederate. This, in turn, meant that the Confederates had to move into industrialisation to support their economy. The most industrialised region of the Confederacy was Virginia: the proximity of Union industry and coal made it a natural site. A few factories also sprung up in the state of Davis, which contained a small amount of industry leftover by the Yankees from when they ruled the area. Some Confederate entrepreneurs also used Confederate money to open up factories in Kentucky, although they faced stiff competition from home-grown and Northern firms and were carefully regulated. Unlike their northern counterparts, however, the factories of the CSA were manned by slaves, and industry became in large part the province of wealthy families. This meant that the average Confederate white was trapped in poverty, as neither industry nor agriculture seemed to offer a path to betterment. Some impoverished whites found an outlet for their frustrations in a new political party, the Labour Party. Labour was inaugurated on March 1, 1870, in Nashville. The first Party leader was Isham G. Harris, one of the men who had helped to take Tennessee out of the Union and into the Confederacy. The Party's main planks were the support of small farmers, more power to the central government, and shrinking of the slave trade by raising taxes on slaves. The latter point would hopefully create more jobs for whites, while also raising revenue. The Labour Party gained significant ground in the 1871 Confederate midterms, with Tennessee and Arkansas sending Labour senators off to Richmond.

However, the powerful forces of conservatism in the Confederate States rallied around another war hero, in the form of Stonewall Jackson. He had come through the war unscathed and was determined to join his erstwhile commander General Lee in the driver's seat of the Southern Confederacy. Jackson's campaign in the 1874 election was the first in the Confederacy where two political parties ran against each other. Jackson created a new political party, the Democratic Party, to represent the interests of conservatives and landowners in the Confederate States. The Democratic Party stood for the expansion of slavery, the cotton industry, a large military, and expansion through the Caribbean. In addition, the Democrats supported closer ties to Britain and France and a distancing of the relationship with the US, while Labour wanted closer ties with Philadelphia. Thus, the citizens of the Confederate States went to the polls. When they came out, it was to find that the Democratic Party had won by a wide margin. In the Confederate Electoral College, Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, Davis and Tennessee had voted Labour, while Texas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, both Carolinas and Virginia had gone Democrat. President Jackson was inaugurated on February 22, 1874. This set a precedent for the political landscape of the Confederate States: the eastern coast, dominated by wealthy landowners and more powerful in the electoral college, voted Democratic, while states further west where poverty rates were higher and the aristocracy had less influence tended to vote Labour. (Incidentally, Democratic-leaning states were far more likely to institute Prohibition laws than Labour ones). Part of the Labour vote would be split once the Hispanophone states were admitted to the Confederacy, as the Partido Hispano de los Estados Confederados was formed specifically to appeal to Latinx voters, but for now Florida was solidly Labour.

True to Party policy and his own military credentials, President Jackson cast his eyes about for a military target for expansion. He knew that another war with the USA would be suicide- Britain and France would not be likely to back Richmond were it to shoot first, and the USA outweighed the CSA considerably. Mexico was a tempting target, to be sure. It was still recovering from a long civil war which had seen Emperor Maximilian's regime ejected and a French army sent to intervene defeated. Mexico also boasted the advantage of a sizeable Pacific coastline. However, Jackson spied an even softer target: Haiti. Haiti was the perfect target for Confederate expansion, as it had been created by a slave revolt. Crushing the country would send an unmistakable signal to the country's blacks that their cause was hopeless. In addition, Haiti's sugarcane would help to diversify the Confederate economy- plus, the population could be enslaved and incorporated into the Confederate slave market. Thus, a bare three weeks after his inauguration, President Jackson summoned General-in-Chief James Longstreet to go over plans for the invasion. On May 10, 1874, the Army of the Caribbean was officially created, and a call was sent out for volunteers. Jackson remembered the fiasco of Lee's conscription bill, and as such left it up to the states to raise a total of 35,000 volunteers. The majority of them came from coastal Texas and Louisiana, as the largely Hispanic population of Florida had little interest in this white man's adventure. (An interesting side note: a regiment was recruited in the Republic of Kentucky.) Thus, on June 12, 1874, the Confederate invasion of Haiti began.

