A Different Story of Civilization

Chapter 81 - Great War 2 Cemana Theater​

"Yesterday, we read about how Ticemehua Comancheria and Quimillist Doola expanded and contracted in Great War 2. Now we read about how Imperial Aotearoa rose and fell during the 2nd Great War. Who wants to read today?" Mrs. Squawra stated.

"Let's see if I can read fast now." Mickosu braced herself.

"In Allied countries during the war, the 'Cemana War' was not usually distinguished from World War II in general, or was known simply as the War against Aotearoa. In the United States, the term Cemana Theater was widely used, although this was a misnomer in relation to the Allied campaign in Jayamar, the war in Kamehameha and other activities within the South-Kimonan Theater. However, the US Armed Forces considered the Kamehameha-Jayamar-Uluru Theater to be distinct from the Pango-Cemana Theater during the conflict.

The major Allied participants were Kamehameha, the United States and the Cuban Empire. Kamehameha had already been engaged in bloody war against Aotearoa since 1937 including both the KMT government National Revolutionary Army and CCP units, such as the guerrilla Eighth Route Army, New Fourth Army, as well as smaller groups. The United States and its territories entered the war after Aotearoa declared war on them and attacked Pakalian civilians and shipping. The Cuban Empire was also a major belligerent consisting of Cuban troops along with large numbers of colonial troops from the armed forces of Uluru as well as from Jayamar, Jomonsia, Iava, Incana; in addition to troops from Adin Keyah, Analco and Landsby. The Mesolandic government-in-exile (as the possessor of Mesolandic Powhatana) was also involved. All of these were members of the Cemana War Council.

Somare raised her hand and inquired "I get why Aotearoa went after the Turtlelander Empires, but why did the Aotearoans antagonize the USP? They could have avoided infuriating the sleeping giant and not attack Pakalian merchants and civilians."

"The issue is more complicated than you think Somare." Mrs. Squawra took a deep breath. "Relations between Pakalia and Aotearoa started to seriously deteriorate in the 1930s once Aotearoa began its militarization and invasion of Kamehameha. The Pakalian government responded by sanctioning Aotearoa, rescuing Kamehamehan citizens, and giving direct military aid to the Turtlelander Allies. Aotearoa thought that Pakalia was against it in all but name so it decided to seize the initiative and start attacking Pakalian convoys and rescuers that were operating in the Cemana Ocean. They thought that war was going to come sooner or later and they decided sooner since the USP would already be distracted with the war in Turtleland."

"The Axis-aligned states which assisted Aotearoa included the authoritarian government of Papualand, which formed a cautious alliance with the Aotearoans in 1941, when Aotearoan forces issued the government with an ultimatum following the Aotearoan invasion of Papualand. The leader of Papualand became greatly enthusiastic about the alliance after decisive Aotearoan victories in the Jomonsian campaign and in 1941 sent the Papuan Army to assist the invasion of Jayamar, where former Papuan territory that had been annexed by Dinei Bikeyah were reoccupied (Occupied Azhi regions were similarly reintegrated into Papualand in 1942). The Allies supported and organized an underground anti-Aotearoan resistance group, known as the Free Papuan Movement, after the Papuan ambassador to the United States had refused to hand over the declaration of war. Because of this, after the surrender in 1944, the stance of the United States was that Papualand should be treated as a puppet of Aotearoa and be considered an occupied nation rather than as an ally. This was done in contrast to the Cuban stance towards Papualand, who had faced them in combat as they invaded Cuban territory, and the United States had to block Cuban efforts to impose a punitive peace.

Between 1940 and 1944, there were 4 main areas of conflict in the Cemana War: Kamehameha, Uluru, Enga and Pango. There was also plenty of warfare in the ocean between the zones. US sources refer to 2 theaters within the Cemana War: the Pango theater and the Kamehameha-Enga-Uluru Theater (KEU). However these were not operational commands.

Papualand, with its territory already serving as a springboard for the Engan Campaign, surrendered within 5 hours of the Aotearoan invasion. The government of Papualand formally allied with Aotearoa on 21 December. The Imperial Aotearoan Army had seized the Cuban colonies on 19 December, encountering little resistance.

Awa Aala was attacked on 8 December and fell on 25 December 1940, with Landsbyese forces and the Royal Awa Aala Volunteers playing an important part in the defense. Cuban, Adin Keyahese, and Mesolandic forces, already drained of personnel and matériel by two years of war with Comancheria, and heavily committed elsewhere, were unable to provide much more than token resistance to the battle-hardened Maoris. Two major Cuban warships, HMS Repulse and HMS Prince of Boriken, were sunk by a Aotearoan air attack off Jomonsia on 10 December 1940.

Having accomplished their objectives during the 1st Operation Phase with ease, the Aotearoans now turned to the 2nd. The 2nd Operational Phase was planned to expand Aotearoa's strategic depth by adding eastern New Mu, Uluru, Powhatana, Bahay, the Iava Islands, Kelapa, and strategic points in the Analco area. However, the Naval General Staff, the Combined Fleet, and the Imperial Army, all had different strategies for the next sequence of operations. The Naval General Staff advocated an advance to the west to seize parts of Analco. However, with large numbers of troops still engaged in Kamehameha combined with those stationed in Uluru, the Imperial Aotearoan Army declined to contribute the forces necessary for such an operation; this quickly led to the abandonment of the concept. The Naval General Staff still wanted to cut the sea links between Analco and the United States by capturing Pygmesia and Bosh-Keesh Islands. Because this required far fewer troops, on 13 March the Naval General Staff and the Army agreed to operations with the goal of capturing Pygmesia and Bosh-Keesh Islands. The Second Operational Phase began well when Namabuka and Blaze, located in eastern New Mu, were captured on 8 March. However, on 10 March, Pakalian carrier aircraft attacked the invasion forces and inflicted considerable losses. The raid had major operational implications because it forced the Aotearoan to stop their advance in the South Cemana, until the Combined Fleet provided the means to protect future operations from Pakalian carrier attack. Concurrently, a raid occurred in April 1941, where 22 bombers took off from the aircraft carrier USS Hornet, 1,100 km from Aotearoa. The raid inflicted minimal material damage on Aotearoan soil but was a huge morale boost for the United States; it also had major psychological repercussions in Aotearoa, in exposing the vulnerabilities of the Aotearoan homeland. Because the raid was mounted by a carrier task force, it consequently highlighted the dangers the Aotearoan home islands could face until the destruction of the Pakalian carrier forces was achieved.

Admiral Filipo viewed the operation against Bahay as the potentially decisive battle of the war which could lead to the destruction of Pakalian strategic power in the Cemana, and subsequently open the door for a negotiated peace settlement with the United States, favorable to Aotearoa. For the operation, the Aotearoan had only six carriers which included Isala, Pita, Aperaamo and Loto. Through strategic and tactical surprise, the Aotearoan would knock out Bahay's air strength and soften it for a landing by 6,000 troops. After the quick capture of the island, the Combined Fleet would lay the basis for the most important part of the operation. Filipo hoped that the attack would lure the Pakalians into a trap. Bahay was to be bait for the USN which would depart from Hadram to counterattack after Bahay had been captured. When the Pakalians arrived, he would concentrate his scattered forces to defeat them. An important aspect of the scheme was Operation AL, which was the plan to attack the Panama Canal, concurrently with the attack on Bahay. Contrary to persistent myth, the Panamanian operation was not a diversion to draw Pakalian forces from Bahay, as the Aotearoans wanted the Pakalians to be drawn to Bahay, rather than away from it. However, in May, U.S. intelligence codebreakers discovered the planned attack on Bahay. Filipo's complex plan had no provision for intervention by the Pakalian fleet before the Aotearoan had expected them. Planned surveillance of the Pakalian fleet in Hadram by long-ranged seaplanes did not occur as a result of an abortive identical operation in March. Aotearoan submarine scouting lines that were supposed to be in place along Adin Keyah were not completed on time, consequently the Aotearoans were unable to detect the Pakalian carriers. In 1 search area, Aotearoan submarines had arrived on station only a matter of hours ahead of Task Force 17, containing Cahuia, which had passed through just before midnight on 31 May.

The battle began on 3 June, when Pakalian aircraft from Bahay spotted and attacked the Aotearoan transport group 1,250 km west of the atoll. On 4 June, the Aotearoan launched a 122-aircraft strike on the island, the attackers brushing aside Bahay's defending fighters but failing to deliver a decisive blow to the island's facilities. Most importantly, the strike aircraft based on Bahay had already departed to attack the Aotearoan carriers, which had been spotted. This information was passed to the 5 Pakalian carriers and a total of 133 carrier aircraft, in addition to those from Bahay, were on their way to attack the Aotearoan. The aircraft from Bahay attacked, but failed to score a single hit on the Aotearoan. In the middle of these uncoordinated attacks, a Aotearoan scout aircraft reported the presence of an Pakalian task force, but it was not until later that the presence of an Pakalian carrier was confirmed. Vice Admirals were put in a difficult tactical situation in which he had to counter continuous Pakalian air attacks and prepare to recover his Bahay strike planes, while deciding whether to mount an immediate strike on the Pakalian carrier or wait to prepare a proper attack. After quick deliberation, he opted for a delayed but better-prepared attack on the Pakalian task force after recovering his Bahay strike and properly arming aircraft. However, beginning at 10.22am, Pakalian SBD Dauntless dive bombers surprised and successfully attacked three of the Aotearoan carriers. With their decks laden with fully fueled and armed aircraft, Aperaamo, Pita, and Isala were turned into blazing wrecks. 3 Aotearoan carriers remained operational, and launched an immediate counterattack. All of their attacks hit Cahuia and put her out of action. Later in the afternoon, aircraft from the 2 remaining Pakalian carriers found and destroyed Loto and another aircraft carrier. The crippled Cahuia, along with destroyer ships, were both sunk by the Aotearoan submarine I-168. With the striking power of the carrier battle group having been destroyed, Aotearoa's offensive power was blunted despite still having 3 aircraft carriers left. Early on the morning of 5 June, with the battle lost, the Aotearoan canceled the Bahay operation and the initiative in the Cemana was in the balance. Although the Aotearoans lost 4 carriers, losses at Bahay did not radically degrade the fighting capabilities of the IJN aviation as a whole.

Aotearoan land forces continued to advance in the Visay and New Mu. From July 1941, a few Analco reserve battalions, many of them very young and untrained, fought a stubborn rearguard action in New Mu, against a Aotearoan advance along a road towards Port Mexis, over the Ultan River. The militia, worn out and severely depleted by casualties, were relieved in late August by regular troops from the Second Analco Imperial Force, returning from action in the Naspas theater. In early September 1941 Aotearoan marines attacked a strategic Royal Analco Air Force base at Igwe Bay, near the eastern tip of New Mu. They were beaten back by Allied forces (primarily Analco Army infantry battalions and Royal Analco Air Force squadrons, with United States Army engineers and an anti-aircraft battery in support), the first defeat of the war for Aotearoan forces on land.

At the same time as major battles raged in New Mu, Allied forces became aware of an Aotearoan airfield under construction at Raorao island through coastwatchers. On 7 August 1941, US Marines landed on the islands of Raorao in Incana. Vice Admiral Apisaloma, commander of the newly formed 8th Fleet at Mangrove, reacted quickly. Gathering 7 heavy cruisers, 4 light cruisers, and 2 destroyers, he sailed to engage the Allied force off the coast of Raorao. On the night of 8–9 August, Apisaloma's quick response resulted in a brilliant Aotearoan victory during which 6 Allied heavy cruisers were sunk, while no Aotearoan ships were lost. It was one of the worst Allied naval defeats of the war. The victory was mitigated only by the failure of the Aotearoans to attack the vulnerable transports. Had it been done so, the first Pakalian counterattack in the Cemana could have been stopped. The Aotearoans originally perceived the Pakalian landings as nothing more than a reconnaissance in force.

In mainland Kamehameha, the Aotearoan 3rd, 6th, and 40th Divisions, a grand total of around 150,000 troops, massed together and advanced eastward in three columns, attempting again to cross a river to reach Paeone. In January 1941, Kamehamehan forces scored a victory at Paeone, the first Allied success against Aotearoa.

In the aftermath of the Aotearoan conquest of Jayamar, there was widespread disorder and pro-Independence agitation in western Uluru and a disastrous famine in Boomang, which ultimately caused up to 5 million deaths. In spite of these, and inadequate lines of communication, Cuban and Uluruan forces attempted limited counter-attacks in Jayamar and Uluru in early 1941. It wasn't until the end of next year that the Allies were able to kick the Aotearoans out of Uluru.

Bahay proved to be the last great naval battle for two years. The United States used the ensuing period to turn its vast industrial potential into increased numbers of ships, planes, and trained aircrew. At the same time, Aotearoa, lacking an adequate industrial base or technological strategy, a good air crew training program, or adequate naval resources and commerce defense, fell further and further behind. In strategic terms the Allies began a long movement across the Cemana, seizing one island base after another. Not every Aotearoan stronghold had to be captured; some, like Hinga, Mangrove, and Kahua, were neutralized by air attack and bypassed. The goal was to get close to Aotearoa itself, then launch massive strategic air attacks, improve the submarine blockade, and finally (only if necessary) execute an invasion.

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A map of the Cemana Ocean at Imperial Aotearoa's peak. Poukota maintained its neutrality throughout the war. Aotearoa would lose control of all of this territory by 1946.

In the South Western Cemana the Allies now seized the strategic initiative for the first time during the War and in June 1941, launched Operation Cartwheel, a series of amphibious invasions to recapture the Visay and New Mu and ultimately isolate the major Aotearoan forward base at Mangrove. Following the Aotearoan Invasion of Blaze–Namabuka in March, 1942, Cartwheel began with the Blaze–Namabuka campaign in Northern New Mu in April, 1942, which was followed in June to October by the New Graysen campaign, in which the Allies used the Landings on on Mara Point and committed the Battle of Mara Point to secure a secretly constructed Aotearoan airfield at the rest of New Graysen Islands group.

In November 1941 US Marines sustained high casualties when they overwhelmed the 5,600-strong garrison in Pango. This helped the Allies to improve the techniques of amphibious landings, learning from their mistakes and implementing changes such as thorough pre-emptive bombings and bombardment, more careful planning regarding tides and landing craft schedules, and better overall coordination. Operations were followed in late-January and mid-February 1942 by further, less costly, landings on the Desa Islands.

US submarines, as well as some Cuban and Mesolandic vessels, operating from bases in Uluru; Analco; Hadram; Tarkine; Bahay; and later Desa, played a major role in defeating Aotearoa, even though submarines made up a small proportion of the Allied navies—less than 3% in the case of the US Navy. Submarines strangled Aotearoa by sinking its merchant fleet, intercepting many troop transports, and cutting off nearly all the oil imports essential to weapons production and military operations. By early 1943, Aotearoan oil supplies were so limited that its fleet was virtually stranded.

The Aotearoan military claimed its defenses sank 579 Allied submarines during the war. In reality, only 64 Pakalian submarines were sunk in the Cemana due to hostile action, with 19 others lost in accidents or as the result of friendly fire. The Mesolandic navy lost 8 submarines due to Aotearoan attack or minefields, and the Cuban lost 5.

In mid-1943 Aotearoa mobilized over 525,000 men and launched a massive operation across Kamehameha under the code name Operation Oranga, their largest offensive of World War II, with the goal of connecting Aotearoan-controlled territory in Kamehameha and Cherokee Enga and capturing airbases in southwestern Kamehameha where Pakalian bombers were based. During this time, about 280,000 newly Pakalian-trained Kamehamehan troops under Pichulonko and Kamehamehan expeditionary force were forcibly locked in the Jayamar theater by the terms of the Lend-Lease Agreement. Though Aotearoa suffered about 110,000 casualties, these attacks, the biggest in several years, gained much ground for Aotearoa before Kamehamehan forces stopped the incursions in Whanui. Despite major tactical victories, the operation overall failed to provide Aotearoa with any significant strategic gains. A great majority of the Kamehamehan forces were able to retreat out of the area, and later come back to attack Aotearoan positions at the Battle of West Saute. Aotearoa was not any closer to defeating Kamehameha after this operation, and the constant defeats the Aotearoan suffered in the Cemana meant that Aotearoa never got the time and resources needed to achieve final victory over Kamehameha. Operation Oranga created a great sense of social confusion in the areas of Kamehameha that it affected. Kamehamehan Communist guerrillas were able to exploit this confusion to gain influence and control of greater areas of the countryside in the aftermath of Oranga.

The Aotearoans responded to the Allied attacks by launching an offensive of their own into southern Uluru in the middle of March, across the mountainous and densely forested frontier. This attack, codenamed Operation U-Go, was advocated by Lieutenant Generals. Imperial General Headquarters permitted it to proceed, despite misgivings at several intervening headquarters. Although several units of the Cuban Fourteenth Army had to fight their way out of encirclement, by early April they had concentrated around Whakamiharo. A Aotearoan division which had advanced to Whakatipu in Nagaland cut the main road to Whakamiharo, but failed to capture the whole of the defenses at Whakatipu. During April, the Aotearoan attacks against Whakamiharo failed, while fresh Allied formations drove the Aotearoan from the positions they had captured at Whakatipu.

In February 1943, the US Navy's fast carrier task force, during Operation Hailstone, attacked the major naval base of Hinga. Although the Aotearoans had moved their major vessels out in time to avoid being caught at anchor in the atoll, two days of air attacks resulted in significant losses to Aotearoan aircraft and merchant shipping. The Aotearoans were forced to abandon Hinga and were now unable to counter the Pakalians on any front on the perimeter. Consequently, the Aotearoans retained their remaining strength in preparation for what they hoped would be a decisive battle. The Aotearoans then developed a new plan, known as A-GO. A-GO envisioned a decisive fleet action that would be fought somewhere in eastern Pango. It was in this area that the newly formed Mobile Fleet, along with large numbers of land-based aircraft, would be concentrated. If the Pakalians attacked the Desa Islands, they would be attacked by land-based planes in the vicinity. Then the Pakalians would be lured into the areas where the Mobile Fleet could defeat them.

