Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VII (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)

Light of the Nation - Part 10: The Grin Shall Win

After 8 years with Jimmy Carter, Washington had concluded it was safe to ignore Jimmy Carter. The Former Georgia Governor got on well enough with President Mondale. But otherwise he was an inexperienced man in a cutthroat world. Carter had little to offer in terms of negotiations, at home or abroad. He’d learned some, but he was no sausage maker. If anything his habit of clinging to honesty and moral integrity made him a liability. And electorally? Well he couldn’t even carry the South now could he? He had some use as an attack dog. But his was the attack of a preacher, trying to shame you back to the right for a higher purpose. Not the kind aimed at making you scared for primary challenge, or losing a factory in your district. Carter made you guilty, not scared.

Not an attack dog, not a legislator. Washington was content to write off Vice President Carter in the 1984 election. He might run as a formality, but he wouldn’t actually go anywhere. Peanut farming hick was the verdict. Nice enough, but only fit for funerals and photo-ops.

They had forgotten how Carter, despite being a nobody in ‘76, had come close to derailing Mondale.

They had forgotten how he had won the South, even beating George Wallace to do so.

They had forgotten how he had charmed his way to prominence.

They had forgotten The Grin.

Jimmy Carter knew he had never fit in Washington. But that could be a strength if played right. He had gone to the Beltway and emerged clean, like Daniel emerging from the Lion’s den. And yet he could also point to all the good Mondale had done, and cloak himself in that. Carter hit the campaign trail early and he hit it hard. He campaigned like he was still the obscure Former Governor from Georgia rather than Vice President. So what? Said Washington. It’s not like he’s doing anything important, and besides he’s different, voters won’t like that.

The smart money was on someone with establishment credentials. Gary Hart fizzled out, but there were others willing to take up the standard. Alan Cranston played for the youth vote with a nuclear freeze, but lacked name recognition and charisma. John Glenn also lacked the electric personality some wanted from a President. But he was buoyed by institutional support from the some Unions that had buttressed Mondale. A bit rusted, but still strong enough. And well, it’s John Glenn! American hero! Astronaut! Spaaaaaaace!!!!!! If charisma was what you were after, look no further than Jesse Jackson. Preacher, activist, icon. Merging together minorities, progressives, those left behind, he sought a Rainbow Coalition. In some ways he foresaw the future of the party. But the time was not yet ripe.

And yet all fell to The Grin. The Grin that lit up the room. The Grin that energized the crowd. The Grin that promised to be responsible with your tax dollars, but also promised you won’t go hungry. The Grin that had stood by Mondale all these years, and Democrats liked Mondale. A strong ground game begat a surge in the polls, which begat money, which begat a strong campaign which begat another surge etc. Carter’s open and honest faith also appealed to many voters, and party insiders liked the idea of stealing back evangelicals and the South. The establishment began to line up behind him. Mondale gave no endorsement, but assured Union Leaders Carter was at least reasonable. His talk of transparency and honesty shone through, especially when Glenn and Cranston got caught up in an emerging scandal around Keating.

In the end, Carter waltzed to the nomination. By the time it happened it was seen as logical, predictable. But it had been anything but that months ago. Carter gripped his wife’s hand and prepared to announce his historic running mate, to face down his Republican opponent.

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Light of the Nation - Part 11: Rights and Wrongs

Light of the Nation - Part 11: Rights and Wrongs

Ronald Reagan’s defeat stung for Republicans. It stung for evangelicals even more. Their man had gone down, and was now clearly too old for 1984. What was the right to do?

Well the Far-Right had Bob Dornan, a Californian Christian Rep with a penchant for tax cuts, and an acting background that gave him a charismatic touch. Unfortunately he came across as a bomb thrower. He lacked Reagan’s polish and was known do be overly aggressive. Jack Kemp was a shiny face, who had gained a following among conservative intellectuals for his dogged support of supply side economics. Tax Cuts Tax Cuts Tax Cuts. He was a former professional Quarterback and certainly looked the part. And finally, Bob Dole. Bob Dole was a classic Republican. Tough on the Cold War. For lower taxes, but was willing to raise them to balance the budget. Not the favorite of the Religious Rights, but not the most hated either. Bob Dole was Bob Dole: a Conservative for all seasons.

Bob Dole and Kemp vied for establishment support, while Dornan roused the Right to a frenzy. Kemp did well in the Northeast, but this “bleeding heart Republican” seemed to melt in the South. Meanwhile Dornan scared more respectable types with his rhetoric. Bod Dole marched on. At a debate Dornan implied Kemp was Gay. Kemp implied Dornan was a Nazi. Both lost their tempers. Bob Dole talked about God and Small Government and Defense. Bob Dole shook hands in the farms and in the suburbs and in the cities with donors.