The small island nation proved woefully unable to defend itself. It had no standing army of any kind, and its able-bodied-male population was too small for an adequate force to be raised on such short notice. The initial Confederate landings were in the north, between Cap-Haitien and Port-de-Paix. During these landings, the Confederate Navy provided coastal fire support, demonstrating how far that particular branch of the Southern military had come in 12 years. Over the next month, Confederate forces slowly hacked their way south to the capital, Port-au-Prince. Although the Haitian military was too token to stop them, the abysmal quality of the roads and the muggy climate (summer not being an ideal time for military operations in a central Caribbean island) slowed the Confederate advance considerably. "It was hell", recalled Jacob Perrin, a young Confederate sergeant. "Trudging through the damn awful roads like that, it was plumb bakin' under that grey uniform too. Most every day, it was rainin' hard with thunder and lightning, so we was all soaked. Our hardtack turned into mush, it did. Plenty of our horses, well, the bastards just died of exhaustion, pullin' guns through the muck like that. The illness was a real problem, too. Malaria, cholera, typhoid, you name it. Fact, I'd say more o' our men died from all that then the enemy shootin' at 'em! A real nasty business, for sure." In spite of the horrid conditions faced by Confederate troops, Port-au-Prince fell on August 1, and mopping-up operations lasted until the start of 1875. Haiti was gone, wiped off the map. Haiti Military District was proclaimed on New Years Day 1875. Almost immediately, wealthy whites came flooding in to get their hands on sugarcane and slaves. Haiti Territory would come in 1890, once the free population reached the appropriate level, and statehood would come in 1910.

In Philadelphia, the government had been presented with a fait accompli. President Tilden, who had narrowly won a second term in 1872, shot himself in the foot by doing next to nothing. He did order Grover Cleveland (US ambassador to Richmond) to formally protest at this violation of Haitian sovereignty, but he also staunchly ignored the calls of Republicans to take decisive action, for example, to go to war with the CSA. Tilden's do-nothing approach, simply sitting back and letting the hated Confederacy expand, would cost him dearly. Already unpopular with many, in the 1875 midterms, his enemies managed to gain majorities in both houses of Congress.

The victorious conquest of Haiti meant that President Jackson's popularity and that of the Democrats skyrocketed. In the 1877 midterms, voters rewarded the administration by ejecting Labour candidates from Florida. The appetite of the Confederate public for expansion had only been whetted, however, and a new cause was to be found for conquest even prior to that election. In 1876, a French company called La Societe Internationale du Canal Interoceanique, led by a man named Ferdinand du Lesseps, began to explore the idea of a canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. President Jackson was all too happy to aid du Lesseps in this, as from the Confederate perspective control of such a canal would provide a connection to the Pacific Ocean, while also being extremely lucrative. Thus, in May 1876, a convention of French and Confederate engineers and politicians gathered in Richmond to discuss the idea. With French and Confederate resources adequately pooled (including a hefty supply of Confederate slave labour), construction was set to begin in 1877. Meanwhile, the Confederate Navy steamed down to the Columbian province of Panama, site of the location for the canal. Panama was none too happy about being under Columbian rule, and it was the work of a moment for the Confederates to run guns to a few disaffected citizens and set up a naval blockade. Thus, the new nation of Panama came into being. Panama's whole raison d'etre, of course, was this new canal. And since it was completely tied to Richmond economically, it had little choice but to welcome in the Franco-Confederate construction company. Digging on the project began on the first day of 1877, with the French providing 40,000 labourers. 15,000 Confederate whites travelled down to Panama (thus taking much of the wind out of the Labour Party's sail of poor white unemployment, incidentally), and another 30,000 slaves were brought along. The going was slow, however. The French engineers were determined to construct a ground-level canal as opposed to one with locks, and it took four years for them to realise that the former plan was unviable. Many of the whites, including a significant portion of the French engineers, fell ill and returned home. Illness and accidents claimed an average of 3,150 lives per year, although the majority of these were Confederate slaves. As the French grew disillusioned, it fell increasingly to the Confederates to fund and construct the canal, and the Confederate government found itself stepping in to subsidise the various private-sector companies working on the project. More and more slaves were also sucked south to toil away. Finally, after great expense, the canal was finished and on June 22, 1892, the CSS Houston became the first ship in the world to cross through the Panama Canal. In 1880, the Confederate Congress formally annexed the Canal Zone. However, while the canal was being built, the Confederate States were expanding elsewhere...