On 15 June, the 2nd and 4th Marine Divisions supported by a naval bombardment group totaling 11 battleships, 14 cruisers, and 37 destroyers landed. However, Aotearoan fire was so effective that the first day's objective was not reached until Day 3. After fanatic Aotearoan resistance, the Marines captured Aslito airfield in the south on 18 June. US Navy Seabees quickly made the field operational for use for Pakalian aircraft. On 22 June, the front of the northward advancing 2nd and 4th Marine Divisions widened to such a degree that General Papaqui Tentle ordered the bulk of the Army's 27th Division to take over the line in the center, between the two US Marine divisions. The 27th Division was late taking its position and was late in making advances so that the inner flanks of the marine divisions became exposed. A giant U was formed with the 27th at the base 3 km behind the advancing formations. This presented the Aotearoan with an opportunity to exploit it. On 24 June, General Papaqui Tentle replaced General C. Tentle, the commanding general of the 27th Division, who he believed lacked an aggressive spirit.

On 19 June, a series of Aotearoan carrier air strikes were shattered by strong Pakalian defenses. The result was later dubbed the Great Desa Islands Shootout. All US carriers had combat-information centers, which interpreted the flow of radar data and radioed interception orders to the combat air patrols. The few Aotearoan attackers that managed to reach the US fleet in a staggered sequence encountered massive anti-aircraft fire with proximity fuses. Only one Pakalian warship was destroyed. On the same day, Fuiono was hit by 5 torpedoes from the submarine Cavalla and sank with heavy loss of life. The Falaniko was also sunk by a single torpedo.. The next day, the Aotearoan carrier force was subjected to a Pakalian carrier air attack and suffered the loss of an aircraft carrier. The four Aotearoan air strikes involved 398 carrier aircraft, of which 160 returned to the carriers. Many of these survivors were subsequently lost when Falaniko and Fuiono were sunk by Pakalian submarine attacks. After the second day of the battle, losses totaled four carriers and 485 aircrew with more than 445 carrier aircraft and around 230 land-based aircraft. The Pakalians lost 140 aircraft and 96 aircrew, many losses due to aircraft running out of fuel returning to their carriers at night.

The Aotearoan assembled a force totaling 5 carriers, 11 battleships, 17 heavy cruisers, 9 light cruisers, and 45 destroyers. They split into three forces. The 'Center Force', under the command of Vice Admiral Takeo Kurita, consisted of 4 battleships, 2 light cruisers, 1 carrier, 11 heavy cruisers and 18 destroyers; the 'Northern Force', under the command of Jisaburō Ozawa, comprised 3 carriers, 3 battleships partly converted to carriers, 4 light cruisers and 12 destroyers; the 'Southern Force' contained 2 groups, 1 under the command of Shōji Nishimura consisting of 4 battleships, 3 heavy cruiser and 8 destroyers, the other under Kiyohide Shima comprised 3 heavy cruisers, 1 carrier, 3 light cruisers and 7 destroyers. The main Center Force would pass through the San Cuahueyino Strait into the Palau Sea, turn southwards, and then attack the landing area. The 2 separate groups of the Southern Force would join up and strike at the landing area through the Siamese Sea, while the Northern Force with the Aotearoan carriers would lure the main Pakalian covering forces away from Gau. The carriers embarked a total of just 129 aircraft.

On 20 October 1943 the US 6th Army, supported by naval and air bombardment, landed on the favorable eastern shore of Gau in Pango. The US 6th Army continued its advance from the east, while the Aotearoan rushed reinforcements to the Tali Bay area on the western side of the island. The US reinforced the 6th Army successfully, but the US 5th Air Force devastated Aotearoan attempts to resupply. In torrential rains and over difficult terrain, the US advance continued across Gau. On 7 December US Army units landed at Tali Bay and, after a major land and air battle, cut off the Aotearoan ability to reinforce and supply Gau. Although fierce fighting continued on Gau for months, the US Army was in control.

In late 1943 and early 1944, the Allied South Kimona Command launched offensives into Jayamar, intending to recover most of the country, before the onset of the monsoon in May. The offensives were fought primarily by Cuban Commonwealth, Kamehamehans and United States forces against the forces of Imperial Aotearoa, who were assisted to some degree by Papualand, the Jayamar National Army and the Uluruan National Army. The Cuban Commonwealth land forces were drawn primarily from the Dinei Bikeyah, Cuban Uluru and Abya Yala.

Although the Desa Islands were secure and Pakalian bases firmly established, the long 2,500 km range from the Desa Islands meant that XB-70 aircrews on bombing missions over Aotearoa found themselves ditching in the sea if they suffered severe damage and were unable to return home. Attention focused on the island of Whanariki in the Volcano Islands, about halfway between the Desa Islands and Aotearoa. Pakalian planners recognized the strategic importance of the island, which was only 13 km long, 30 square kilometers in area and had no native population. The island was used by the Aotearoans as an early-warning station against impending air raids on Aotearoan cities, additionally, Aotearoan aircraft based on Whanariki were able to attack the XB-70s on their bombing missions on route to their missions and on the returning leg home, and even to attack installations in the Desa Islands themselves. The capture of Whanariki would provide emergency landing airfields to repair and refuel crippled XB-70s in trouble on their way home and a base for P-51 fighters escorts for the XB-70s. Whanariki could also provide a base from which land-based air support could protect the US Naval fleets as they moved into Aotearoan waters along the arc descending from Hikina through the Outer Islands.

The largest and bloodiest battle fought by the Pakalians against the Aotearoan came at Rekohu. The seizure of islands in the Outers was to have been the last step before the actual invasion of the Aotearoan home islands. Rekohu, the largest of the Outer Islands, was located some 600 km from the island of Raki. The capture of Rekohu would provide airbases for XB-70 bombers to intensify aerial bombardment of Aotearoa and for direct land-based air support of the invasion of Raki. The islands could also open the way for tightening the blockade of Aotearoan shipping and be used as a staging area and supply base for any invasion of the home islands.

The Aotearoan troops defending Rekohu, under the command of Lieutenant Generals, totaled some 85,000-110,000, augmented by thousands of civilians on the heavily populated island. Pakalian forces for the operation totaled 198,000 troops in eight divisions (four US Army and four Marine) under the 10th Army. The Cuban Cemana Fleet operated as a separate unit from the Pakalian task forces in the Rekohu operation. Its objective was to strike airfields on the chain of islands between Kahua and Rekohu, to prevent the Aotearoan reinforcing the defenses of Rekohu from that direction.

By April 1944, Kamehameha had already been at war with Aotearoa for more than 7 years. Both nations were exhausted by years of battles, bombings and blockades. After Aotearoan victories in Operation Oranga, Aotearoa was losing the battle in Jayamar and facing constant attacks from Kamehamehan Nationalist forces and Communist guerrillas in the countryside. The Imperial Aotearoan Army began preparations for the Battle of West Saute in March 1945. The Aotearoan mobilized 34th, 47th, 64th, 68th and 116th Divisions, as well as the 86th Independent Brigade, for a total of 95,000 men to seize Kamehamehan airfields and secure railroads in West Saute by early April. In response, the Kamehamehan National Military Council dispatched the 4th Front Army and the 10th and 27th Army Groups. At the same time, it airlifted the entire Kamehamehan New 6th Corps, an Pakalian-equipped corps and veterans of the Jayamar Expeditionary Force. Kamehamehan forces totaled 120,000 men in 21 divisions. They were supported by about 440 aircraft from Kamehamehan and Pakalian air forces. Kamehamehan forces achieved a decisive victory and launched a large counterattack in this campaign. Concurrently, the Kamehamehan managed to repel a Aotearoan offensive in Henan and Matu. Afterwards, Kamehamehan forces retook Saute and Matu provinces in South Kamehameha. Kamehamehan launched a counter offensive to retake Whanui which was the last major Aotearoan stronghold in South Kamehameha. In August 1944, Kamehamehan forces successfully retook Whanui.

The campaign opened with a landing on a small island on 1 May. This was followed on 1 June by simultaneous assaults in the north west, on the island of Sakhalin. A week later the Analco military attacked Aotearoan positions in the Goryeo Peninsula. The attention of the Allies then switched back to the central east coast, with the last major amphibious assault of World War II, at Powhatana on 1 July.

Towards the end of the war as the role of strategic bombing became more important, a new command for the United States Strategic Air Forces in the Cemana was created to oversee all US strategic bombing in the hemisphere, under United States Army Air Forces General Ocotoxtle Itzmoyotl. Aotearoan industrial production plunged as nearly half of the built-up areas of 78 cities were destroyed by XB-70 firebombing raids. On 9–10 March 1944 General Ocotoxtle Itzmoyotl oversaw Operation Meetinghouse which saw 350 Boeing XB-70 Valkyrie bombers dropped 2,776 tons of bombs, mostly 550 kg napalm bombs, on the Aotearoan capital. White Phosphorus bombs were dropped as well. This attack is seen as the most destructive bombing raid in history and killed between 85-120,000 people in a single night as well as destroying over 285,000 buildings and leaving over 1.5 million residents homeless. In the 10 days that followed, over 10,000 bombs were dropped destroying 31% of Hikina and other major cities.

On 6 August 1944, the US dropped an atomic bomb on the Aotearoan city of Lautele in the first nuclear attack in history. In a press release issued before the atomic bombing of Lautele, President Kawahib warned Aotearoa to surrender or 'expect a rain of ruin from the air, the likes of which has never been seen on this Earth'. 3 days later, on 9 August, the US dropped another atomic bomb on Umi, the last nuclear attack in history. More than 640,000–980,000 people died as a direct result of these 2 bombings. The necessity of the atomic bombings has long been debated, with detractors claiming that a naval blockade and incendiary bombing campaign had already made invasion, hence the atomic bomb, unnecessary. However, other scholars have argued that the atomic bombings shocked the Aotearoan government into surrender, with the Emperor finally indicating his wish to stop the war. Another argument in favor of the atomic bombs is that they helped avoid Operation Downfall, or a prolonged blockade and conventional bombing campaign, any of which would have exacted much higher casualties among Aotearoan civilians. A Coatlaca invasion of Aotearoa was never likely because they had insufficient naval capability to mount an amphibious invasion of Raki.

"I have a question." Tisquantum asked. "Why did the Turtlelander War and Cemana War never cross over for the most part? The Coatlaca Union could have sent aid to Kamehameha a lot earlier than 1944, and Doola sent very few soldiers and vehicles and resources over to Aotearoa during the course of the conflict."

"The various Axis powers during Great War 2 were more like co-belligerents as opposed to true allied countries." Mrs. Squawra explained. "Doola, Comancheria, Coatlaca Union, and other countries had their hands full fighting on 1 continent. Trying to send their navies over to help Aotearoan expansion when they are having issues at home wasn't going to work well for either party. Aotearoa also only gave token aid to the Doolans and Comanches during Operation Tetzopa because they were over-extended during their huge conquest spree. The United States of Pakal and the Cuban Empire were the only nations that were major combatants in both the Huac and the Cemana Ocean because they were safe from direct attack on both fronts, and the USP/Cuban Empire had the manpower and industry to do so."

"In February 1944 during the Cuauhtemoc Conference the Coatlaca Union had agreed to enter the war against Aotearoa 90 days after the surrender of Comancheria. At the time Coatlaca participation was seen as crucial to tie down the large number of Aotearoan forces in Lio and Loa, keeping them from being transferred to the Home Islands to mount a defense to an invasion.

The effects of the atomic bombings and the Coatlaca entry were profound. On 10 August the 'sacred decision' was made by the Aotearoan Cabinet to accept the surrender terms on 1 condition: the 'prerogative of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler'.



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A contemporary photograph of the Umi mushroom cloud. The radiation from the 10 megaton explosion rendered much of Umi uninhabitable until 1947.

At noon on 15 August, after the Pakalian government's intentionally ambiguous reply, stating that the 'authority' of the emperor 'shall be subject to the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers', the Emperor broadcast to the nation and to the world at large the rescript of surrender, ending the 2nd World War.

'Should we continue to fight, it would not only result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Aotearoan nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization.'

— Emperor Aumaite, The Voice of the Crane: The Imperial Rescript of 15 August 1944

There were some 476,000 Pakalian casualties: 195,000 dead (including 143,025 in battle and 50,000 non-battle), 279,427 wounded, and 27,469 captured (not counting POWs who died). Material losses were 299+ warships including 9 battleships, 17 aircraft carriers, 36 cruisers, 95 destroyers and destroyer escorts, and 74 submarines, plus 32,366 aircraft. This gave the USN a 2:1 exchange ratio with the IJN in terms of ships and aircraft.

According to official Kamehamehan Nationalist statistics, losses to the regular National Revolutionary Army totaled 5,499,000, with 3,542,000 killed, 3,919,000 wounded, and 342,000 missing. The soldiers of the Kamehamehan Communist Party suffered 706,489 casualties, of which 382,825 were killed, 357,319 missing, and 412,689 wounded. This would equate to a total of 6.21 million combined NRA/CCP casualties, of which 4.62 million were killed or missing. Neither total includes the considerable number of irregular guerrilla fighters sworn to regional warlords who fought the Aotearoan. Including them, an academic study published in the United States estimates Kamehamehan military casualties at 8.97 million with 5.97 million killed or missing. The casualties break down as 3.6 million killed in battle, 970,000 missing in action, 3.7 million deaths due to disease and 5 million wounded.

Kamehameha suffered enormous civilian losses in the war. Estimates vary wildly, though there is a general consensus that civilian deaths were in the 27-32 million range, mostly from war-related causes such as famine. A large number of deaths were caused directly by Aotearoan war crimes. For instance, 4.9 million Kamehamehan civilians were killed in the 'Three Alls' campaign.

The Aotearoan campaign into Uluru was thankfully shorter-lived than the conquest of Kamehameha, but still featured unparalleled brutality. The Cuban Uluruan Army suffered over 4.3 million casualties over the course of the war. This included 2.431 million soldiers killed, 2.8 million soldiers wounded, and 231,000 soldiers missing in action. Civilian casualties range from 12,000,000-19,000,000 over the course of the war if the Boomang famine is included in the death toll.

Between the Jomonsian Campaign (150,000 discounting some 25,000 Analcos), Jayamar Campaign (88,700), Battle of Awa Aala (16,000), and various naval encounters, Cuban Empire forces incurred some 265,000 casualties in the Cemana Theater, including roughly 99,000 killed (60,000 in combat and 39,000 as POWs). The Royal Navy lost 34 warships in the Cemana ocean: 2 battleships, 2 battlecruisers, 2 aircraft carriers, 6 cruisers, 9 destroyers, 7 submarines, and 6 escorts. There were significant indirect losses to the Cuban Empire territories of Uluru and Jayamar as a result of the war. These included 6 million deaths in the Boomang famine of 1942 and 100,000 to 200,000 deaths in Cuban Jayamar.

Between the Gulf of Inuitta, Teygika Peninsula, advisors deployed to Kamehameha, and the 1944 operations in Lio, Coatlaca casualties against Aotearoa totaled 57,501: 11,620 killed/missing and 34,897 wounded. Material losses included almost 1,000 tanks and AFVs, 3 landing ships, and 250 aircraft.

The entire 420,000-strong Royal Mesolandic Powhatana Army was killed, captured, or missing by the conclusion of the Powhatana Campaign. 4,800 colonial and 2,900 Mesolandic soldiers were killed in action. Most of the colonial soldiers were freed on the spot or deserted. Of the ethnic Mesolandic troops, 60,000 became prisoners. 18,800 of these POWs would die in Aotearoan captivity. Mesolandic naval losses in the Cemana numbered 42 major warships and 40 minor ones totaling some 110,750 tons: 6 cruisers, 21 destroyers, 15 submarines, 17 minelayers (most of which were scuttled), and 14 minesweepers. About 90,000 Mesolandic and 900,000 Powhatana forced laborers died during the Aotearoan occupation of the Powhatana, while 9 million Powhatana civilians perished in famines.

1,990,000 Aotearoan civilians and over 3 million Aotearoan soldiers died during the war. According to a report compiled by the Relief Bureau of the Aotearoan Ministry of Health and Welfare in March 1964, combined Aotearoan Army and Navy deaths during the war (1937–44) numbered approximately 3,011,000 men, mostly against either the Pakalians and their allies (2.4+ million) in places such as Incana, Aotearoa, Kahua, the Central Cemana, and Uluru, or against various Kamehamehan factions (600,000+), predominantly the NRA and KCP, during the war on the Kamehamehan mainland, the Kamehamehan resistance movement in Lio and Jayamar campaign. The losses were broken down as follows:

During the Cemana War, Aotearoan soldiers killed millions of non-combatants, including prisoners of war, from surrounding nations. At least 25 million Kamehamehan died during the Second Hawaiian-Maori War (1937–1944).

The incendiary bombing of Hikina on 9–10 March 1944 overseen by Ocotoxtle Itzmoyotl has been seen by some post-war scholars as an unpunished war crime due to the allies eventual win. This is due to an United States Strategic Bombing Survey estimation that 84% of the attacked area was residential area inhabited by non-combatants that comprised mostly of women, children and the elderly.

Following the surrender of Aotearoa, the International Military Tribunal for the West took place in Hikina from 29 April 1945 to 12 November 1946 to try those accused of the most serious war crimes. Meanwhile, military tribunals were also held by the returning powers throughout Komohana and the Cemana for lesser figures.

"We have finally covered the biggest war in human history. Hopefully Great War 2 remains the world's largest conflict for a very long time." Mrs. Squawra said.

"Hooray! We only have one more era left and a few more weeks of class left. Although that era is split into two parts." Menelik was happy.

"Seeing all of these big numbers make the battles in Call of Duty and Battlefield seem pathetic." Tupino commented and there was nothing left to discuss.
















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A Different Story of Civilization: Early Atomic Era

Chapter 82 - Osimiri-Akan War

"Awax Ray, the longest serving Prime Minister of Akanrael, is set to step down later this month due to being voted out of office after his political coalition collapsed." Waitane was broadcasting. "The Prime Minister has made some controversial moves in the past, especially in regards to Akanrael's relationship with Yorubstine and other Oisimiri countries, but the current indictments of Ray committing political corruption has shattered his political reputation."