Bob Dole kept on marching.

Bob Dole was rewarded. Bob Dole was no moderate, but Bob Dole had a demeanor that just seemed so Presidential. So Bob Dole got the money and Bob Dole got the votes and Bob Dole got the nomination.

The race was on to follow Mondale.

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Set in the same universe as my previous post.

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The Alaskan Revolution was a military conflict fought in 1907 and 1908. The Russian Civil War was ongoing in Eurasia in fall 1907 but large-scale fighting had not come to Alaska. Canadian and American settlers made up a large proportion of Alaska’s population since the Gold Rush of 1896 but largely remained loyal to the White governor of the colony, Sergey Dimitriyevich Nabokov. By the start of September, the Anglo settlers began to organize in hopes of leaving the Russian Empire. They struck quickly, storming the capital of Novo-Arkhangelsk on September 19 and declaring an independent republic. This proved to be the spark that would set Alaska ablaze in a three-sided conflict between the new Republic, the constitutionalist White Movement of the Tsar, and the reactionary Orange Movement.

During the fighting, the Republic was supported by English-speaking migrants to Canada as well as some educated Russian settlers. Forces loyal to the Tsar were primarily ethnic Russians, Russian creoles, and immigrants from other European countries. The Orange armies included Russians as well and a large contingent of natives. These natives were primarily conservative Orthodox Christians and believed a strong, anti-foreign colonial government was their best bet to prevent being overwhelmed by Anglo settlers. One of the most feared Orange commanders was the Yupik Yakov Tomaganuk. Not all English-speakers fought on the side of the Republic and indeed, a Tsarist militia was led by the Ohioan E.T. Barnette. During the Revolution, the Asian-descended population of Alaska largely stayed neutral, despite making up nearly 20% of the population, and even a majority in urban areas.

In July 1908, American-born members of the Republic’s Congress overwhelmingly passed a bill to seek admittance into the United States under the Salt Lake City government. In response, Canadian-born J.F.A. Strong walked out of Congress with other members opposed to unification with the United States, leading to the start of the Alaskan Civil War. The Civil War was fought for two months before a Japanese fleet occupied Novo-Arkhangelsk and declared a protectorate over Alaska ending both the Republic and the dueling Russian governments.
 
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I make a lot of stuff I don't really post anywhere, one of them being a project I have been working on since I was a freshman in high school that involves a completely different world. Decided to post one I personally like, and I hope you all will like it too.
 
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Alternate 1800 election where the sedition parts of the Alien and Sedition Acts were not passed or even proposed. Adams hangs onto New York and is able to keep the presidency in Federalist control. This is the first map and infobox (and post on here) I've made so any feedback is appreciated!
 
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Alternate 1800 election where the sedition parts of the Alien and Sedition Acts were not passed or even proposed. Adams hangs onto New York and is able to keep the presidency in Federalist control. This is the first map and infobox (and post on here) I've made so any feedback is appreciated!
This might just result in a civil war with that popular vote margin 💀
 
This might just result in a civil war with that popular vote margin 💀
Adams only won one of the state-wide elections out of the four that were held, all of his other delegates came from the state legislatures choosing electors. The popular vote would be closer if all states voted but it does look abysmal as is 💀
 

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Have you ever wanted to combine the American south and Ireland? Well in my project i've been working on for years, now you can see that nightmare.
 

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He Should Belong to the Ages: El Presidente Grant
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Ulysses S. Grant was General of the United States Army during the American Civil War and President of the United States from 1873 to 1881.

Born in Ohio in 1822, he began attending West Point in 1839 and subsequently served in the United States Army during the Mexican-American War. Largely apolitical and obscure during the 1850's, during the American Civil War he became one of the most well-regarded generals in the U.S. Army, scoring a considerable number of victories in the Western theatre that captured control of the critical Mississippi River for the Union. Though some criticized him as a butcher for his aggressive tactics, he attracted the admiration of President Lincoln, who in the late stages of the war made him the commanding general in the Virginia front, where he successfully defeated Robert E. Lee's army and accepted his surrender at the Appomattox Court House, ending the American Civil War. After the war, he remained the highest-ranking officer in the U.S. Army and was one of the most important enforcers of Reconstruction during President Lincoln's second term and and President Wade's sole term. While tipped as a potential compromise nominee at the 1868 Republican National Convention, alongside President Lincoln, should it have deadlocked between the Radical Ohio Senator Benjamin Wade and the moderate Secretary of State William Seward, the Radical Republicans successfully took control of the convention and nominated Wade. Grant thus continued his army duties in the South.