President Jackson was determined that by the time he left office in 1880, the Confederate States of America would have a Pacific coastline somewhere. He had hoped that it might be in Panama, but the glacial progress of that project clearly showed that whatever else might happen, it would not be finished by the end of his six-year term. Thus, he turned westwards to Mexico. Jackson had no intention of actually warring with Mexico, not when the Confederacy was bogged down in constructing the Panama Canal. However, he did intend to purchase territory from them to give the Confederate States a Pacific coastline. Mexico was bogged down by international debt, owing money to Philadelphia, to Richmond, to London, to Paris, to Berlin, even to St. Petersburg. There was widespread fear in Mexico City that the British or French might do as they had done with other small Western Hemisphere nations and launch an invasion to force the government to cough up. Thus, President Jackson proposed a deal on behalf of British Prime Minister Disraeli and French Prime Minister Jules Dufaure: all three nations would forgive all Mexican debt in exchange for Mexico ceding the provinces of Sonora, Chihuahua, Baja California, and Baja California Sur. Although the Mexican government- to say nothing of the inhabitants of those provinces- was displeased at being forced to surrender approximately a third of their country to the Confederates, they also recognised that they had very little choice in the matter, and that having a huge chunk of their debt forgiven was worth the steep price. Jackson was happy as well, as it meant that he had in fact not spent a penny to acquire the provinces. Sonora, Chihuahua, and Baja Territories (the latter two provinces being combined into one territory) were formally established on April 15, 1879. Sonora would be admitted to the Confederacy in 1899, and Chihuahua and Baja would follow suit in 1901.

In Philadelphia, the purchase of the Mexican provinces was greeted with a mixture of outrage and indifference. Republicans, led by President James Garfield (who had swamped Tilden in 1876), pushed for war. However, others advocated caution. There was in fact a split in Republican ranks: whereas Garfield's faction wanted to go to war with the Confederacy to prevent expansion, more moderate voices pointed out that that would surely result in a Union defeat. In addition to the Confederacy, there was also the threat of British Canada to the north, which would surely force the Americans to fight on two fronts. The leader of the anti-war faction in the Republican Party was James G. Blaine.* In the end, Garfield backed down.

The debate on whether or not to go to war with the Confederacy over the Mexican territories influenced the 1880 elections considerably, as the primaries were ongoing during the crisis. This election proved a turning point in American political history, as a new party sprung up to fill the void created by the now-mostly-extinct Democrats. The Progressive Party championed economic justice for the workers, the breaking up of large corporations, a rise in wages to give labourers more purchasing power, and social reform. In terms of that all-important question of foreign policy, the party took its cues from Democrats and advocated for tolerance of the Confederate States, including recognition of the country's expansion. The first candidate put forward by the Progressives was William A. Wheeler**, who ran against Garfield as he sought a second term. It was a close election, but to the surprise of many, Wheeler and the Progressives came out ahead. Later on, political scientists would attribute this to the fact that many people born in the latter half of the 1850s were voting now, who had little memory of the Civil War.

President Wheeler, however, continued to develop close ties with Russia, initiating cultural exchange programmes and military co-operation. The famous "White Water Exercises" were conducted in July of 1882 off of the coast of Alaska, with both American and Russian warships taking part. American military attaches were sent to St. Petersburg to help the Tsar modernise his army, although they met with only limited success. Nonetheless, come the end of Wheeler's term, the US-Russian relationship was one of the strongest in the world. Domestically, Wheeler took measures to limit the power of massive corporations, such as John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil. Although the Republican (a word virtually synonymous with pro-business by this point) Congress refused to introduce legislation to support him, Wheeler was able to influence the corporations in certain ways. The most extreme example of this was the Watford City Strike on November 12, 1883. Standard Oil workers in the North Dakota oil town went on strike for better wages and living conditions, and the company sent in thugs armed with clubs and a few pistols to break up the crowd. After a week of impasse, President Wheeler ordered federal troops in to back the strikers, and the bosses were forced to negotiate with the Watford City strikers. It came as no surprise when Wheeler defeated James G. Blaine in the 1884 election to win a second term. For two more years after his inauguration on March 4, 1885, President Wheeler continued his liberal policies. However, it all came to a rather abrupt conclusion. On June 4, 1887, he suddenly died. Grover Cleveland, Wheeler's Vice President and the former ambassador to the Confederate States, was inaugurated the next day. President Cleveland lacked his predecessor's confidence and was also less ideologically committed than his predecessor. The 1888 election consisted of virulently anti-Confederate Francis Kernan going off against Cleveland. During the election, Cleveland alienated voters by proving himself to be very pro-business, and Francis Kernan became the twenty-third POTUS on May 4, 1889. During his tenure in office, the United States beefed up its military and strengthened ties to Russia still further, while also deliberately distancing itself from Richmond. However, regrettably, the Kernan Administration was cut short on September 7, 1892, when Kernan died in office. His vice-president took the oath of office the next day, continuing his conservative policies and running for re-election in place of Kernan, on virtually all of the late President's policies. In the 1892 election, Republicans defeated the Progressive candidate William Jennings Bryan and remained in power for four more years. In 1896, however, the Progressives returned to power, with William Jennings Bryan as the twenty-fifth President of the United States. Bryan would closely model his policies off of those of the Wheeler Administration, combatting the power of the trusts and establishing firmer labour laws. However, he was seen as too weak-kneed on foreign policy, especially in the aftermath of the Confederate-Spanish War. As such, the Republicans were swept to power and on March 4, 1901, William McKinley was inaugurated as POTUS, and famed admiral Winfield Schley became his vice-president. Theodore Roosevelt had been offered McKinley's vice-presidential slot, but his politics were far more progressive and as such he opted to run as Bryan's vice-presidential pick. However, tragedy was to strike this administration: on September 14, 1901, McKinley was assassinated by a mentally ill anarchist, and the far more belligerent Winfield Schley became POTUS number 25.