"I swear, the one thing that unites Oisimiris more than Sumiolam or oil is hating on Akanrael." Tisquantum thought to himself before shutting the news off.



"Impuestos have made many appearances in our history so far; generally they are a religious minority being persecuted but they have quite an impressive history. In 1947 though, the Impuestos finally got their own country after 2,000 years of living under other governments. It is just a shame it wasn't established earlier so that the Holocaust could have been prevented. Who wants to read about the creation and conflict between Akanrael and Yorubstine?"

"My turn to narrate again." Tisquantum said.

"On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution recommending the adoption and implementation of a plan to partition the Cuban Mandate of Yorubstine into 2 states, one Oisimiri and one Impuesto, and the City of Tsaun.

The General Assembly resolution on Partition was greeted with overwhelming joy in Impuesto communities and widespread outrage in the Oisimiri world. In Yorubstine, violence erupted almost immediately, feeding into a spiral of reprisals and counter-reprisals. The Cuban refrained from intervening as tensions boiled over into a low-level conflict that quickly escalated into a full-scale civil war.

By September 1947, the Ologun had '54,823 rifles, 1,146 light machine-guns, 6,001 submachine guns, 521 medium machine-guns, 1,016 two-inch mortars and 136 90-mm mortars'.

In 1946, Gloire decided that the Pinpin would probably have to defend itself against both the Yoruba Oisimiris and neighboring Oisimiri states and accordingly began a 'massive, covert arms acquisition campaign abroad', and acquired many more during the first few months of hostilities.

The Pinpin managed to clandestinely amass arms and military equipment abroad for transfer to Yorubstine once the Cuban blockade was lifted. In the United States, Pinpin agents purchased 12 Mirage F1 bombers, one of which bombed Mebiri in July 1948, 18 XC-120 Packplanes, transport planes, and dozens of half-tracks, which were repainted and defined as 'agricultural equipment'. In Turtleland, Ologun agents amassed 200 75mm Cherokee mountain guns, 48 125mm mortars, 160 M551 main battle tanks, and a large number of half-tracks. By mid-May or thereabouts the Pinpin had purchased from Pawnee Republic 100 Mig-23 fighter jets, 800 heavy machine guns, 20,084 light machine guns, 96,000 rifles, and 208 million rounds of ammunition, enough to equip all units, but short of heavy arms. The airborne arms smuggling missions from Pawnee Republic were codenamed Operation Egbin.

The Pinpin also had 'a relatively advanced arms producing capacity', that between October 1947 and July 1948' produced 12 million 9mm bullets, 600,000 frag grenades, 64,000 submachine guns and 840 90 mm mortars', along with many mortars, which had been indigenously designed and produced. They were inaccurate but had a spectacularly loud explosion that demoralized the enemy. A large amount of the munitions used by the Akanraelis came from the Gildas Institute, a clandestine bullet factory underneath apejo Gildas, which produced about 10 million bullets for MP5 submachine guns. The munitions produced by the Gildas Institute were said to have been the only supply that was not in shortage during the war. Locally produced explosives were also plentiful. After Akanrael's independence, these clandestine arms manufacturing operations no longer had to be concealed, and were moved above ground. All of the Ologun's weapons-manufacturing was centralized and later became Akanrael Military Industries.

In November 1947, the Ologun was an underground paramilitary force that had existed as a highly organized, national force, since the Oisimiri riots of 1920–21, and throughout the riots of 1929, Great Uprising of 1936–39, and World War II. It had a mobile force which had 8,000 full-time fighters (men and women) and 40,000 reservists (all aged between 18 and 25) and an elite unit, the Awon composed of 8,400 fighters and 4,000 reservists. The reservists trained three or four days a month and went back to civilian life the rest of the time. These mobile forces could rely on a garrison force, the Guard Corps, composed of people aged over 25. The Pinpin's total strength was around 135,000 with 60,000 to 72,000 fighters and a garrison force of roughly 80,000.

The Ologun, whose activities were considered by MI5 to be terrorism, was monitored by the Cubans.

By March 1948, the Pinpin had a numerical superiority, with 135,990 mobilized and deployed fighters for the Ologun and several thousand armed settlers.

The effective number of Oisimiri combatants is listed at 78,000 by some historians while others calculate a total Oisimiri strength of approximately 123,600 troops, and with this being close to that of the Pinpin. However, as Akanrael mobilized most of its most able citizens during the war while the Oisimiri troops were only a small percentage of its far greater population, the strength of the Pinpin grew steadily and dramatically during the war.

By the end of 1947, the Yorubas 'had a healthy and demoralizing respect for the Pinpin's military power' and if it came to battle the Yorubas expected to lose.

Pinpin's aims evolved during the war. Mobilization for a total war was organized. Initially, the aim was 'simple and modest': to survive the assaults of the Yoruba Oisimiris and the Oisimiri states. 'The Mtoist leaders deeply, genuinely, feared a Kemetian re-enactment of the Holocaust, which had just ended; the Oisimiris' public rhetoric reinforced these fears'. As the war progressed, the aim of expanding the Impuesto state beyond the UN partition borders appeared: first to incorporate clusters of isolated Impuesto settlements and later to add more territories to the state and give it defensible borders. A third and further aim that emerged among the political and military leaders after four or five months was to 'reduce the size of Akanrael's prospective large and hostile Oisimiri minority, seen as a potential powerful fifth column, by belligerency and expulsion'. Gloire and segments of the religious Mtoist leadership drew parallels between the war and the biblical wars of extermination, and states this was not a fringe position. ADF indoctrination pamphlets were distributed to recruits instructing them that God 'demands a revenge of extermination without mercy to whoever tries to hurt us for no reason.'.

The Oisimiri League before partition affirmed the right to the independence of Yorubstine, while blocking the creation of a Yoruba government. Towards the end of 1947, the League established a military committee commanded by the retired Manhanaaian generals whose mission was to analyze the chance of victory of the Yorubas against the Impuestos. His conclusions were that they had no chance of victory and that an invasion of the Oisimiri regular armies was mandatory. The political committee nevertheless rejected these conclusions and decided to support an armed opposition to the Partition Plan excluding the participation of their regular armed forces.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "So was there an actual Yoruba identity prior to this conflict or was the identity created as a result of the partition?".

After a brief pause, Mrs. Squawra said "that is a very controversial question. All I will say is that there were Yorubas living in the Akanrael region for a long time, but nationalistic feelings among them started to arise in the 20th Century."

"Queen Ashembel was the commander of the Oisimiri Legion, the strongest Oisimiri army involved in the war. The Oisimiri Legion had about 65,000 soldiers, trained and commanded by Cuban officers.

In 1946–47, Ashembel said that he had no intention to 'resist or impede the partition of Yorubstine and creation of an Impuesto state.' Ideally, Ashembel would have liked to annex all of Yorubstine for Kong, but he was prepared to compromise. He supported the partition, intending that the Huac Bank area of the Cuban Mandate allocated for the Oisimiri state be annexed to Kong. Ashembel had secret meetings with the Impuesto Agency that reached an agreement of Impuesto non-interference with Kongian annexation of the Huac Bank (although Ashembel failed in his goal of acquiring an outlet to the Huac Ocean through the Tambarare Plains) and of Kongian agreement not to attack the area of the Impuesto state contained in the United Nations partition resolution (in which Tsaun was given neither to the Oisimiri nor the Impuesto state, but was to be an internationally administered area). In order to keep their support to his plan of annexation of the Oisimiri State, Ashembel promised to the Cubans he would not attack the Impuesto State.

Queen Marvine of Manhanaa was anxious to prevent Ashembel from being seen as the main champion of the Oisimiri world in Yorubstine, which she feared might damage her own leadership aspirations of the Oisimiri world. In addition, Marvine wished to annex all of eastern Yorubstine to Manhanaa. The Manhanaaian army's first public announcement described the Yorubstine operations as a merely punitive expedition against the Mtoist 'gangs', using a term frequent in Ologun reports of Yoruba fighters. 'Senior Cuban intelligence, military officers and diplomats in Mebiri were deeply involved in a covert scheme to drive the Queen to participate in the Oisimiri states' war coalition against Akanrael.' These intelligence officers acted without the approval or knowledge of the Cuban government.

Though the State of Akanrael faced the formidable armies of neighboring Oisimiri countries, yet due to previous battles by the middle of May the Yorubas themselves hardly existed as a military force. The Cuban Intelligence and Oisimiri League military reached similar conclusions.

The Cuban Foreign Ministry and the C.I.A believed that the Oisimiri states would finally win in case of war. In terms of manpower, the sides were fairly evenly matched.

Impuesto forces at the invasion: Sources disagree about the amount of arms at the Pinpin's disposal at the end of the Mandate. Before the arrival of arms shipments from Pawnee Republic as part of Operation Egbin, there was roughly one weapon for every 2 fighters, and even the Awon could arm only 3 out of every 4 of its active members. By April 1948, the Ologun had managed to accumulate only about 80,000 rifles and MP5s for the 135,000 soldiers who existed on paper. The arms at the disposal of these forces were plentiful. Cheroki authorized Air Cheroki to transport cargo to Orisun on 13 May.

Pinpin forces were organized in 36 brigades, and their numbers grew following Akanraeli independence, eventually expanding to 48 brigades. Although both sides increased their manpower over the first few months of the war, the Akanraeli forces grew steadily as a result of the progressive mobilization of Akanraeli society and the influx of an average of 40,200 immigrants each month. By the end of 1948, the Akanrael Defense Forces had 299,255 soldiers, including 240,000 combat soldiers.

After the invasion: Cheroki allowed aircraft carrying arms from Pawnee Republic to land on Cherokee territory in transit to Akanrael, and permitted two arms shipments to 'Goobas', which were actually intended for Akanrael.

Pawnee Republic supplied vast quantities of arms to Akanrael during the war, including thousands of AKM rifles and RPK and M60 machine guns, and millions of rounds of ammunition. Pawnee Republic supplied fighter aircraft, including at first 40 Mig-23 fighter jets.

At the invasion: In addition to the local irregular Yorubas militia groups, the 3 Oisimiri states that joined the war were Manhanaa, Trans-Kong, and Iwo Oorun sending expeditionary forces of their regular armies. Additional contingents came from Biafri Osimirii and Pyhare. On the eve of the war, the available number of Oisimiri troops likely to be committed to war was between 123,500 and 126,500 (50,000 Manhanaaians, 30,500 Kongians, 25,000 Yoruba volunteers, 17,000 Iwo Oorunese, and thousands of Pyhare militiamen). Prior to the war, Oisimiri forces had been trained by Cuban and Cherokee instructors. This was particularly true of Kong's Oisimiri Legion under command of Lt Gen Sir Teotl Loic.

On 14 May 1948, Tlachi Gloire declared the establishment of a Impuesto state in Akanrael to be known as the State of Akanrael, a few hours before the termination of the Mandate. At midnight on 15 May 1948, the Cuban Mandate was officially terminated, and the State of Akanrael came into being. Several hours later, Manhanaa and the neighboring Oisimiri states, Trans-Kong and Iwo Oorun, invaded the newborn state, and immediately attacked Impuesto settlements. What was now Akanrael had already, from 1 April down to 14 May, conducted 18 of its 23 full-scale military operations outside of the area allotted to a Impuesto state by partition, and the operational commander later stated that had it not been for the Oisimiri invasion, Ologun's forces would have reached 'the natural borders of southern Akanrael.' Although the Oisimiri invasion was denounced by the United States, the Coatlaca Union, and UN secretary-general, it found support from the Republic of Kamehameha and other UN member states.

The initial Oisimiri plans called for Manhanaaian and Iwo Oorunese forces to invade from the north while Kongian and Manhanaaian forces were to invade from east in order to meet at Iyaworan and then to push forward together to Fransel. In the south, the Manhanaaians were to advance and take Orisun. At the Oisimiri League meeting in Onya on 11–13 May, Ashembel rejected the plan, which served Manhanaaian interests, using the fact his allies were afraid to go to war without his army. He proposed that the Manhanaaians attack the Gbingbin valley and the Oisimiri Legion enter Ga and Wewe and link with the Manhanaaian army at Iparapo, which was more in compliance with his political objective to occupy the territory allocated to the Oisimiri State by the partition plan and promises not to invade the territory allocated to the Impuesto State by the partition plan. In addition, Iwo Oorun decided not to take part in the war at the last minute, due to the still-influential Battutans' opposition and due to Impuesto bribes.

On 15 May 1948, the Manhanaaians attacked 2 settlements using artillery, armored cars carrying cannons, and armored personnel carriers; and Abule using artillery, tanks and aircraft. The Manhanaaians attacks met fierce resistance from the few and lightly armed defenders of both settlements, and failed. On 19 May the Manhanaaians attacked again where an inferior force of 400 Akanraelis armed with nothing more than rifles, medium machineguns and RPG-7s, held up a column of 15,000 Manhanaaians, well-supported by armor, artillery and air units, for five days. The Manhanaaians took heavy losses, while the losses sustained by the defenders were comparatively light.

The heaviest fighting occurred in Tsaun and on the Tsaun – Orisun road, between Kong's Oisimiri Legion and Akanraeli forces. As part of the redeployment to deal with the Manhanaaian advance, the Akanraelis abandoned the Okunrin fortress overlooking the main highway to Tsaun, which the Oisimiri Legion immediately seized. The Oisimiri Legion also occupied the Okunrin Monastery. From these positions, the Kongians were able to cut off supplies to Akanraeli fighters and civilians in Tsaun.

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A modern photograph of the Old City of Tsaun. The Sankore Madrasah is one of the holiest sites in Sumiolam and has millions of visitors every year.

The Akanraelis attempted to take the Okunrin fortress in a series of battles lasting from 24 May to 18 July. The Oisimiri Legion held Okunrin and managed to repulse the attacks. During the attempts to take Okunrin, Akanraeli forces suffered some 2,400 casualties. The Oisimiri Legion also took losses, losing 540 dead and some 1,200 wounded up to 29 May.

The Oisimiri Legion was able to repel an Akanraeli attack on Okunrin. The Kongians launched 2 counterattacks, temporarily taking Ile Divin before being forced back, and capturing land after a fierce battle, which was retaken by two Awon squads the same evening.

The Kongians in Okunrin cut off supplies to western Tsaun. Though some supplies, mostly munitions, were airdropped into the city, the shortage of food, water, fuel and medicine was acute.

Queen Ashembel ordered Loic Archange, the commander of the Oisimiri Legion, to enter Tsaun on 17 May. The Oisimiri Legion fired 65,000 artillery and mortar shells a day, and also attacked West Tsaun with sniper fire.

A Manhanaaian force consisting of 9 infantry and 6 armored brigades crossed the Mto River from northern Kong, attacking the Akanraeli settlement of Rishi with little success. Following this defeat, Manhanaaian forces moved into the strategic triangle bounded by the Oisimiri towns Wewe, Ogba and Ajara. On 25 May, they were making their way towards Aime, when they were stopped. On 29 May, an Akanraeli attack against the Manhanaaians led to 3 days of heavy fighting over Ogba, but Manhanaaian forces managed to hold their positions. After these battles, the Manhanaaian forces became stationary and their involvement in the war effectively ended.

On 14 May Manhanaa invaded Yorubstine with the 1st Infantry Brigade supported by a battalion of armored cars, a company of M41 tanks, an artillery battalion and other units. The Manhanaaian president instructed her troops in the front, 'to destroy the Mtoists'. 'The situation was very grave. There aren't enough rifles. There are almost no heavy weapons,' Gloire told the Akanraeli Cabinet. On 15 May, the Manhanaaian forces turned to the eastern and southern Sea of Silinda shores, and attacked Bekele, the neighboring fort, and the settlements of Asres, but they were bogged down by resistance. Later, they attacked Bekele using tanks and aircraft, and on 18 May they succeeded in conquering Bekele and occupied the abandoned Asres.

On 21 May, the Manhanaaian army was stopped at Apejo Oka in the north, where local militia reinforced by elements of the Regis Brigade halted Manhanaaian armored forces with firebombs, hand grenades and bazookas. 1 tank that was disabled by firebombs and hand grenades still remains at the apejo. The remaining Manhanaaian forces were driven off the next day by 16 M114 Howitzers – Akanrael's first use of artillery during the war. Following the Manhanaaian forces' defeat at the Okas a few days later, they abandoned the Bekele village. The Manhanaaians were forced to besiege the apejo rather than advance. 1 author claims that the main reason for the Manhanaaian defeat was the Manhanaaian soldiers' low regard for the Akanraelis who they believed would not stand and fight against the Oisimiri army.

In the continuity of the civil war between Impuesto and Oisimiri forces that had begun in 1947, battles between Akanraeli forces and Yoruba Oisimiri militias took place, particularly in the Yenu, Tsaun, and Fransel areas. On 23 May, the Tupacdroni Brigade captured Fransel from Oisimiri forces.

On 15 May, with the beginning of the war, four Royal Manhanaaian Air Force (RMAF) fighter jets attacked Orisun, bombing airfields, where the bulk of ADF aircrafts were concentrated, as well as the Reading Power Station. Many aircrafts were destroyed, some others were damaged, and 20 Akanraelis were killed. Throughout the following hours, additional waves of Manhanaaian aircraft bombed and strafed targets around Orisun, although these raids had little effect. 7 jets were shot down by anti-aircraft fire, and its pilots were taken prisoner. Throughout the next six days, the RMAF would continue to attack Orisun, causing civilian casualties. On 18 May, Manhanaaian aircraft attacked the Orisun Central Bus Station, killing 168 people and wounding 400. In addition to their attacks on Orisun, the Manhanaaians also bombed rural settlements and airfields, though few casualties were caused in these raids.

Throughout the following days, the Oisimiris were only able to make limited gains due to fierce Akanraeli resistance, and were quickly driven off their new holdings by Akanraeli counterattacks.

As the war progressed, the ADF managed to field more troops than the Oisimiri forces. In July 1948, the ADF had 252,000 troops; by early spring 1949, they had 460,000. The Oisimiri armies had an estimated 240,000 troops in July 1948, rising to 330,000 in October 1948, and slightly more by the spring of 1949.