In 1872, as President Wade was widely unpopular, many Republicans believed the only chance for victory lay in denying him renomination. Grant quickly gained traction as the likeliest candidate to defeat Wade, as the only person in the party capable of appealing to both moderates and radicals in the party. At the convention, Grant's backers succeeded in gaining him the nomination, thus pitting him against National Union nominee John T. Hoffman, a New York City mayor turned governor who had emerged as the early favorite in the presidential contest. However, Grant's personal popularity did much to overcome the increasing unpopularity of President Wade's Radical Reconstruction programs, while a scandal concerning the Tammany Hall organization brought Hoffman's once-sterling reputation into question while defusing questions about Republican corruption in the Credit Mobilier scandal. In the November election, Grant scored a clear victory over Hoffman.

Grant, as president, scaled back some of the most radical proposals of President Wade, but on the whole his handling of Reconstruction was more similar to Wade's Radical Reconstruction than Lincoln's Moderate Reconstruction. On the economy, he was beset by many questions on the currency, business interests, and how to respond to the 1870's depression; he also had to deal with the issue of corruption, as many of his associates would be caught in flagrant acts of corruption, though the president himself was never implicated. As 1876 approached, with a weak economy and Reconstruction still unpopular, his reelection seemed to be doubtful, but far from doomed. However, his position would be dramatically worsened by a split in his party; Vice-President Charles Francis Adams, a moderate Republican who had been nominated to appeal to that faction of the party, took great issue with his Reconstruction policies and, alongside a number of other Republicans, bolted from the party, creating the Liberal Republican Party. On the other side, former President Wade took issue with Grant's conservative economics, and attempted to return to the presidency on the Labor Reform Party line. Thomas F. Bayard, a Delaware senator who was the National Union nominee, seemed a likely victor. Bayard's chances would be doomed, however, by the revelation of the Dover Speech, an 1861 piece of oratory in which he seemingly called for Delaware's secession. This badly damaged Bayard in the North, and Adams surged as the primary anti-Reconstruction candidate. However, this was not enough; Bayard took enough of the vote that President Grant won reelection anyway with less than 40% of the vote, while Wade managed to carry Ohio but was irrelevant elsewhere.

Grant's second term was similar to his first. While he had wanted to scale back Reconstruction further, including the retreat of all troops from the South, his 1876 reelection margin was not great, and his observance of events in the border states, as well as Arkansas and Texas, the two former Confederate states where he did remove troops, led him to believe that the Republicans could not win in the South without troops in place to ensure the voting rights of freedmen and prevent scalawags from being intimidated; combined with the fact that without southern electoral votes he would not have won a majority in the Electoral College, President Grant maintained troops in the other nine former Confederate states and maintained vigorous enforcement of Reconstruction decrees in all the South largely due to political expedience.

In 1880, though quite tired of the job, he decided to run for a third term; as a shaky coalition of Liberals and National Unionists had captured control of the U.S. House and been woven together into an alliance by James A. Garfield, the incumbent Republican speaker who had turned to the Liberals as the only real advocates of civil service reform and secured a fourth term as speaker, President Grant was doubtful of his party's ability to win a sixth consecutive election without him at the helm. Garfield became the candidate of a Liberal-National Union fusion coalition with Samuel J. Tilden, a favorite of both the Liberals and National Unionists, as his running mate; though the skepticism of some National Unionists of Garfield due to his partisan history kept Garfield from running away with the contest, it was nonetheless close. As the vote was counted, Garfield took a close but clear lead in the popular vote, but the electoral vote remained contentious. The contest was marred by two occurrences; first, the candidacy of Greenback candidate James B. Weaver, who performed strongly in the states of Illinois and Michigan and was accused of acting as a spoiler for Grant who tipped those two states to Garfield; and secondly, a very close, decisive contest in New York. Garfield narrowly took the state, thus defeating Grant's bid for a third term; this was the first time in twenty years a non-Republican was elected president, and Garfield would be a significant president in his own right. Grant, for his part, retired from politics entirely, and died in 1885; he was posthumously promoted to General of the Armies, the highest rank in the U.S. Army, by the U.S. Congress in 1985 for the centenary of his death, one of only three individuals to be given the honor.
 
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The Giscardverse: What if Valéry Giscard d'Estaing had been re elected president of France in 1981?
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I heard parliaments are a thing​
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I heard there are some countries on Earth that do not have the luck to be France...
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