While politics in the north were shifting from left to right and back again, the Confederate States were undertaking their most ambitious adventure yet: the Confederate-Spanish War. The catalyst came on February 15, 1898, when the battleship CSS Davis exploded in the Cuban port of Havana, Cuba being one of Spain's few remaining overseas colonies.*** Confederate President James H. Tyler- who was of course a Democrat- was furious at the attack, which had cost some 260 Confederate lives, but also saw in it an opportunity. This was at least a plausible justification for war with Spain, which would mean that Cuba and the other Caribbean colonies could be picked up. On April 25, the Confederate Congress voted near-unanimously to declare war on Spain, the only dissenting vote came from Chihuahuan Labour senator Miguel Ahumada. President Tyler re-activated the Army of the Caribbean from the Haitian war and entrusted it to the command of the Confederate States' general-in-chief, Custis Lee (son of Robert E. Lee). Lee, who had approximately 70,000 Confederate troops under his command, managed to conquer the island colony in approximately ten weeks, Spanish colonial forces being of poor quality. As for the native Cuban population, they largely saw the war as a case of "out of the frying pan, into the fire". Yes, they despised Spanish colonial rule and yearned for Madrid's yoke to be removed, but the image of white soldiers unloading slaves who looked a great deal like them onto their territory rather spoiled any chance the Confederates might've had to be seen as liberators. In many ways, the campaign was a repeat of the Haitian war: namely, advancing Confederates were hampered more by the horrid nature of the climate than enemy resistance. At the critical Battle of San Juan Hill, cavalry commander JEB Stuart Jr. routed the Spaniards, ensuring a Confederate victory. In the waters of the Caribbean, too, Confederate forces were triumphant. At the Battle of Santiago de Cuba on July 3, much of the Spanish Caribbean fleet was sent to the bottom at a relatively low cost in Confederate sailors and ships. In a sideshow operation, the island of Puerto Rico was taken in two weeks, beginning on July 25. Finally, after being routed on every front, Spain signed a cease-fire on August 12, with a formal peace treaty to come in December. The Treaty of Atlanta, signed in that Georgian city, ceded Cuba and Puerto Rico to the Confederate States. Both were placed under temporary military rule while white settlers came in to exploit their cash crops. Statehood for Cuba was to come in 1910, while Puerto Rico became a territory under civilian rule that same year.

This, then, was the situation in North America. There was no love lost between Philadelphia and Richmond, while Kentucky sat in the middle, keeping its head down. The Union allied itself to Russia, the Confederacy Britain and France. Peace had somehow managed to last forty years, into a new century. However, on the other side of the globe, a conflict was brewing that would soon engulf Europe, Asia, and America...

Before that conflict, however, I will post a brief update concerning the wider situation outside the Americas and the wider alliance systems.

*Those familiar with TL-191 should appreciate the irony here...
**OTL Rutherford B Hayes' Vice President
***TTL, Japan already controls the Philippines, Guam, Wake, and Midway. This will be covered in more detail in the next update...

Thoughts?
 

kholieken

Banned
Wouldn't the Issue of Fugitive Slaves / Underground Railroad become big issue in Confederacy ? Addition of Mexico/Spanish territory would also make mestizo serious issue, are there Whites, Blacks, or something in between ?
 