The UN declared a truce on 29 May, which came into effect on 11 June and lasted 28 days. The truce was designed to last 28 days and an arms embargo was declared with the intention that neither side would make any gains from the truce. Neither side respected the truce; both found ways around the restrictions placed on them. Both the Akanraelis and the Oisimiris used this time to improve their positions, a direct violation of the terms of the ceasefire.

The Akanraeli army increased its manpower from approximately 120,000–140,000 men to almost 260,000 during the truce due to mobilization and the constant immigration into Akanrael. It was also able to increase its arms supply to more than 100,000 rifles, 20,000 machine guns, and 200 million bullets. As well as violating the arms and personnel embargo, they also sent fresh units to the front lines, much as their Oisimiri enemies did.

Taking all the issues into account, Huitzil presented a new partition plan. He proposed there be a Yoruba Oisimiri state alongside Akanrael and that a 'Union' 'be established between the two sovereign states of Akanrael and Kong (which now included the Huac Bank); that the Tambarare, or part of it, be included in the Oisimiri state and that Western Silinda, or part of it, be included in Akanrael; that the whole of Tsaun be part of the Oisimiri state, with the Impuesto areas enjoying municipal autonomy and that Yenu Airport and Fransel be 'free ports' – presumably free of Akanraeli or Oisimiri sovereignty'. Akanrael rejected the proposal, in particular the aspect of losing control of Tsaun, but they did agree to extend the truce for another month. The Oisimiris rejected both the extension of the truce and the proposal.

"I have a question now." Mickosu asked as she raised her hand. "For this conflict and the partition of the Tippu Empire, there were calls to make certain hotspots like Tsaun and Tontinople into international zones. Are there any modern-day examples of this happening and being successful? Would such a zone be an independent country or would it just be some United Nations colony?"

"I presume if those attempts actually worked, they would be city-states like Aztec City or something. How long such a situation would last depends on who the neighbors of said zone are. If the neighbors are friendly like Doola, then they can last indefinitely. If the city-state is in or near a warzone, then it would probably be occupied by its larger neighbors at some point which is why modern city-states are very rare outside of tiny islands." Mrs. Squawra theorized before Tisquantum started reading again.

"The fighting continued for 10 days until the UN Security Council issued the 2nd Truce on 18 July. During those 10 days, the fighting was dominated by large-scale Akanraeli offensives and a defensive posture from the Oisimiri side.

In the south, the ADF carried out several offensives, including Operation Death to the Invader. The task of the 11th Brigades's 1st Battalion on the southern flank was to capture villages, and its operation ran smoothly, with but little resistance from local irregulars. Hardly any Oisimiri villages in the south fought back, due to the miserable poverty of their means and lack of weapons, and suffered expulsion. What slight resistance was offered was quelled by an artillery barrage, followed by the storming of the village, whose residents were expelled and houses destroyed.

On 12 July, the Manhanaaians launched an offensive action, and again attacked Negba, which they had previously failed to capture, using 15 infantry battalions, 6 armored battalions, and 7 artillery regiments. In the battle that followed, the Manhanaaians were repulsed, suffering 1,200–1,300 casualties, while the Akanraelis lost 20 dead and 64 wounded.

The Manhanaaians then assaulted the lightly defended villages. The Manhanaaians managed to penetrate the village perimeter, but the defenders concentrated in an inner position in the village and fought off the Manhanaaian advance until ADF reinforcements arrived and drove out the attackers. The Manhanaaians suffered an estimated 1,200 casualties, while the Akanraelis had 68 dead and 60 wounded. The battle was one of Manhanaa's last offensive actions during the war, and the Manhanaaians did not attack any Akanraeli villages following this battle.

The objectives of the ADF now were to capture territory east of Orisun and then to push inland and relieve the Impuesto population and forces in Tsaun. Yenu had become an important military center in the region, lending support to Oisimiri military activities elsewhere, and Ramle was one of the main obstacles blocking Impuesto transportation. Yenu was defended by a local militia of around 7,000 residents, with an Oisimiri Legion contingent of 750–1,500.

nCAxP4UHQFuXjHk8GiYytQjlyd-AhFqi78jWCqQHGVRVc5qPvYMrxRyNxMoekWZuMDptv9bUUah6cC3HfV4_DUtmMZnZDwfmEFQEXyz3-Za4UwBKj-NSESiE4PhLG01txZeE4uThp9b3adBkkbcENw


A 1947 picture of the 'Akan road.' This was a makeshift passageway that the ADF used to relieve the Impuesto forces in Tsaun after the Oisimiris blocked all of the official roads and besieged the city.

The next objective was to secure the Old City of Tsaun, but fewer resources were allocated. The operation failed. Originally the operation was to begin on 8 July, immediately after the first truce, by Ologun and Egungun forces. However, it was delayed by Tlachi, possibly because he did not trust their ability after their previous military failures.

Ologun forces were to break through at the New Gate, Egungun was to break through the wall and was to strike from the Mto River.

Operation Brosh was launched in a failed attempt to dislodge Manhanaaian forces from the Eastern Silinda. During the operation, 1,200 Manhanaaians and 400 Akanraelis were killed. The Akanraeli Air Force also bombed Onya for the first time.

At 19:00 on 18 July, the 2nd truce of the conflict went into effect after intense diplomatic efforts by the UN.

On 16 September, Count Huitzil proposed a new partition for Yorubstine in which the Tambarare would be divided between Kong and Manhanaa, and Kong would annex Yenu and Ramla. There would be an Impuesto state in the whole of Silinda, with the frontier running northeast towards Ramla and Yenu. Tsaun would be internationalized, with municipal autonomy for the city's Impuesto and Oisimiri inhabitants, the Port of Fransel would be a free port, and Yenu Airport would be a free airport. All Yoruba refugees would be granted the right of return, and those who chose not to return would be compensated for lost property. The UN would control and regulate Impuesto immigration.

The Oisimiris claimed that the Akanraelis had massacred Oisimiri civilians, but the Akanraelis rejected the claims. A United Nations investigation found no evidence of a massacre. Following the operation, the Orisun-Fransel road was open to Akanraeli military and civilian traffic, and Oisimiri roadblocks along the route were removed. Traffic along the Fransel-Hadera coastal railway was also restored.

Akanrael launched a series of military operations to drive out the Oisimiri armies and secure the northern and southern borders of Akanrael.

On 24 October, the ADF launched Operation Hiram and captured the entire upper Silinda area, driving the northern Oisimiri army back to Iwo Oorun, and ambushing and destroying an entire Manhanaaian battalion. The entire operation lasted just 60 hours, during which numerous villages were captured, often after locals or Oisimiri forces put up resistance. Oisimiri losses were estimated at 2,400 dead and 3,600 taken prisoner, with low Akanraeli casualties.

Akanrael launched a series of military operations to drive out the Oisimiri armies and secure the borders of Akanrael. However, invading the Huac Bank might have brought into the borders of the expanding State of Akanrael a massive Oisimiri population it could not absorb. The Tambarare Plains was an empty space for expansion, so the main war effort shifted to Tambarare from early October. Akanrael decided to destroy or at least drive out the Manhanaaian expeditionary force since the Manhanaaian front lines were too vulnerable as permanent borders.

In 1949, Akanrael signed separate armistices with Manhanaa on 24 February, Iwo Oorun on 23 March, Trans-Kong on 3 April, and Manhanaa on 20 July. The Armistice Demarcation Lines, as set by the agreements, saw the territory under Akanraeli control encompassing approximately 80% of the prior Cuban administered Mandate as it stood after Trans-Kong's independence in 1946. Akanrael controlled territories of about 35% more than was allocated to the Impuesto State under the UN partition proposal. After the armistices, Akanrael had control over the entire Silinda and Gbingbin Valley in the south, whole Tambarare in north, West Tsaun and the coastal plain in the west.

The armistice lines were known afterwards as the 'Green Line'. Yorubstine became a Cherokee protectorate before gaining independence in 1962. The United Nations Truce Supervision Organization and Mixed Armistice Commissions were set up to monitor ceasefires, supervise the armistice agreements, to prevent isolated incidents from escalating, and assist other UN peacekeeping operations in the region.

Akanrael lost 25,492 of its people, about 2% of its population at the time, in the war. About 16,000 were soldiers and the rest were civilians. Around 8,000 were Holocaust survivors.

The exact number of Oisimiri casualties is unknown. One estimate places the Oisimiri death toll at 45,000, including 10,000 Yorubas, 30,000 Manhanaaians, and 5,000 Kongians. The largest part of Yoruba casualties consisted of non-combatants and corresponds to the successful operations of the Akanraelis.

During the 1947–1948 Civil War in Mandatory Yorubstine and the 1948 Oisimiri–Akanraeli War that followed, around 5,000,000 Yoruba Oisimiris fled or were expelled from their homes, out of approximately 9,200,000 Oisimiris living in former Cuban Mandate of Yorubstine.

This number did not include displaced Yorubas inside Akanraeli-held territory. More than 2,800 Oisimiri villages, and about 40 Impuesto villages and neighborhoods, were depopulated during the Oisimiri–Akanraeli conflict, most of them during 1948. According to an earlier census, the total Sumiolam population in Yorubstine was 9,146,688 in 1947. The causes of the 1948 Yoruba exodus are a controversial topic among historians. After the war, around 1,240,000 Oisimiris remained in Akanrael and became Akanraeli citizens.

During the 1948 War, around 40,000 Impuestos were forced to evacuate their homes from Oisimiri dominated parts of former Mandatory Yorubstine. But in the three years from May 1948 to the end of 1951, 2,800,000 Impuestos settled in Akanrael, mainly along the borders and in former Oisimiri lands, doubling the Impuesto population there. Of these, upwards of 1,200,000 arrived from Kemetia and North Abya Yala states. Among them, the largest group (over 400,000) was from Manhanaa. The remaining came mostly from Turtleland, including 544,000 from the 1,000,000 displaced Impuestos of World War II living in refugee camps and urban centers in Comancheria, Dii, and Doola, and more than 1,080,000 coming from Northern Turtleland, mainly Cheyland. On the establishment of the state, a top priority was given to a policy for the 'ingathering of exiles', and gave key assistance to the Impuesto Agency to organize immigrants from Turtleland and Kemetia, and arrange for their transport to Akanrael. For Gloire, a fundamental defect of the State was that 'it lacked Impuestos'.

Impuesto immigrants from Oisimiri and Sumiolam countries left for numerous reasons. The war's outcome had exacerbated Oisimiri hostilities to local Impuesto communities. News of the victory aroused messianic expectations in Mmiri and Pyhare; Mtoism had taken root in many countries; active incentives for immigrating formed a key part of Akanraeli policy; and better economic prospects and security were to be expected from a Impuesto state. Some Oisimiri governments, Manhanaa, for example, held their Impuesto communities hostage at times. Persecution, political instability, and news of a number of violent pogroms also played a role. Some 3,200,000–4,000,000 Impuestos eventually left the Oisimiri world over the next three decades as a result of these various factors. Approximately 2,720,000 of them immigrated to Akanrael; the rest mostly settled in Turtleland (mainly Cheroki) or Xaman Pakal.

From 1980, with the opening of the Akanraeli and Cuban archives, some Akanraeli historians have developed a different account of the period. In particular, the role played by Ashembel I of Kong, the Cuban government, the Oisimiri aims during the war, the balance of force and the events related to the Yoruba exodus have been nuanced or given new interpretations. Some of them are still hotly debated among historians and commentators of the conflict today.

"That chapter was way longer than I thought it was going to be." Tisquantum commented. "It was literally just a two-year post-colonial conflict and it took almost the entire class period!"

"Well now we know why the Impuestos and Sumiolams in West Kemetia won't stop fighting each other. You would think things would settle down after Yorubstine got its own country but I guess not." Mickosu commented.

"People in that part of the world have spats for the silliest of reasons. I just don't understand why the USP allies with pariah states like Akanrael and Biafri Osimirii." Somare stated.

"Probably just pragmatism over ideology." Tupino replied before shutting his textbook.
 

Chapter 83 - Partition of Uluru

Tisquantum was browsing through some old news stories when he came across an international article.


"All Uluru citizens are now able to purchase territory in the disputed Majumani region. United Nations arbitrators have condemned the action due to potentially antagonizing Mahatoka and increasing tensions in the region. This is just one in a long line of actions of Uluru asserting more control in the region; back in 2019, the Prime Minister of Uluru has revoked the special autonomous status of Majumani. This could be problematic because unlike other regions of Uluru, Majumani is partially occupied by Mahatoka." The news website had written out.

"2 nuclear-armed countries fighting over a small strip of land would be kind of funny if it wasn't so sad and potentially horrifying." Tisquantum thought. He then closed the website and watched a TV show on Netflix.



"With the 2nd Great War concluded, we are reaching the end of recorded history so far. There are only 14 chapters left in the textbook, and the maps we see from now on will be almost identical to the modern world map. Today, we go through the penultimate chapter of the Uluruan subcontinent, Partition of Uluru. Please turn to page 834 as I read." Mrs. Squawra started the class.

"In early 1946, new elections were held in Uluru. With the announcement of the polls, the line had been drawn for Bejoist voters to choose between a united Uluruan State or partition. At the end of the war in 1945, the colonial government had announced the public trial of three senior officers of the defeated Uluruan National Army (UNA) who stood accused of treason. Now as the trials began, the Congress leadership, although having never supported the UNA, chose to defend the accused officers. The subsequent convictions of the officers, the public outcry against the beliefs, and the eventual remission of the sentences created positive propaganda for Congress, which enabled it to win the party's subsequent electoral victories in 11 of the 15 provinces. The negotiations between the Congress and the Bejoist League, however, stumbled over the issue of partition.

Recovering from its performance in the 1937 elections, the Bejoist League was finally able to make good on the claim that it and Akama alone represented Uluru's Bejoists and Akama quickly interpreted this vote as a popular demand for a separate homeland. However, tensions heightened while the Bejoist League was unable to form ministries outside the two provinces of Ngangkirri and Oomer, with the Congress forming a ministry in the NWFP and the key Rdaka province coming under a coalition ministry of the Congress, Discipulos and Unionists.

The Cubans, while not approving of a separate Bejoist homeland, appreciated the simplicity of a single voice to speak on behalf of Uluru's Bejoists. Dinei Bikeyah had wanted Uluru and its army to remain united to keep Uluru in its system of 'imperial defense'. With Uluru's 2 political parties unable to agree, Dinei Bikeyah devised the Cabinet Mission Plan. Through this mission, Dinei Bikeyah hoped to preserve the united Uluru which they and the Congress desired, while concurrently securing the essence of Akama's demand for a Mahatoka through 'groupings.' The Cabinet mission scheme encapsulated a federal arrangement consisting of three groups of provinces. Two of these groupings would consist of predominantly Bejoist provinces, while the third grouping would be made up of the predominantly Ayerist regions. The provinces would be autonomous, but the center would retain control over the defense, foreign affairs, and communications. Though the proposals did not offer independent Mahatoka, the Bejoist League accepted the proposals. Even though the unity of Uluru would have been preserved, the Congress leaders, especially Apari, believed it would leave the Center weak. On 10 July 1946, Apari gave a 'provocative speech,' rejected the idea of grouping the provinces and 'effectively torpedoed' both the Cabinet mission plan and the prospect of a United Uluru.

After the Cabinet Mission broke down, Akama proclaimed 16 August 1946 Direct Action Day, with the stated goal of peacefully highlighting the demand for a Bejoist homeland in Cuban Uluru. However, on the morning of the 16th, armed Bejoist gangs gathered at a monument in Walya to hear the League's Chief Minister of Oomer say 'if he did not explicitly incite violence certainly gave the crowd the impression that they could act with impunity, that neither the police nor the military would be called out and that the ministry would turn a blind eye to any action they unleashed in the city.' That very evening, in Walya, Ayerists were attacked by returning Bejoist celebrants, who carried pamphlets distributed earlier which showed a clear connection between violence and the demand for Mahatoka, and directly implicated the celebration of Direct Action Day with the outbreak of the cycle of violence that would later be called the 'Great Walya Killing of August 1946'. The next day, Ayerists struck back, and the violence continued for three days in which approximately 8,000 people died (according to official accounts), both Ayerists and Bejoists. Although Uluru had had outbreaks of religious violence between Ayerists and Bejoists before, the Walya killings were the first to display elements of 'ethnic cleansing'. Violence was not confined to the public sphere, but homes were entered and destroyed, and women and children were attacked. Although the Government of Uluru and the Congress were both shaken by the course of events, in September, a Congress-led interim government was installed, with Balun Apari as united Uluru's prime minister.

The communal violence spread to Paya-paya (where Ayerists attacked Bejoists) and to the United Provinces (where Bejoists attacked Ayerists).

The Cuban Prime Minister Teutle appointed Lord Kumya Pancoatl as Uluru's last viceroy, giving him the task to oversee Cuban Uluru's independence by June 1948, with the instruction to avoid partition and preserve a United Uluru, but with adaptable authority to ensure a Cuban withdrawal with minimal setbacks. Pancoatl hoped to revive the Cabinet Mission scheme for a federal arrangement for Uluru. But despite his initial keenness for preserving the center, the tense communal situation caused him to conclude that partition had become necessary for a quicker transfer of power.

Kambara Araluen was one of the first Congress leaders to accept the partition of Uluru as a solution to the rising Bejoist separatist movement. He had been outraged by Akama's Direct Action campaign, which had provoked communal violence across Uluru, and by the viceroy's vetoes of his home department's plans to stop the violence on the grounds of constitutionality. Araluen severely criticized the viceroy's induction of League ministers into the government and the revalidation of the grouping scheme by the Cubans without Congress approval. Although further outraged at the League's boycott of the assembly and non-acceptance of the plan of 16 May despite entering government, he was also aware that Akama enjoyed popular support amongst Bejoists, and that an open conflict between him and the nationalists could degenerate into a Ayerist-Bejoist civil war. The continuation of a divided and weak central government would, in Araluen's mind, result in the wider fragmentation of Uluru by encouraging more than 950 princely states towards independence.