Baldrick

Banned
Wouldn't the Issue of Fugitive Slaves / Underground Railroad become big issue in Confederacy ? Addition of Mexico/Spanish territory would also make mestizo serious issue, are there Whites, Blacks, or something in between ?

The Underground Railroad is receiving support from the United States, and Confederate whites are doing all they can to stamp it out, even in 1900. As for the Spanish-speaking territories, only dark-skinned Cubans are eligible for slavery. Most Latinx subjects of the Confederacy are free. However, it is harder for them to gain citizenship. That latter trend will change in the Mexican states after World War I, however...
 

Baldrick

Banned
Part 7: The Wider World

Before World War I begins, I would like to take an update to examine the wider world situation so that we're all on the same page come 1904...

Following the creation of the Confederate States of America in 1862, Britain and France, the two leading powers on the continent, signed an alliance with the purpose of protecting the young Confederacy. Great Britain's main focus during this period, however, was on its vastly expanding overseas empire, not its young creation on the North American continent. Led in part by the corporate motives of the British East India Company, London had been aggressively colonising India and Southeast Asia since the 1700s. By this point, Britain controlled all of India, including the mountains of Pakistan. The remote mountains of Afghanistan were spared only because they provided a useful buffer against hostile Russia and its possessions in Turkestan. The British were also aggressively pursuing colonialism east of India. Burma, Malaya, and Sarawak were all incorporated into the empire, while Australia and New Zealand were incorporated as white-ruled Dominions (along with Canada and South Africa).

In Africa, the British built upon the foundations laid down in previous centuries. They had taken South Africa over from the Dutch centuries ago and proceeded to advance slowly into the African interior. Kenya and Rhodesia were established as colonies during this period. Nigeria and the Gold Coast, originally mere resupply ports for trade ships, pushed deeper into the jungle interior during this period to provide London with West African footholds. However, the greatest African campaigns were to come in northern Africa, specifically in Egypt. Egypt, nominally a client state of the Ottoman Empire, had fallen under increasing British economic control, particularly after its share in the Suez Canal was purchased in 1869. This process culminated in the official British occupation of the land in 1882. Following this, a number of colonial wars were fought in Sudan, the end result being that come the twentieth century, Britain owned the second-largest empire on the continent (behind France).

Diplomatically, Britain was locked in a bitter rivalry with Imperial Russia over influence in Central Asia, known as the "Great Game". The Russians coveted British India, both as a source of wealth and as an access to a warm-water port. As such, the Russians spent much of the century pushing south into Kazakhstan and Turkestan, while Britain responded with the conquest of Pakistan and various wars against Afghanistan. Both Britain and Russia also carved up independent Persia into spheres of influence. This policy dated back even to before the United States was ruptured, when Britain, France, and the Ottoman Empire joined forces in the Crimean War against Russia. During the 1878 Russo-Turkish War, Britain covertly supported Turkey, although it was thwarted in that endeavour. Combined with Russia's alliance with the hostile USA, the Russo-Turkish war meant that Constantinople began to look increasingly towards Britain to help it modernise and to aid it with its finances. The Great Game was also one of the major reasons why Russia sold Alaska to the USA in 1867, as it feared that the British would invade from Canada.

On the North American continent, Britain's policy was one of conservatively maintaining the status quo. Its Confederate creation served a certain purpose: namely, Britain had a tremendous amount of economic control over the country. In order to keep the Confederate economy afloat, Britain deliberately kept its own cotton priced higher than necessary and limited foreign sales. Both London and Richmond knew that if Britain let loose its whole supply of Indian and Egyptian cotton, the Confederate economy would be swamped and collapse. Militarily speaking, Britain maintained naval units in New Orleans and (after 1898), Havana. A large chunk of the Confederate Navy was also built in Liverpool and Belfast, which was just one more use for the British steel industry. As regards the United States, Britain's main goal was to keep them right where they were. Provided that the USA did not try to invade the Confederacy or Canada, Britain was not above dipping its hand in Yankee industry. Nonetheless, a large military presence was kept in Canada in the years before the war.

However, one major event occurred between 1862 and 1904 that changed the whole strategic situation for the British: the Franco-Prussian War. In 1870, Kaiser Wilhelm I of Prussia invaded Napoleon III's France, Britain's ally. Napoleon III asked London for military help, including a declaration of war on Prussia. However, Britain was not willing to go to war with Prussia over this. It replied that the alliance was solely based around defending the Confederacy, not anything else, and as such sat back and watched as Napoleon III was captured at Sedan, Paris was encircled by the Prussians, and after a socialist uprising within the city was quelled by the garrison before the Prussians marched in, France was forced to surrender. The provinces of Alsace and Lorraine were ceded to Prussia, and shortly afterwards the country of Germany achieved unification as the German Empire. Napoleon III abdicated soon after.

The end result of the Franco-Prussian War was that an embittered France developed a firm loathing of Germany, and vowed to fight another war. There was also a great deal of anger at Britain, as it was felt that had Britain not gone back on its alliance, the war could have been won. As such, in the 1870s, the Franco-British relationship grew very distant. In 1882 (ten years before OTL), the Franco-Russian Alliance was signed, committing the two to fight side by side in the event of a second war. This meant that France was also forced to reconsider its position in North America. Prior to this, it had been one of the CSA's two major European benefactors, and as such had had strained relations with Philadelphia. As the French Third Republic drew closer to St. Petersburg, it also began to improve ties with the USA at the expense of relations with the Confederacy. The new Franco-American relationship was far from warm, but it was something. In 1894, the Quadruple Entente was created, encompassing Russia, the USA, Spain (for reasons that will be explained below) and France.

Britain's response to the Franco-Prussian War, the rise of Germany, and France turning into an enemy was to reconsider its own strategic position. Germany was clearly a rising power, and Austria-Hungary seemed to increasingly follow its lead. There was a real fear that Germany would overtake Britain, but the hate-filled nature of the Franco-German relationship and French anger at Britain made it clear to London that they would have to choose between a rising Berlin and a relatively stagnant Paris. Germany, it seemed to many, was the lesser of two evils, as at least it seemed to offer more than a relationship with France. However, the new British-German relationship was very similar to the Franco-American one: an alliance of convenience in which neither party trusted the other very much. Nonetheless, the Anglo-German Alliance was signed in 1899, and the Confederate States signed onto it the next year. Austria-Hungary also leaned towards Germany, as an alliance between them had been in place since 1878. Ottoman Turkey, ever hostile towards Russia and dependent upon British (and to a lesser extent German) economic and military aid also joined the pact.

In the Far East, Britain also moved to court a rising power: Japan. Ever since the Meiji Restoration of 1867, triggered by bullying from foreign powers and a fear of becoming the next China (which developed the same as OTL, except for there not being US concessions), Japan had been attempting to expand and modernise. In 1895, the First Sino-Japanese War had ended with a resounding Japanese victory. The island of Formosa had been ceded to Japan, and economic concessions had been acquired in Manchuria, although the region itself remained under Chinese rule. The victory demonstrated to the world that Japan was a dominant player in the region, and Tokyo was quick to follow up on its victory. In the dying days of the Confederate-Spanish War, the Imperial Japanese Navy launched a surprise attack on the Spanish Manila squadron, a declaration of war accompanying it. The resulting Hispano-Japanese War lasted only six weeks and ended with Japan paying the equivalent of US$25 million for the Philippines, Guam, Wake, and Midway. Having been attacked by both Japan and the Confederacy, Spain now moved to an alliance with the USA, Russia, and France. Following this triumph, Britain moved to court Japan. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed on January 30, 1902, and Japan joined what was now officially called the Six-Way Pact (Britain, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Japan, the Ottoman Empire, and the Confederate States). Japan began serious competition with Russia over influence in Northeast Asia during this period as well. Both sought economic dominance over Manchuria and Korea. Japan offered to establish spheres of influence in the region: the Russians would get Manchuria, Japan Korea. St. Petersburg, however, was not having it.

All that was needed, then, was a spark to light the flame. And that spark came, not in Europe as many had predicted, nor in a clash on the US-Confederate border, but in the Far East. For the clash between Russia and Japan over influence was to boil over rapidly into a war that consumed the globe. On February 8, 1904, Japan declared war on Russia, launching a surprise attack on its fleet three hours beforehand. Russia immediately declared war in retaliation, and France followed suit on the ninth. As allies of Japan, Britain and Germany declared war on France and Russia on the ninth, and the Confederate States did the same two days later. Spain dragged its feet but eventually declared war late on the 12th against all members of the Six-Way Pact. Finally, on February 13, the last domino fell, as the United States declared war on the Six-Way Pact. World War I had begun...

Thoughts/Comments?
 
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