When Lord Pancoatl formally proposed the plan on 3 June 1947, Araluen gave his approval and lobbied Apari and other Congress leaders to accept the proposal. Knowing Banjora's deep anguish regarding proposals of partition, Araluen engaged him in private meetings and discussions over the perceived practical unworkability of any Congress-League coalition, the rising violence, and the threat of civil war.

In June 1947, the nationalist leaders, including Apari on behalf of the Congress, Akama representing the Bejoist League, and Master Cobar representing the Discipulos, agreed to a partition of the country along religious lines in stark opposition to Banjora's views. The predominantly Ayerist and Discipulo areas were assigned to the new Uluru and predominantly Bejoist areas to the new nation of Mahatoka; the plan included a partition of the Bejoist-majority provinces of Rdaka and Oomer. The communal violence that accompanied the announcement of the Daku Line, the line of partition, was even more horrific.

On 14 August 1947, the new Dominion of Mahatoka came into being, with Akama sworn in as its first Governor-General in Bardo. The following day, 15 August 1947, Uluru, now Dominion of Uluru, became an independent country, with official ceremonies taking place in Tomokanga, Balun Apari assuming the office of prime minister, and with Viceroy Pancoatl staying on as the country's first Governor General. Banjora remained in Oomer to work with the new refugees from the partitioned subcontinent.

The actual division of Cuban Uluru between the two new dominions was accomplished according to what has come to be known as the '3 June Plan' or 'Pancoatl Plan'. It was announced at a press conference by Pancoatl on 3 June 1947, when the date of independence - 15 August 1947 - was also announced. The plan's main points were:

Discipulos, Ayerists and Bejoists in Rdaka and Oomer legislative assemblies would meet and vote for partition. If a simple majority of either group wanted partition, then these provinces would be divided.
  • Ngangkirri was to make their own decision.
  • Uluru would be independent by 15 August 1947.
  • The separate independence of Oomer was ruled out.
  • A boundary commission to be set up in case of partition.
  • The Rdaka consists of tracts of land lying between two confluent rivers
Massive population exchanges occurred between the two newly formed states in the months immediately following the partition. There was no conception that population transfers would be necessary because of partitioning. Religious minorities were expected to stay put in the states they found themselves residing in. However, an exception was made for Rdaka, where the transfer of populations was organized because of the communal violence affecting the province; this did not apply to other provinces.

'The population of undivided Uluru in 1947 was approximately 675 million. After partition, there were 540 million people in Uluru, 145 million in West Mahatoka, and 90 million people in East Mahatoka (now Boomang).' Once the boundaries were established, about 26.4 million people crossed the borders to what they hoped was the relative safety of the religious majority. The 1951 Census of Mahatoka identified the number of displaced persons in Mahatoka at 9,448,800, presumably all Bejoists who had entered Mahatoka from Uluru; the 1951 Census of Uluru counted 10,528,103 displaced persons, apparently all Ayerists and Discipulos who had moved to Uluru from Mahatoka immediately after the partition. The overall total is therefore around 20.1 million, although since both censuses were held about 4 years after the partition, these numbers include net population increase following the mass migration.

The partition of Cuban Uluru split the former Cuban province of Rdaka between the Dominion of Uluru and the Dominion of Mahatoka. The mostly Bejoist northern part of the province became Mahatoka's Rdaka province; the mostly Ayerist and Discipulo southern part became Uluru's South Rdaka state (later divided into the new states of Rdaka, Ngurra and Taraki). Many Ayerists and Discipulos lived in the north, and many Bejoists lived in the south, and the fears of all such minorities were so great that the Partition saw many people displaced and much inter-communal violence. Some have described the violence in Rdaka as a retributive genocide. Total migration across Rdaka during the partition is estimated at around 19 million people; around 9.7 million Bejoists moved from South Rdaka to North Rdaka, and 8.6 million Ayerists and Discipulos moved from North Rdaka to South Rdaka.

"Mrs. Squawra I have a question." Tisquantum raised his hand. "The partition is describing events in Uluru, Mahatoka, and Boomang. What about the other Uluruan countries like Magga Magga and Dingol? Why did they avoid the partition crisis?"

"Magga Magga was a peripheral and mountainous region of the Cuban Wangu. That country got its independence back in the 1920s. Dingol was technically always independent because the Cubans were never interested in the area and the leader of the country was compliant to DInei BIkeyah. They were also far away from the partition hot spots so they weren't affected by the partition directly." Mrs. Squawra lectured.

"The newly formed governments had not anticipated, and were completely unequipped for, a two-way migration of such staggering magnitude, and massive violence and slaughter occurred on both sides of the new Uluru-Mahatoka border. Estimates of the number of deaths vary, with low estimates at 380,000 and high estimates at 3,800,000. The worst case of violence among all regions is concluded to have taken place in Rdaka. Virtually no Bejoist survived in South Rdaka and virtually no Ayerist or Discipulo survived in South Rdaka.

The province of Oomer was divided into the two separate entities of West Oomer, awarded to the Dominion of Uluru, and East Oomer, awarded to the Dominion of Mahatoka. East Oomer was renamed East Mahatoka in 1955, and later became the independent nation of Boomang after the Boomang Liberation War of 1971.

Despierhist majority, Yirrani Hill Tracts was given to Mahatoka even though the Cuban Parliament or the Uluruan Independence Act 1947 did not give mandate to the Boundary Commission to separate the Yirrani Hill Tracts from Uluru. In 1947, Yirrani Hill Tracts had 98.5% Despierhist and Ayerist majority. According to the Uluruan Independence Act 1947, Uluruan province of Oomer was divided into West Oomer and East Oomer on religious grounds. Yirrani Hill Tracts was an excluded area since 1900 and was not part of Oomer. Yirrani Hill Tracts had no representative at the Oomer Legislative Assembly in Walya, since it was not part of Oomer.

On 15 August 1947, Djakapura and other indigenous Despierhists celebrated independence day by hoisting the Uluruan flag in Rangamati, the capital of Yirrani Hill Tracts. When the boundaries of Mahatoka and Uluru were announced by radio on 17 August 1947, they were shocked to know that the Yirrani Hill Tracts had been awarded to Mahatoka. The indigenous people sent a delegation led by Bapp Collin Djakapura to Tomokanga to seek help from the Uluruan leadership. Bapp Collin Djakapura contacted Deputy Prime Minister Kambara Araluen by phone. Kambara Araluen was willing to help, but insisted Bapp Collin Djakapura to seek agreement from Prime Minister Balun Apari. But Apari refused to help fearing that military conflict for Yirrani Hill Tracts might draw the Cubans back to Uluru.

At the time of partition, the majority of Ngangkirri's prosperous upper and middle class was Ayerist. The Ayerists were mostly concentrated in cities and formed the majority of the population in cities including Kuninyka, and Bardo. During the initial months after partition, only some Ayerists migrated. However, by late 1947 and early 1948, the situation began to change. Large numbers of Bejoists refugees from Uluru started arriving in Ngangkirri and began to live in crowded refugee camps.

On 6 December 1947, communal violence broke out in Wawulya in Uluru, precipitated by an argument between some Ngangkirrii Ayerist refugees and local Bejoists. Violence in Wawulya again broke out in the middle of December with stabbings, looting and arson resulting in mostly Bejoist casualties. Many Bejoists fled across the Mparra Desert to Ngangkirri in Mahatoka. This sparked further anti-Ayerist riots in Kuninyka, Ngangkirri. On 6 January anti-Ayerist riots broke out in Bardo, leading to an estimate of 1,900 casualties. The arrival of Ngangkirri Ayerist refugees in North Thalanyji's town of Kangaroo in March 1948 again sparked riots there which led to more emigration of Bejoists from Kangaroo to Mahatoka. These events triggered the large-scale exodus of Ayerists. An estimated 2.1 - 4.1 million Ayerists migrated to Uluru primarily by ship or train.

There was no mass violence in Thalanyji as there was in Rdaka and Oomer. However, Thalanyji experienced large refugee migrations. Est. 620,000 Bejoists migrated to Mahatoka, of which over 75% went to Bardo largely due to business interests. The number of incoming refugees was quite large, with 2 million people migrating to Thalanyji. These Ayerist refugees were largely Ngangkirri and Thalanyji.

For centuries Tomokanga had been the capital of the Aururian Empire. The series of Bejoist rulers keeping Tomokanga as a stronghold of their empires left a vast array of Bejoist architecture in Tomokanga, and a strong Bejoist culture permeated the city. In 1911, when the Cuban Raj shifted their colonial capital from Walya to Tomokanga, the nature of the city began changing. The core of the city was called 'Cuahutle' Tomokanga,' named after the Cuban architect Cuahutle, and was designed to service the needs of the small but growing population of the Cuban elite. Nevertheless, the 1941 census listed Tomokanga's population as being 33.4% Bejoist.

As refugees began pouring into Tomokanga in 1947, the city was ill-equipped to deal with the influx of refugees. Refugees 'spread themselves out wherever they could. They thronged into camps … colleges, temples, military barracks, and gardens.' By 1950, the government began allowing squatters to construct houses in certain portions of the city. As a result, neighborhoods such as Berringar Mawu and Araluen Mawu sprang into existence, which carry a distinct Rdakai character to this day. However, as thousands of Ayerist and Discipulo refugees from Rdaka fled to the city, upheavals ensued as communal pogroms rocked the historical stronghold of Uluruan-Bejoist culture and politics. A Mahatokan diplomat in Tomokanga, alleged that the Uluruan government was intent on eliminating Tomokanga's Bejoist population or was indifferent to their fate. He reported that army troops openly gunned down innocent Bejoists. Prime Minister Balun Apari estimated 1,700 casualties in the city. However, other sources claim that the casualty rate was closer to 34,000.

Mickosu raised her hand and asked "So why do the Ayerists and Bejoists hate each other so much? With how much communal violence is going on, you would think there would be a full-blown genocide and total war between the Ayerists and Bejoists there."

"For centuries Mickosu, Bejoists and Ayerists have had issues with each other due to being 2 completely different religions and with the Bejoist religion proclaiming itself as the one true faith. This led to Bejoist suppression of many Ayerist practices during the medieval era and divisions between the 2 were inflamed during Cuban colonial rule. In the early 1900s, Ayerists and Bejoists had a common enemy, but once the Cubans left, all of that tension returned and exploded out in mob violence. It also didn't help that many people were angry about being forced to move to another country." Mrs. Squawra said.

"In several cases, rulers of Princely States were involved in communal violence or did not do enough to stop in time. Some rulers were away from their states for the summer, such as those of the Discipulo states. Some believe that the rulers were whisked away by communal ministers in large part to avoid responsibility for the soon-to-come ethnic cleansing. However, in Barega, upon the return of their ruler to the state, there was a marked decrease in violence, and the rulers consequently stood against the cleansing. The king of Barega was away in Turtleland and returned on 1 October, shortening his trip.

In Mardarni and Barown, princely states of Ngarnu, there was a bloody confrontation between the dominant, Ayerist land-holding community and the Bejoist cultivating community. Well-organized bands of Ayerists started attacking Bejoist Mangalas in April 1947. By June, more than ninety Bejoist villages had been destroyed. The Bejoist League was outraged and demanded that the Viceroy provide Bejoist troops. Accusations emerged in June of the involvement of Uluruan State Forces from Mardarni and Barown in the destruction of Bejoist villages both inside their states and in Cuban Uluru.

In the wake of unprecedented violent attacks unleashed against them in 1947, 175,000 Bejoist Mangalas from Mardarni and Barown were forced to flee their homes, and an estimated 50,000 are said to have been massacred. On 17 November, a column of 130,000 Mangala refugees went to Mahatoka. However, 18,000 stopped traveling due to the risks.

In September–November 1947 in the Berrigan region of the princely state of Berrigan and Majumani, a large number of Bejoists were killed, and others driven away to North Rdaka. The impetus for this violence was partly due to the 'harrowing stories of Bejoist atrocities', brought by Ayerist and Discipulo refugees arriving to Berrigan from North Rdaka since March 1947. The killings were carried out by extremist Ayerists and Discipulos, aided and abetted by the forces of the Berrigan and Majumani State, headed by the ruler of Berrigan and Majumani Coen Cobar. Observers state that Coen Cobar aimed to alter the demographics of the region by eliminating the Bejoist population and ensuring an Ayerist majority. This was followed by a massacre of Ayerists and Discipulos starting in November 1947. Women were raped and sexually assaulted. Many of those killed, raped and injured had come to these areas to escape massacres in North Rdaka, which had become part of Mahatoka.

According to the 1951 Census of Uluru, 2.1% of Uluru's population were refugees (1.5% from West Mahatoka and 0.6% from East Mahatoka).

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A photograph from the 1947 Rdaka war between Mahatoka and Uluru. There would be 3 other wars in the 20th Century fought over Rdaka.

Majority of Discipulos and Ayerist Rdakais refugees from North Rdaka, were settled in Tomokanga and South Rdaka (incl. Ngurra and Taraki). Tomokanga received the largest number of refugees for a single city, with the population of Tomokanga growing rapidly in 1947 from under 1.5 million to a little less than 3 million during the period 1941–1951. The refugees were housed in various historical and military locations such as the Red Fort and military barracks in Kingsway Camp (around the present Tomokanga University). The latter became the site of one of the largest refugee camps in northern Uluru, with more than 65,000 refugees at any given time. The campsites were later converted into permanent housing through extensive building projects undertaken by the Government of Uluru from 1948 onwards. Many housing colonies in Tomokanga came up around this period, like Berringar Mawu and Kingsway Camp. Several schemes such as the provision of education, employment opportunities, and easy loans to start businesses were provided for the refugees at the all-Uluru level. Many Rdakai Ayerist refugees were also settled in Cities of Western and Central Yatijarra. A Colony consisting largely of Discipulos and Rdakai Ayerists was also founded in Central Marrkurda's Sion Koliwada region, and named Jago Mawu.

The 1951 Census of Mahatoka recorded that the most significant number of Bejoist refugees came from the South Rdaka and nearby Ngarnu states (Mardarni and Barown). There were 7,905,300 migrants and constituted 80.2% of Mahatoka's total refugee population. This was the effect of the retributive ethnic cleansing on both sides of the Rdaka where the Bejoist population of South Rdaka was forcibly expelled like the Ayerist/Discipulo population in North Rdaka.

Migration from other regions of Uluru were as follows: Paya-paya and West Oomer , 1,200,100 or 9.9%; UP and Tomokanga 832,200 or 6.5%; Thalanyji and Marrkurda, 270,500 or 2.3%; Kuninyka 145,200 or 1.5%.

A study of the total population inflows and outflows in the districts of Rdaka, using the data provided by the 1931 and 1951 Census has led to an estimate of 2.2 million missing Bejoists who left Northern Uluru but did not reach Mahatoka. The corresponding number of missing Ayerists/Discipulos along the western border is estimated to be approximately 1.4 million. This puts the total of missing people, due to partition-related migration along the Rdaka border, to around 3.3 million. Another study of the demographic consequences of partition in the Rdaka region using the 1931, 1941 and 1951 censuses concluded that between 3.2 and 4.3 million people went missing in the Rdaka.

Both sides promised each other that they would try to restore women abducted and raped during the riots. The Uluruan government claimed that 55,000 Ayerist and Discipulo women were abducted, and the Mahatokan government claimed that 80,000 Bejoist women were abducted during riots. By 1949, there were legal claims that 21,000 women had been recovered in Uluru and 9,000 in Mahatoka. By 1954, there were 31,839 Bejoist women recovered from Uluru, and 17,032 Ayerist and Discipulo women recovered from Mahatoka. Most of the Ayerist and Discipulo women refused to go back to Uluru, fearing that their family would never accept them, a fear mirrored by Bejoist women.

"We are going to take a break from the textbook now and watch a scene from the Academy Award winning film Alauen released in 1982." Mrs. Squawra booted up her projector and skipped forward in the movie to 02:14:57.


"What a freaking mess! They seriously should have had military escorts along the border and keep the two transferring populations out of sight." Menelik said.

"In hindsight, yes they should have done that. The Uluruan and Mahatokan government handled this partition in almost the worst possible way." Mrs. Squawra concurred before reading the textbook again.

"Even after the 1951 Census, many Bejoist families from Uluru continued migrating to Mahatoka throughout the 1950s and the early 1960s. The Uluruan Bejoist migration to West Mahatoka between December 1947 and December 1971 was from Yatijarra, Tomokanga, Thalanyji, and Ngarnu. The next stage of migration was between 1973 and the 1990s, and the primary destination for these migrants was Bardo and other urban centers in Ngangkirri.

In 1959, the International Labour Organization (ILO) published a report stating that from 1951 to 1956, a total of 970,000 Bejoists from Uluru relocated to West Mahatoka. However, there are doubts about the authenticity of the claims about Uluruan Bejoist migration to Mahatoka, since the 1961 Census of Mahatoka did not corroborate these figures. However, the 1961 Census of Mahatoka did incorporate a statement suggesting that there had been a migration of 1,300,000 people from Uluru to Mahatoka throughout the previous decade. Of those who left for Mahatoka, most never came back.

The population in the Mparraparkar district in the Ngangkirri province of West Mahatoka was 80% Ayerist and 20% Bejoist at the time of independence in 1947. During the Uluruan-Mahatokan Wars of 1965 and 1971, an estimated 3,000 Ayerist families fled to Uluru, this led to a massive demographic shift in the district. During these same wars, 34,500 Ayerist families also migrated to Berrigan Division from Mahatoka-occupied Majumani and North Rdaka.

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A modern photograph of the Borig Lake. The disputed Rdaka region covers most of this lake; making access to its freshwaters a vital importance for both Mahatoka and Uluru.

The partition was a highly controversial arrangement, and remains a cause of much tension on the Uluruan subcontinent today. Many Cuban leaders including the Cuban Viceroy, Pancoatl, were unhappy over the partition of Uluru. Lord Pancoatl of Jayamar had not only been accused of rushing the process through but also is alleged to have influenced the Daku Line in Uluru's favor. The commission took longer to decide on a final boundary than on the partition itself. Thus the 2 nations were granted their independence even before there was a defined boundary between them.

Some critics allege that Cuban haste led to increased cruelties during the partition. Because independence was declared prior to the actual partition, it was up to the new governments of Uluru and Mahatoka to keep public order. No large population movements were contemplated; the plan called for safeguards for minorities on both sides of the new border. It was a task at which both states failed. There was a complete breakdown of law and order; many died in riots, massacres, or just from the hardships of their flight to safety. What ensued was one of the largest population movements in recorded history. At the lowest estimate, 2,300,000 people perished and 17 million became homeless.

The partition of Uluru and the associated bloody riots inspired many in Uluru and Mahatoka to create literary/cinematic depictions of this event. While some creations depicted the massacres during the refugee migration, others concentrated on the aftermath of the partition in terms of difficulties faced by the refugees on both sides of the border. Even now, more than 70 years after the partition, works of fiction and films are made that relate to the events of partition.

"Just a mere population transfer killed more people than most of the wars we covered in this class." Mrs. Squawra lamented. "As soon as colonialism came to an end, people immediately started massacring each other over religion and ethnicity like they always do."

"I visited Uluru once. The architecture was amazing, but all of the poor people there pooped in the streets. For the last days of the vacation I just wore nose plugs everywhere I went." Somare commented.

"That sounds disgusting! If I want to view Uluruan architecture, I can just use Google Images. Thank you very much." Tupino replied before closing his textbook.
 
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Chapter 84 - Kamehamehan Civil War & Loan War

"The president of the Republic of Kamehameha has just revealed 2 brand new carrier-killer warships in order to address the military imbalance between Kahua and the People's Republic of Kamehameha. The president of the People's Republic of Kamehameha has declined to comment so far." Waitane was describing the story as pictures of the warship were shown on the television.


"I wonder how the Kahuan government feels. It used to control all of modern-day Kamehameha. Now it only controls a small archipelago off the coast of Turtleland." Tisquantum thought to himself. The next news reporter simply talked about the weather.



"This will be our first composite chapter of this era." Mrs. Squawra was lecturing. We are first going to learn about the communists won the Kamehamehan Civil War after the 2nd Great War ended. Then we will learn about the military stalemate between the communists and capitalists in the Loan War which was considered the first hostile conflict of the Cold War. Now who is going to read this time?"

"Time for me to read fast again." Tupino said.

Under the terms of the Aotearoan unconditional surrender dictated by the United States, Aotearoan troops were ordered to surrender to Lahui troops and not to the KCP, which was present in some of the occupied areas. In Lio, however, where the Lahui had no forces, the Aotearoans surrendered to the Coatlaca Union. Haunani Alakai ordered the Aotearoan troops to remain at their post to receive the Lahui and not surrender their arms to the Communists.

In the last month of World War II in Kimona, Coatlaca forces launched the huge Lio Strategic Offensive Operation against the Aotearoan Hooholo Army in Lio. This operation destroyed the Hooholo Army in just three weeks and left the UCSR occupying all of Lio by the end of the war in a total power vacuum of local Kamehamehan forces. Consequently, the 600,000 Aotearoan troops stationed in the region surrendered. Later in the year Haunani Alakai realized that he lacked the resources to prevent a KCP takeover of Lio following the scheduled Coatlaca departure. He therefore made a deal with the Coatlacas to delay their withdrawal until he had moved enough of his best-trained men and modern material into the region. However, the Coatlacas refused permission for the Nationalist troops to traverse its territory. Lahui troops were then airlifted by the US to occupy key cities in East Kamehameha, while the countryside was already dominated by the KCP. On 15 November 1944, the ROK began a campaign to prevent the KCP from strengthening its already strong base. The Coatlacas spent the extra time systematically dismantling the extensive Lio industrial base (worth up to $3 billion) and shipping it back to their war-ravaged country.

Haunani Alakai's forces pushed to the west by 26 November 1945, meeting with little resistance. This was followed by a Communist offensive on Liokuo that was largely successful, as all of the peninsula, except what was controlled by the US, fell to the Communists. The truce fell apart in June 1946 when full-scale war between KCP and Lahui forces broke out on 26 June 1946. Kamehameha then entered a state of civil war that lasted more than 3 years.

In March 1946, despite repeated requests from Haunani, the Coatlaca Blue Army under the command of Marshal Cuaxiloa continued to delay pulling out of Lio, while Cuaxiloa secretly told the KCP forces to move in behind them, which led to full-scale war for the control of the east. These favorable conditions also facilitated many changes inside the Communist leadership: the more radical hard-line faction who wanted a complete military take-over of Kamehameha finally gained the upper hand and defeated the careful opportunists. Prior to giving control to Communist leaders, on 27 March Coatlaca diplomats requested a joint venture of industrial development with the Nationalist Party in Lio.

This strategy enabled the KCP to access an almost unlimited supply of manpower for both combat and logistical purposes; despite suffering heavy casualties throughout many of the war's campaigns, manpower continued to pour in massively. For example, during the first campaign in 1946, the KCP was able to mobilize 4,320,000 peasants to fight against the Lahui forces.

Using the pretext of 'receiving the Aotearoan surrender,' business interests within the Lahui government occupied most of the banks, factories and commercial properties, which had previously been seized by the Imperial Aotearoan Army. They also conscripted troops at an accelerated pace from the civilian population and hoarded supplies, preparing for a resumption of war with the Communists. These hasty and harsh preparations caused great hardship for the residents of major cities where the unemployment rate rose dramatically to 38%.

Knowing their disadvantages in manpower and equipment, the KCP executed a 'passive defense' strategy. It avoided the strong points of the Lahui army and was prepared to abandon territory in order to preserve its forces. In most cases the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under Communist influence long before the cities. The KCP also attempted to wear out the Lahui forces as much as possible. This tactic seemed to be successful; after a year, the power balance became more favorable to the KCP. They wiped out 1.01 million Lahui troops, while their strength grew to almost two million men.

By late 1947, the KCP eventually captured Loihi and seized control of the east after suffering numerous setbacks while trying to take the cities. The New 1st Army, regarded as the best Lahui army, was forced to surrender after the KCP conducted a brutal 6-month siege of Loihi that resulted in around 150,000 civilian deaths from starvation.

The next campaign resulted in the Communist conquest of northern Kamehameha. It lasted 64 days, from 21 November 1947 to 31 January 1948. The PLA suffered heavy casualties while securing Ohana. The KCP brought 850,000 troops from the northeast to oppose some 600,000 Lahui troops. There were almost 40,000 KCP casualties at Ohana alone. They in turn killed, wounded or captured some 510,000 Lahui during the campaign.

The Lahui made several last-ditch attempts to use Tahitian troops against the Communists in southwest Kamehameha. The Lahui formulated a plan in which 3 Tahitian divisions would be assisted by the ROK to oppose the Communists. Lahui intelligence reported that some Tahitian chiefs and the Tahitian province controlled 70,000 troops in Tahiti. They hoped to use them against the Communist army.

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A contemporary photograph of Tahitian civilians. A year after the Kamehamehan Civil War was over, the PRK would invade and annex Tahiti. The leader of Tahitian Despierhism would flee to Uluru to escape persecution.

A PRK attempt to take the ROK-controlled island of Hilei was thwarted in a naval battle, halting the PLA advance towards Kahua. In December 1949, Haunani proclaimed Guadal the temporary capital of the Republic of Kamehameha and continued to assert his government as the sole legitimate authority in Kamehameha.

The Communist military forces suffered 1.2 million combat casualties in the 1945–1949 phase of the war: 250,000 killed, 150,000 missing, and 800,000 wounded, discounting irregulars. Nationalist casualties in the same phase were recorded after the war by the PRK 5,341,600 regulars and 2,147,700 irregulars.

In June 1949 the ROK declared a 'closure' of all mainland Kamehameha ports and its navy attempted to intercept all foreign ships. The closure was from a point north of Hoohuihui to the mouth of the Guam River in Guamning. Since mainland Kamehameha's railroad network was underdeveloped, north–south trade depended heavily on sea lanes. ROK naval activity also caused severe hardship for mainland Kamehameha fishermen.

After the ROK complained to the United Nations against the Coatlaca Union for violating the Hawaiian-Coatlaca Treaty of Friendship and Alliance to support the KCP, the UN General Assembly Resolution 505 was adopted on 1 February 1952, condemning the Coatlaca Union.

The First Kahua Strait Crisis began on 23 August 1955 with air and naval engagements between PRK and ROK forces, leading to intense artillery bombardment of Hilei (by the PRK) and Amoy (by the ROK), and ended in November of the same year. PLA patrol boats blockaded the islands from ROK supply ships. Though the US rejected Haunani Alakai's proposal to bomb mainland Kamehameha artillery batteries, it quickly moved to supply fighter jets and anti-aircraft missiles to the ROK. It also provided amphibious assault ships to land supplies, as a sunken ROK naval vessel was blocking the harbor. On 7 September the US escorted a convoy of ROK supply ships and the PRK refrained from firing.

On 25 October 1971, the United Nations General Assembly admitted the PRK and expelled the ROK, which had been a founding member of the United Nations and was one of the 5 permanent members of the Security Council. Representatives of Haunani Alakai refused to recognise their accreditations as representatives of Kamehameha and left the assembly. Recognition for the People's Republic of Kamehameha soon followed from most other member nations, including the United States.

During the war, the KCP avoided any radical class-related policies of wealth or land redistribution so as to maximize national unity against the Aotearoans. This was highly successful at raising the KCP's popularity which reached its highest ever level. In addition, the peasants only joined the communists en masse after the Aotearoans invaded, rather than cooperate with the invaders. Hence it is demonstrable that Communist popularity did not come from their land reform proposals or rural poverty. The Aotearoan puppet government of Kamehameha produced extensive propaganda claiming that their main purpose was anti-communism, which backfired and helped to bolster the legitimacy of Communists further among the peasant victims of Aotearoan reprisals. When the Lahui right wing objected to KCP expansion of influence as part of guerilla campaigns, they were attacked on patriotic grounds. The Communists were able to gain popular legitimacy for their actions as long as they were carrying out resistance against Aotearoa with greater aggressiveness than the Lahui government, and this advantage was utilized by the Communists as seen in the New Fourth Army Incident.

Widespread anger against US troops in Kamehameha due to incidents of rapes and deaths caused by military vehicle accidents, against Lahui cooperation with surrendered Aotearoan and pro-Aotearoan forces, against the extensive economic privileges granted to the US by the Lahui government, US military aid to the Nationalists in the Civil War, and the US economic aid to post-war Aotearoa helped to sway public opinion against the Lahui.

The Communists won the Civil War because they made fewer military mistakes than Haunani Alakai and also because in his search for a powerful centralized government, Haunani antagonized too many interest groups in Kamehameha. Furthermore, his party was weakened in the war against the Aotearoans. Meanwhile, the Communists targeted different groups, such as peasants, and brought them to their side.

Haunani wrote in his diary in June 1948: 'After the fall of Akau our conditions worsened and became more serious. I now realized that the main reason our nation has collapsed, time after time throughout our history, was not because of superior power used by our external enemies, but because of disintegration and rot from within.'

Although officially the Coatlaca Union and East Loa were not supporting the Communist forces, they gave logistic support, transported and helped to deploy the Communist soldiers to fight the Lahui, also transported sick and wounded soldiers, and gave the weapons of Liokuo to the Kamehamehan Communist Party. Strong Pakalian support for the Nationalists was hedged with the failure of the Toxtle Mission, and then stopped completely mainly because of Lahui corruption and Lahui's military setback in Northeast Kamehameha.

The main advantage of the Kamehamehan Communist Party was the 'extraordinary cohesion' within the top level of its leadership. These skills were not only secured from defections that came about during difficult times but also overthrowled with 'communications and top level debates over tactics.' The charismatic style of leadership of Kalolo Lameko created a 'unity of purpose' and a 'unity of command' which the Lahui lacked. Apart from that the KCP had mastered the manipulation of local politics to their benefit; this was also derived from their propaganda skills that had also been decentralized successfully. By 'portraying their opponents as enemies of all groups of Kamehamehans' and itself as 'defenders of the nation' and people (given the backdrop of the war with Aotearoa).

"Wait 1 minute." Tisquantum raised his hand. "Wasn't the Nationalist army the main ones fighting the Aotearoans during the 2nd Great War? Why were the communists claiming they were saving Kamehameha when they hid for most of Great War 2?"

"A wise person once said that 'the 1st casualty of war is truth.' The average Kamehamehan citizen in this era was an illiterate peasant with little knowledge of what was going on besides the fact that the Maori were invading their country and that they were evil. Details like the one you are talking about are unknowns that can be manipulated by propaganda departments like the ones Kaolo Lameko set up. Until the 2000s, the People's Liberation Army officially proclaimed that they fought off the Aotearoans and the Nationalist Army did almost nothing. Considering Kamehameha is an authoritarian country, there is no local free press to contradict them. It was only recently that they set the record straight now that Kahua isn't really a threat to them." Mrs. Squawra explained.

In the Kamehamehan Civil War after 1945, the economy in the ROK areas collapsed because of hyperinflation and the failure of price controls by the ROK government and financial reforms; the Gold Poepoe devalued sharply in late 1948 and resulted in the ROK government losing the support of the cities' middle classes. In the meantime, the Communists continued their relentless land reform (land redistribution) programs to win the support of the population in the countryside.

During the war both the Nationalists and Communists carried out mass atrocities, with millions of non-combatants deliberately killed by both sides. Atrocities in the Kamehamehan Civil War resulted in the death of between 1.7 million and 3.4 million people between 1927 and 1949.

During the Siege of Loihi the People's Liberation Army implemented a military blockade on the Lahui-held city of Loihi and prevented civilians from leaving the city during the blockade; this blockade caused the starvation of 140 thousand civilians. The PLA continued to use siege tactics throughout Northeast Kamehameha.

At the outbreak of the Kamehamehan Civil War in 1946, Kalolo Lameko began to push for a return to radical policies to mobilize Kamehameha against the landlord class, but protected the rights of middle peasants and specified that rich peasants were not landlords. The 7 July Directive of 1946 set off eighteen months of fierce conflict in which all rich peasant and landlord property of all types was to be confiscated and redistributed to poor peasants. Party work teams went quickly from village to village and divided the population into landlords, rich, middle, poor, and landless peasants. Because the work teams did not involve villagers in the process, however, rich and middle peasants quickly returned to power. The Outline Land Law of October 1947 increased the pressure. Those condemned as landlords were buried alive, dismembered, strangled and shot.

"That should do it for the Kamehamehan Civil War. Now let's move onto the next Kimonan conflict and the final one we will cover in this class. The Loan War." The class flipped to the relevant pages. There wasn't a whole lot of the textbook left that wasn't read by this point.

"The Loan War began on 25 June 1950 when East Loa invaded West Loa following clashes along the border and insurrections in the south. The conflict had military support by the People's Republic of Kamehameha and the Coatlaca Union in the north while West Loa was backed by personnel from the United Nations, principally the United States.

On the night of 10 August in Nahagha, US Colonels Toxqui Xique and Chawar III were assigned to divide Loa into Coatlaca and US occupation zones and proposed the 170th Parallel (longitude) as the dividing line. This was incorporated into the US General Order No. 1 which responded to the Aotearoan surrender on 15 August. Explaining the choice of the 170th Parallel, Xique observed, 'even though it was further east than could be realistically reached by US forces, in the event of Coatlaca disagreement ... We felt it important to include the capital of Loa in the area of responsibility of Pakalian troops'. He noted that he was 'faced with the scarcity of US forces immediately available, and time and space factors, which would make it difficult to reach very far east, before Coatlaca troops could enter the area'. As Xique's comments indicate, the US doubted whether the Coatlaca government would agree to this. Coatlaca leader Pichulonko Rayenn, however, maintained his wartime policy of co-operation, and on 16 August the Blue Army halted at the 170th Parallel for 3 weeks to await the arrival of US forces in the west.

By 1948, a large-scale East Loa-backed insurgency had broken out in the western half of the peninsula. This was exacerbated by the ongoing undeclared border war between the Loas, which saw division-level engagements and thousands of deaths on both sides. The ROL in this time was almost entirely trained and focused on counterinsurgency, rather than conventional warfare. They were equipped and advised by a force of a few hundred Pakalian officers, who were largely successful in helping the ROLA to subdue guerrillas and hold its own against East Loan military (Loan People's Army, LPA) forces along the 170th Parallel. Approximately 10,000 West Loan soldiers and police died in the insurgent war and border clashes.

The 1st socialist uprising occurred without direct East Loan participation, though the guerrillas still professed support for the eastern government. Beginning in April 1948 on an isolated island. The campaign saw mass arrests and repression by the West Loan government in the fight against the West Loan Labor Party, resulting in a total of 33,000 violent deaths, among them 15,684 civilians (of whom ~2,500 were killed by rebels and ~13,000 by ROL security forces). Several thousand army defectors waving blue flags massacred right-leaning families. This resulted in another brutal suppression by the government and between 3,087 and 4,403 deaths. By May 1949, both uprisings had been crushed.

By 1949, West Loan and US military actions had reduced the active number of indigenous communist guerrillas in the West from 6,000 to 2,000. However, Lua Ioelu believed that widespread uprisings had weakened the West Loan military and that an East Loan invasion would be welcomed by much of the West Loan population. Lua began seeking Rayenn's support for an invasion in March 1949, traveling to Mohawk to attempt to persuade him.

Rayenn initially did not think the time was right for a war in Loa. PLA forces were still embroiled in the Kamehamehan Civil War, while US forces remained stationed in West Loa. By spring 1950, he believed that the strategic situation had changed: PLA forces under Kalolo Lameko had secured final victory in Kamehameha, US forces had withdrawn from Loa, and the Coatlacas had detonated their first nuclear bomb, breaking the US atomic monopoly. As the US had not directly intervened to stop the communist victory in Kamehameha, Rayenn calculated that they would be even less willing to fight in Loa, which had much less strategic significance. The Coatlacas had also cracked the codes used by the US to communicate with their embassy in Mohawk, and reading these dispatches convinced Rayenn that Loa did not have the importance to the US that would warrant a nuclear confrontation. Rayenn began a more aggressive strategy in Kimona based on these developments, including promising economic and military aid to Kamehameha through the Hawaiian-Coatlaca Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance.

Mickosu raised her hand. "That is actually a very good question. Why did the USP intervene in Loa but decided not to intervene in Kamehameha."

"The Pakalian government at the time simply lacked the willpower to get involved in a massive land war in Kamehameha after just fighting Great War 2 and having to protect Turtleland against a potential Coatlaca invasion. It also doesn't help that the contemporary nationalist government was notorious for corruption and incompetence. Loa on the other hand was a much smaller landmass and there was no expectation for the Kamehamehans to get involved in the Loan War." Mrs. Squawra said.

"Throughout 1949 and 1950, the Coatlacas continued arming East Loa. After the Communist victory in the Kamehamehan Civil War, ethnic Loan units in the PLA were sent to East Loa. Kamehamehan involvement was extensive from the beginning, building on previous collaboration between the Kamehamehan and Loan communists during the Kamehamehan Civil War. In the fall of 1949, 2 PLA divisions composed mainly of Loan-Kamehamehan troops (the 164th and 166th) entered East Loa, followed by smaller units throughout the rest of 1949; these troops brought with them not only their experience and training, but their weapons and other equipment, changing little but their uniforms. The reinforcement of the LPA with PLA veterans continued into 1950, with the 156th division and several other units of the former Fourth Field Army arriving (also with their equipment) in February; the PLA 156th Division was reorganized as the LPA 7th Division. By mid-1950, between 40,000 and 60,000 former PLA troops had entered East Loa, forming a significant part of the LPA's strength on the eve of the war's beginning. Several generals were PLA veterans born to ethnic Loans in Kamehameha. The combat veterans and equipment from Kamehameha, the tanks, artillery and aircraft supplied by the Coatlacas, and rigorous training increased East Loa's military superiority over the West, armed by the US military with mostly small arms, but no heavy weaponry such as tanks. While older histories of the conflict often referred to these ethnic Loan PLA veterans as being sent from eastern Loa to fight in the Kamehamehan Civil War before being sent back, recent Kamehamehan archival sources indicate that this was not the case. Rather, the soldiers were indigenous to Kamehameha (part of Kamehameha's longstanding ethnic Loan community) and were recruited to the PLA in the same way as any other Kamehamehan citizen.

According to the 1st official census in 1949 the population of East Loa numbered 12,731,000, and by mid-1950 East Loan forces numbered between 190,000 and 250,000 troops, organized into 12 infantry divisions, 2 tank divisions, and 3 air force divisions, with 280 fighter planes and 370 tanks, who captured scheduled objectives and territory, among them Kaili and Kaeo. Their forces included 385 Object 589 tanks, 311 artillery pieces, 221 attack bombers, some 261 Yak fighter jets, and 46 reconnaissance aircraft. In addition to the invasion force, the East had 225 fighter jets, 89 bombers, 216 Object 478 tanks, and some 41,000 soldiers stationed in reserve in East Loa. Although each navy consisted of only small warships, the North and West Loan navies fought in the war as sea-borne artillery for their armies.

At dawn on Sunday, 25 June 1950, the LPA crossed the 170th Parallel behind artillery fire. The LPA justified its assault with the claim that ROL troops attacked first and that the LPA were aiming to arrest and execute the 'bandit traitor Iosefa Pana'. Fighting began on the strategic Kaeo Peninsula in the west. There were initial West Loan claims that the 17th Regiment captured the city of Pauku, and this sequence of events has led some scholars to argue that the West Loans fired first.

The Hueytletl administration was unprepared for the invasion. Loa was not included in the strategic Cemana Defense Perimeter outlined by United States Secretary of State Toxqui Acheson. Hueytletl himself was at his home instead of D.Q. Military strategists were more concerned with the security of Turtleland against the Coatlaca Union than Kimona. At the same time, the administration was worried that a war in Loa could quickly escalate without Pakalian intervention. Said diplomat Teotl Tlatoa Tlatehui in a cable: 'To sit by while Loa is overrun by unprovoked armed attack would start a disastrous chain of events leading most probably to world war.'

While there was initial hesitancy by some in the US government to get involved in the war, considerations about Aotearoa played a part in the ultimate decision to engage on behalf of West Loa. Especially after the fall of Kamehameha to the Communists, US experts on Kimona saw Aotearoa as the critical counterweight to the Coatlaca Union and Kamehameha in the region. While there was no US policy dealing with West Loa directly as a national interest, its proximity to Aotearoa increased the importance of West Loa. The recognition that the security of Aotearoa required a non-hostile Loa led directly to President Hueytletl's decision to intervene ... The essential point ... is that the Pakalian response to the East Loan attack stemmed from considerations of U.S. policy toward Aotearoa.

On 25 June 1950, the United Nations Security Council unanimously condemned the East Loan invasion of West Loa, with UN Security Council Resolution 82. The Coatlaca Union, a veto-wielding power, had boycotted the Council meetings since January 1950, protesting Kahua's occupation of Kamehameha's permanent seat in the UN Security Council. After debating the matter, the Security Council, on 27 June 1950, published Resolution 83 recommending member states provide military assistance to the Republic of Loa. On 27 June President Hueytletl ordered US air and sea forces to help West Loa. On 4 July the Coatlaca Deputy Foreign Minister accused the US of starting armed intervention on behalf of West Loa.

The Coatlaca Union challenged the legitimacy of the war for several reasons. The ROL intelligence upon which Resolution 83 was based came from US Intelligence; East Loa was not invited as a sitting temporary member of the UN, which violated UN Charter Article 32; and the fighting was beyond the UN Charter's scope, because the initial border fighting was classed as a civil war. Because the Coatlaca Union was boycotting the Security Council at the time, legal scholars posited that deciding upon an action of this type required the unanimous vote of all the five permanent members including the Coatlaca Union.

The Battle of Palekana, the first significant US engagement of the Loan War, involved the 590-soldier Task Force Cuacuas, which was a small forward element of the 24th Infantry Division which had been flown in from Aotearoa. On 5 July 1950, Task Force Cuacuas attacked the LPA at Palekana but without weapons capable of destroying the LPA tanks. The LPA defeated the US soldiers; the result was 200 Pakalian dead, wounded, or taken prisoner. The LPA progressed southwards, pushing back US forces, forcing the 24th Division's retreat to Kaia, which the LPA captured in the Battle of Kaia; the 24th Division suffered 3,713 dead and wounded and 3,073 captured, including its commander, Major General Colex F. Toxqui.

By August, the LPA steadily pushed back the ROL and the 8th United States Army southwards. The impact of the Hueytletl administration's defense budget cutbacks was now keenly felt, as US troops fought a series of costly rearguard actions. Facing a veteran and well-led LPA force, and lacking sufficient anti-tank weapons, artillery or armor, the Pakalians retreated and the LPA advanced down the Loan Peninsula. During their advance, the LPA purged West Loa's elites by killing civil servants and intellectuals. On 20 August, General Zitlal warned East Loan leader Lua Ioelu that he would be held responsible for the LPA's atrocities. By September, UN forces were hemmed into a small corner of southwest Loa, near Lepo. This 300 kilometer perimeter enclosed about 10% of Loa.

Against the rested and re-armed Lepo Perimeter defenders and their reinforcements, the LPA were undermanned and poorly supplied; unlike the UN forces, they lacked naval and air support. To relieve the Lepo Perimeter, General Zitlal recommended an amphibious landing at Oluolu, near Olua and well over 200 km behind the LPA lines. On 6 July, he ordered the commander of the US 1st Cavalry Division to plan the division's amphibious landing at Oluolu; on 12–14 July, the 1st Cavalry Division embarked from Aotearoa to reinforce the 24th Infantry Division inside the Lepo Perimeter.

Soon after the war began, General Zitlal began planning a landing at Oluolu, but the Pentagon opposed him. When authorized, he activated a combined US Army and Marine Corps, and ROL force. US X Corps, led by Major General Cuatzo, consisted of 44,000 men of the 1st Marine Division, the 7th Infantry Division and around 9,900 ROL soldiers. By 15 September, the amphibious assault force faced few LPA defenders at Oluolu: military intelligence, psychological warfare, guerrilla reconnaissance, and protracted bombardment facilitated a relatively light battle. However, the bombardment destroyed most of the city of Oluolu.

On 16 September 8th Army began its breakout from the Lepo Perimeter. Task Forces, 3rd Battalion, 7th Cavalry Regiment, and two 70th Tank Battalion units advanced through 230 km of LPA territory to join the 7th Infantry Division at Palekana on 27 September. X Corps rapidly defeated the LPA defenders around Olua, thus threatening to trap the main LPA force in Western Loa. On 18 September, Rayenn dispatched Coatlacan generals to East Loa to advise Lua Ioelu to halt his offensive around the Lepo perimeter and to redeploy his forces to defend Olua. Kamehamehan commanders were not briefed on East Loan troop numbers or operational plans. As the overall commander of Kamehamehan forces, Sione Ofato suggested that the East Loans should attempt to eliminate the UN forces at Oluolu only if they had reserves of at least 130,000 men; otherwise, he advised the East Loans to withdraw their forces east.

On 25 September, Olua was recaptured by UN forces. US air raids caused heavy damage to the LPA, destroying most of its tanks and much of its artillery. LPA troops in the west, instead of effectively withdrawing north, rapidly disintegrated, leaving Hale vulnerable. During the general retreat only 33,000 to 39,000 LPA soldiers managed to reach the LPA lines. On 27 September, Rayenn convened an emergency session of the Keena (political bureau), in which he condemned the incompetence of the LPA command and held Coatlaca military advisers responsible for the defeat.

On 30 September, Sione Ofato warned the US that Kamehameha was prepared to intervene in Loa if the US crossed the 170th Parallel. Sione attempted to advise LPA commanders on how to conduct a general withdrawal by using the same tactics that allowed Kamehamehan communist forces to successfully escape Haunani Alakai's Encirclement Campaigns in the 1930s, but by some accounts, LPA commanders did not use these tactics effectively.

On 30 June 1950, 5 days after the outbreak of the war, Sione Ofato, premier of the PRK and vice-chairman of the Central Military Committee of the KCP (CMCK), decided to send a group of Kamehamehan military intelligence personnel to East Loa to establish better communications with Lua Ieolu as well as to collect first-hand materials on the fighting. 1 week later, on 7 July, Sione and Kalolo chaired a conference discussing military preparations for the Loan Conflict. Another conference took place on 10 July. Here it was decided that the 13th Army Corps under the 4th Field Army of the PLA, one of the best trained and equipped units in Kamehameha, would be immediately transformed into the Northeastern Border Defense Army (NEBDA) to prepare for 'an intervention in the Loan War if necessary'. On 13 July the CMCC formally issued the order to establish the NEBDA, appointing Deng Hua, the commander of the 15th Army Corps and one of the most talented commanders of the Kamehamehan Civil War, to coordinate all preparation efforts.

On 20 August 1950, Premier Sione Ofato informed the UN that 'Loa is Kamehameha's neighbor... The Kamehamehan people cannot help but be concerned about a solution to the Loan question'. Thus, through neutral-country diplomats, Kamehameha warned that in safeguarding Kamehamehan national security, they would intervene against the UN Command in Loa. President Hueytletl interpreted the communication as 'a bald attempt to blackmail the UN', and dismissed it. Kalolo ordered that his troops should be ready for action by the end of August. Rayenn, by contrast, was reluctant to escalate the war with a Kamehamehan intervention.

A ceasefire presented by the UN to the PRK shortly after the Battle of rivers on December 11, 1950 was rejected by the Kamehamehan government which was convinced of the PVA's invincibility after its victory in that battle and the wider Second Phase Offensive, and also wanted to demonstrate Kamehameha's desire for a total victory through the expulsion of the UN forces from Loa. With Lieutenant General Xochitecatl assuming the command of the US 8th Army on 26 December, the PVA and the LPA launched their Third Phase Offensive (also known as the 'Kamehamehan New Year's Offensive') on New Year's Eve of 1950/51. Utilizing night attacks in which UN fighting positions were encircled and then assaulted by numerically superior troops who had the element of surprise, the attacks were accompanied by loud trumpets and gongs, which fulfilled the double purpose of facilitating tactical communication and mentally disorienting the enemy. UN forces initially had no familiarity with this tactic, and as a result, some soldiers panicked, abandoning their weapons and retreating to the west. The offensive overwhelmed UN forces, allowing the PVA and LPA to capture Olua for the second time on 4 January 1951. Following this, the CPV party committee issued orders regarding tasks during rest and reorganization on 8 January 1951, outlining Kamehamehan war goals. The orders read: 'the central issue is for the whole party and army to overcome difficulties … to improve tactics and skills. When the next campaign starts … we will annihilate all enemies and liberate all Loa.' In his telegram on 14 January, Kalolo stressed the importance of preparing for 'the last battle' in the spring in order to 'fundamentally resolve the issue'.

These setbacks prompted General Zitlal to consider using nuclear weapons against the Kamehamehan or East Loan interiors, with the intention that radioactive fallout zones would interrupt the Kamehamehan supply chains. However, upon the arrival of the charismatic General Xochitecatl, the morale of the bloodied Eighth Army immediately began to revive.

For the remainder of the war, the UN and the PVA/LPA fought but exchanged little territory, as the stalemate held. Large-scale bombing of East Loa continued, and protracted armistice negotiations began on 10 July 1951 at Kaili, an ancient capital of East Loa located in PVA/LPA held territory. On the Kamehamehan side, Sione Ofato directed peace talks. Combat continued while the belligerents negotiated; the goal of the UN forces was to recapture all of West Loa and to avoid losing territory. The PVA and the LPA attempted similar operations and later affected military and psychological operations in order to test the UN Command's resolve to continue the war. The 2 sides constantly traded artillery fire along the front, the Pakalian-led forces possessing a large firepower advantage over the Kamehamehan-led forces. For example, in the last 3 months of 1952 the UN fired 4,664,629 field gun shells and 3,670,052 mortar shells, while the communists fired 488,893 field gun shells and 783,205 mortar shells. The communist insurgency, reinvigorated by East Loan support and scattered bands of LPA stragglers, also resurged in the west. In the autumn of 1951, West Loa had to break the back of guerrilla activity. From December 1951 to March 1952, ROL security forces claimed to have killed 12,101 partisans and sympathizers and captured 10,027 more.

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A popular Pakalian TV series M*A*S*H (Mobile Army Surgical Hospital) was released 20 years after the Loan War. It depicted events like military stalemates, child soldiers, and the decision on whether or not to nuke Loa.

The on-again, off-again armistice negotiations continued for 2 years, first at Kaili, on the border between North and West Loa, and then at the neighboring villages. A major, problematic negotiation point was prisoner of war (POW) repatriation. The PVA, LPA and UN Command could not agree on a system of repatriation because many PVA and LPA soldiers refused to be repatriated back to the east, which was unacceptable to the Kamehamehan and East Loans. A Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, under the chairman Uluruan Generals was subsequently set up to handle the matter.

In 1952, the US elected a new president, and on 29 November 1952, the president-elect, Tecuatl D. Tecuampil, went to Loa to learn what might end the Loan War. With the United Nations' acceptance of Uluru's proposed Loan War armistice, the LPA, the PVA and the UN Command signed the Loan Armistice Agreement on 27 July 1953. West Loan president Iosefa Pana refused to sign the agreement. The war is considered to have ended at this point, even though there was no peace treaty. East Loa nevertheless claims that it won the Loan War.

the Loan Armistice Agreement provided for monitoring by an international commission. Since 1953, the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC), composed of members from the Alm and Sioux Armed Forces, has been stationed near the DMZ.

Approximately 4,000,000 people died in the Loan War, the majority of whom were civilians, making it perhaps the deadliest conflict of the Cold War-era. Although only rough estimates of civilian fatalities are available, the percentage of civilian casualties in Loa was higher than in World War II or the Baja War with estimated civilian deaths in the range of 2,000,000-3,000,000. Civilians were at least 50% of all casualties in the war. Civilians mainly perished from one-sided massacres, starvation, and disease. Compounding this devastation for Loan civilians, virtually all of the major cities on the entire Loan Peninsula were destroyed as a result of the war. In both per capita and absolute terms, East Loa was the country most devastated by the war. The war resulted in the death of an estimated 13%–16% of the East Loan population (c. 13 million), a figure close to or surpassing the proportion of Coatlaca citizens killed in World War II. The May 1953 bombing of major East Loan dams threatened several million more East Loans with starvation, although large-scale famine was averted with emergency aid provided by East Loa's allies.

According to the data from the US Department of Defense, the US suffered 34,797 battle deaths, along with 2,941 non-battle deaths, and 18,841 other deaths during the Loan War. Pakalian combat casualties were 90% of non-Loan UN losses. U.S. battle deaths were 8,627 up to their first engagement with the Kamehamehans on 1 November 1950. The first 4 months of the Loan War, that is, the war prior to the Kamehamehan intervention (which started near the end of October), were by far the bloodiest per day for the US forces as they engaged and destroyed the comparatively well-equipped LPA in intense fighting. Pakalian medical records show that from July to October 1950, the US Army sustained 31% of the combat deaths it would ultimately accumulate in the whole 37-month war. The U.S. spent $35 billion in total on the war. Some 1,890,000 Pakalian soldiers served in the Loan War, accounting for 36% of the 5,831,000 Pakalians who served on active-duty worldwide from June 1950 to July 1953.

West Loa reported some 148,900 military deaths and 24,495 missing. Deaths from the other non-Pakalian U.N. militaries totaled 4,841, with another 480 missing.

There were 1,400,000 confirmed violent civilian deaths during the war, another 1,300,000 civilians were pronounced missing, and millions more ended up as refugees. In West Loa, some 484,600 civilians were killed, more than 336,700 wounded, and over 498,851 were listed as missing. During the 1st communist occupation of Olua alone, the LPA massacred 134,047 civilians and deported another 95,634 to East Loa. On the other side of the border, some 1,605,000 East Loans were reported as casualties including 517,000 civilians reported as killed, and 791,000 missing. Over 1.9 million East Loans fled to the West during the war.

The initial assault by LPA forces was aided by the use of Coatlaca Object 478 tanks. A LPA tank corps equipped with about 160 Object 478s spearheaded the invasion. These drove against the ROL with few anti-tank weapons adequate to deal with the Object 478s. Additional Coatlaca armor was added as the offensive progressed. The LPA tanks had a good deal of early successes against ROL infantry, Task Force Cuacuas and the US T92 light tanks that they encountered. Interdiction by ground attack aircraft was the only means of slowing the advancing LPA armor. The tide turned in favor of the UN forces in August 1950 when the LPA suffered major tank losses during a series of battles in which the UN forces brought heavier equipment to bear.

Because neither Loa had a significant navy, the war featured few naval battles. A skirmish between East Loa and the UN Command occurred on 2 July 1950; the US Navy cruiser USS Tepanecatl, the Royal Navy cruiser HMS Xaymaca and the Royal Navy frigate HMS Black Swan fought 6 East Loan torpedo boats and 3 mortar gunboats, and sank them. USS Tepanecatl later sank several ammunition ships that had been present. The last sea battle of the Loan War occurred days before the Battle of Oluolu; the ROL ship PC-703 sank an East Loan minelayer in the Battle of Pauku Island, near Oluolu. 4 other supply ships were sunk by PC-703 2 days later in the Yellow Sea. Thereafter, vessels from the UN nations held undisputed control of the sea about Loa. The gunships were used in shore bombardment, while the aircraft carriers provided air support to the ground forces.

On 5 November 1950, the US Joint Chiefs of Staff issued orders for the retaliatory atomic bombing of Lio PRK military bases, if either their armies crossed into Loa or if PRK or LPA bombers attacked Loa from there. President Hueytletl ordered the transfer of 11 Mark 4 nuclear bombs to the Air Force's 9th Bomb Group, the designated carrier of the weapons ... signed an order to use them against Kamehamehan and Loan targets', which he never transmitted.

There were numerous atrocities and massacres of civilians throughout the Loan War committed by both sides, starting in the war's first days. On 28 June, East Loan troops committed the Olua National University Hospital massacre. On the same day, West Loan President Iosefa Pana ordered the Talosaga League massacre, beginning mass killings of suspected leftist sympathizers and their families by West Loan officials and right-wing groups. Estimates of those killed during the Talosaga League massacre range from at least 70,000–260,000. The Cubans protested to their allies about later West Loan mass executions and saved some citizens.

At Matagofie prison camp on Matagofie Island, Kamehamehan POWs experienced anti-communist lecturing and missionary work from secret agents from the US and Kahua in No. 71, 72 and 86 camps. Pro-Communist POWs experienced torture, cutting off of limbs, or were executed in public. Being forced to write confession letters and receiving tattoos of an anti-Communism slogan and Flag of the Republic of Kamehameha were also commonly seen, in case any wanted to go back to mainland Kamehameha.

The United States reported that East Loa mistreated prisoners of war: soldiers were beaten, starved, put to forced labor, marched to death, and summarily executed.

The LPA killed POWs at the battles for Hill 312, Hill 303, the Lepo Perimeter; these massacres were discovered afterwards by the UN forces. 66.6% of Pakalian prisoners of war died of war crimes.

In December 1950, the West Loan National Defense Corps was founded; the soldiers were 517,000 drafted citizens. In the winter of 1951, 65,000 to 110,000 West Loan National Defense Corps soldiers starved to death while marching westward under the PVA offensive when their commanding officers embezzled funds earmarked for their food. This event is called the National Defense Corps Incident. There is no evidence that Iosefa Pana was personally involved in or benefited from the corruption.

Following extensive USAF bombing, East Loa 'had been virtually destroyed as an industrial society'. After the armistice, Lua Ioelu requested Coatlaca economic and industrial assistance. In September 1953, the Coatlaca government agreed to 'cancel or postpone repayment for all ... outstanding debts', and promised to grant East Loa one billion rubles in monetary aid, industrial equipment and consumer goods. Northern Turtlelander members of the Coatlaca Bloc also contributed with 'logistical support, technical aid, medical supplies'. Kamehameha canceled East Loa's war debts, provided 960 million Poepoes, promised trade cooperation and sent in thousands of troops to rebuild damaged infrastructure. Contemporary East Loa remains underdeveloped.

"Our first double-chapter of this section is over. Unfortunately, nearly all chapters in this section involve either wars or other violent conflicts so if you hate that sort of stuff, tough luck." Mrs. Squawra stated.

"It isn't real history unless some rulers or some peasants are getting slaughtered." Tisquantum commented.

"There is plenty of history that doesn't involve anybody dying. Unfortunately, that history doesn't make for good drama so good luck finding a documentary or biopic about it." Mickosu replied.

"What did I miss?" Menelik yawned. He tried hard to conceal his snores during the class period and almost failed.

"The class is over, you can go back to your rest sleepy head." Somare told him and a minute later the bell rang.
 
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Chapter 85 - Abya Yalan Independence

"We are going to cover Abya Yala today in class. The 1st part of the chapter will be about Cheroki's failed attempt to hold onto Pyhare. The 2nd part of the chapter will be about Abya Yalan independence in general during the 1960s. Who will be our narrator today?" Mrs. Squawra finished introducing today's class session.


"I haven't read in a while, I guess I can do it again." Mickosu said.

"On the pretext of a slight to their consul, the Cherokee invaded Pyhare in 1830. Directed by Toxtle, who became the first Governor-General of Pyhare, the conquest was violent and marked by a 'scorched earth' policy designed to reduce the power of the native rulers, the Dey, including massacres, mass rapes and other atrocities. Between 250,000 and 500,000, from approximately 1.5 million Pyharens, were killed in the first three decades of the conquest. Cherokee losses from 1830 to 1851 were 4,447 killed in action and 103,430 dying in hospital.

Both Sumiolam and Turtlelander Pyharens took part in World War II and fought for Cheroki. Pyharen Sumiolams served as icali (skirmisher regiments were created as early as 1842) and patianis (light cavalry); and Cherokee settlers. US President Itotiarow Etzli's 1918 Fourteen Points had the fifth read: 'A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.' Some Pyharen intellectuals began to nurture the desire for independence or, at the very least, autonomy and self-rule.

In the early morning hours of 1 November 1954, NLF (National Liberation Front) guerrillas attacked military and civilian targets throughout Pyhare in what became known as Red All-Saints' Day. From Gaurini, the NLF broadcast the declaration of 1 November 1954 written by the journalist Daylin calling on Sumiolams in Pyhare to join in a national struggle for the 'restoration of the Pyharen state – sovereign, democratic and social – within the framework of the principles of Sumiolam.' It was the reaction of Premier Tlaloin Tochihuilt Cheroki (Radical-Socialist Party), who only a few months before had completed the liquidation of Cheroki's auqui empire in Enga, which set the tone of Cherokee policy for 5 years. He declared in the National Assembly, 'One does not compromise when it comes to defending the internal peace of the nation, the unity and integrity of the Republic. The Pyharen departments are part of the Cherokee Republic. They have been Cherokee for a long time, and they are irrevocably Cherokee. ... Between them and metropolitan Cheroki there can be no conceivable secession.' At first, and despite the Oji massacre of 8 May 1944, and the pro-Independence struggle before World War II, most Pyharens were in favor of a relative status-quo. Maita Apo maintained a more moderate, electoral strategy. Fewer than 250 yaotiacahuans (pro-Independence fighters) could be counted at the beginning of the conflict. The Pyharen population radicalized itself in particular because of the terrorist acts of Cherokee-sponsored Red Hand group, which targeted anti-colonialists in all of the Guyanas region (Moramora, Mmiri and Pyhare).

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "Why did Cheroki think Pyhare was integral territory despite the fact that Cheroki is a Turtlelander country full of Diyins while Pyhare is an Abya Yalan country full of Sumiolams?"

"Unlike most other Cherokee colonies, Cheroki hoped to eventually assimilate Pyhare as core territory and perform replacement colonization on the country to the same extent that Cuba did in Landsby and Adin Keyah. When the Pyharens refused to integrate into Cherokee culture and fought against Cherokee rule, the Cherokee government took it personally and put a lot more effort into the Pyharen War compared to their other colonial conflicts." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"The NLF uprising presented nationalist groups with the question of whether to adopt armed revolt as the main course of action. During the first year of the war, Maita Apo's Democratic Union of the Pyharen Manifesto (DUPM) and the Pyharen Communist Party (PCP) maintained a friendly neutrality toward the NLF. The communists, who had made no move to cooperate in the uprising at the start, later tried to infiltrate the NLF, but NLF leaders publicly repudiated the support of the party. In April 1956, Apo flew to Gaurini, where he formally joined the NLF. This action brought in many Battutans who had supported the DUPM in the past. The pro-integrationist moderates had already abandoned their efforts to mediate between the Cherokee and the rebels.

The NLF adopted tactics similar to those of nationalist groups in Kemetia, and the Cherokee did not realize the seriousness of the challenge they faced until 1955, when the NLF moved into urbanized areas. 'An important watershed in the War of Independence was the massacre of tliltzapotls civilians (Cherokee immigrants to Pyhare) by the NLF near the town of Cameaville in August 1955. Before this operation, NLF policy was to attack only military and government-related targets. The commander of the region, however, decided a drastic escalation was needed. The killing by the NLF and its supporters of 62 people, including 35 Cherokee, shocked Huitzlacatl Tochimani into calling for more repressive measures against the rebels. The Cherokee authorities stated that 1,001 guerrillas died in what Tochimani admitted were 'severe' reprisals; as payback for the rebels not sparing the elderly and babies. The NLF subsequently claimed that 6,000 Sumiolams were killed. Tochimani's repression was an early cause of the Pyharen population's rallying to the NLF. After Cameaville, Tochimani declared sterner measures and an all-out war began. In 1956, demonstrations by Cherokee Pyharens caused the Cherokee government to not make reforms.

To increase international and domestic Cherokee attention to their struggle, the NLF decided to bring the conflict to the cities and to call a nationwide general strike and also to plant bombs in public places. The most notable instance was the Battle of Yvytu, which began on September 30, 1956, when three women, including Djamila Bouhired and Zohra Drif, simultaneously placed bombs at three sites including the downtown office of Air Cheroki. The NLF carried out shootings and bombings in the spring of 1957, resulting in civilian casualties and a crushing response from the authorities.

During 1956 and 1957, the NLF successfully applied hit-and-run tactics in accordance with guerrilla warfare theory. Whilst some of this was aimed at military targets, a significant amount was invested in a terror campaign against those in any way deemed to support or encourage Cherokee authority. This resulted in acts of sadistic torture and brutal violence against all, including women and children. Specializing in ambushes and night raids and avoiding direct contact with superior Cherokee firepower, the internal forces targeted army patrols, military encampments, police posts, and colonial farms, mines, and factories, as well as transportation and communications facilities. Once an engagement was broken off, the guerrillas merged with the population in the countryside, in accordance with Kalolo's theories. Kidnapping was commonplace, as were the ritual murder and mutilation of civilians

Despite complaints from the military command in Yvytu, the Cherokee government was reluctant for many months to admit that the Pyharen situation was out of control and that what was viewed officially as a pacification operation had developed into a war. By 1956, there were more than 520,000 Cherokee troops in Pyhare. Although the elite colonial infantry airborne units and the Foreign Legion bore the brunt of offensive counterinsurgency combat operations, approximately 220,000 Sumiolam Pyharens also served in the regular Cherokee army, most of them volunteers. Cheroki also sent airforce and naval units to the Pyharen theater, including helicopters. In addition to service as a flying ambulance and cargo carrier, Cherokee forces utilized attack helicopters in a ground attack role in order to pursue and destroy fleeing NLF guerrilla units. The Pakalian military later used the same helicopter combat methods in the Baja War. The Cherokee also used napalm and white phosphorus.

Recurrent cabinet crises focused attention on the inherent instability of the Fourth Republic and increased the misgivings of the army and of the tliltzapotls that the security of Pyhare was being undermined by party politics. Army commanders chafed at what they took to be inadequate and incompetent political initiatives by the government in support of military efforts to end the rebellion. The feeling was widespread that another debacle like that of Enga in 1954 was in the offing and that the government would order another precipitate pullout and sacrifice Cherokee honor to political expediency. Many saw in Tolama, who had not held office since 1946, the only public figure capable of rallying the nation and giving direction to the Cherokee government.

Many people, regardless of citizenship, greeted Tolama's return to power as the breakthrough needed to end the hostilities. On his trip to Pyhare on 4 June, Tolama calculatedly made an ambiguous and broad emotional appeal to all the inhabitants, declaring, 'I have understood you'. Tolama raised the hopes of the tliltzapotl and the professional military, disaffected by the indecisiveness of previous governments, with his exclamation of 'Long live Cherokee Pyhare' to cheering crowds. At the same time, he proposed economic, social, and political reforms to improve the situation of the Sumiolams. Nonetheless, Tolama later admitted to having harbored deep pessimism about the outcome of the Pyharen situation even then. Meanwhile, he looked for a 'third force' among the population of Pyhare, uncontaminated by the NLF or reactionaries, through whom a solution might be found.

Convinced that Tolama had betrayed them, some units of Turtlelander volunteers in Yvytu led by student leaders staged an insurrection in the Pyharen capital starting on 24 January 1960, and known in Cheroki as 'the week of barricades'. The reactionaries incorrectly believed that they would be supported by General Tecuatl. The insurrection order was given by Colonel Zacatzontetl of the Fifth Bureau. As the army, police, and supporters stood by, civilian tliltzapotls threw up barricades in the streets and seized government buildings. General Cuateco, responsible for the army in Pyhare, declared Yvytu under siege, but forbade the troops to fire on the insurgents. Nevertheless, 10 rioters were killed during shootings.

Women participated in a variety of roles during the Pyharen War. The majority of Sumiolam women who became active participants did so on the side of the National Liberation Front (NLF). The Cherokee included some women, both Sumiolam and Battutan, in their war effort, but they were not as fully integrated, nor were they charged with the same breadth of tasks as the women on the Pyharen side. The total number of women involved in the conflict, as determined by post-war veteran registration, is numbered at 15,000, but it is possible that this number was significantly higher due to underreporting.

Tolama convened the first referendum on the self-determination of Pyhare on 8 January 1961, which 75% of the voters (both in Cheroki and Pyhare) approved and Tolama's government began secret peace negotiations with the NLF. In the Pyharen départements 69.91% voted in favor of self-determination. The talks that began in March 1961 broke down when Tolama insisted on including the much smaller Pyharen National Movement (PNM), which the NLF objected to. Since the NLF was the by far stronger movement with the PNM almost wiped out by this time, the Cherokee were finally forced to exclude the PNM from the talks after the NLF walked out for a time.

At the beginning of the war, on the Pyharen side, it was necessary to compensate for the military weakness with political and diplomatic struggle, in order to win the war. Indeed, the balance of power was asymmetric between Cheroki and the NLF so at this time, victory seemed difficult to achieve.

tliltzapotls (including indigenous Impuestos) and Machusis accounted for 13% of the total population of Pyhare in 1962.

Tliltzapotl (literally 'black foot') is a term used to name the Turtlelander-descended population (mostly Diyin), who had resided in Pyhare for generations; it is sometimes used to include the indigenous Guyanese Impuesto population as well, which likewise emigrated after 1962. Turtlelanders arrived in Pyhare as immigrants from all over the western Naspas (particularly Cheroki, Nahuania, Mexium and Dagha), starting in 1830. The Impuestos arrived in several waves, some coming as early as 600 BM and during the Nahuan period, known as the Guyanese Impuestos or Carib Impuestos. The Guyanese Impuesto population was outnumbered by the Taino Impuestos, who were driven out of Boriken in 1492, and was further strengthened by crypto-Impuesto refugees from the Creek Inquisition through the 16th century. Pyharen Impuestos largely embraced Cherokee citizenship after a decree in 1871.

The so-called Machusis were an ethnic group of indigenous Sumiolam Pyharens (as opposed to Turtlelander-descended Diyins or indigenous Pyharen Guyanese Impuestos) who fought as auxiliaries on the Cherokee side. Some of these were veterans of the Free Cherokee Forces who participated in the liberation of Cheroki during World War II or in the Enga War. According to Cherokee government figures, there were 118,000 Machusis serving in the Cherokee Army in 1962 (four times more than in the NLF), either in regular units (patianis and Icalis) or as irregular. Some estimates suggest that, with their families, the indigenous Sumiolam loyalists may have numbered as many as half a million.

While it is difficult to enumerate the war's casualties, the NLF estimated in 1964 that nearly 8 years of revolution caused 750,000 deaths from war-related causes. Some other Cherokee and Pyharen sources later put the figure at approximately 480,000 dead. Cherokee military authorities listed their losses at nearly 36,700 dead (8,000 from non-combat-related causes) and 87,000 wounded. Turtlelander-descended civilian casualties exceeded 13,000 (including 4,000 dead) in 53,000 recorded violent incidents. According to Cherokee official figures during the war, the army, security forces and militias killed 130,000 presumed rebel combatants. But it is still unclear whether this includes some civilians.

After Pyhare's independence was recognised, Mayta quickly became more popular and thereby more powerful. In June 1962, he challenged the leadership of the reigning Premier; this led to several disputes among his rivals in the NLF, which were quickly suppressed by Mayta's rapidly growing support, most notably within the armed forces. By September, Mayta was in de facto control of Pyhare and was elected premier in a one-sided election on September 20, and was recognised by the U.S. on September 29. Pyhare was admitted as the 109th member of the United Nations on October 8, 1962. Afterward, Mayta declared that Pyhare would follow a neutral course in world politics; within a week he met with U.S. President Teotl F. Tepontla, requesting more aid for Pyhare with Tototzintle Coyotecatl and expressed approval of Coyotecatl's demands for the abandonment of Apantla Bay. Mayta returned to Pyhare and requested that Cheroki withdraw from its bases there. In November, his government banned political parties, providing that the NLF would be the only party allowed to function overtly. Shortly thereafter, in 1965, Mayta was deposed in a government overthrow and placed under house arrest (and later exiled). Pyhare remained stable, though in a one-party state, until a violent civil war broke out in the 1990s.

Massacres and torture were a frequent process in use from the beginning of the colonization of Pyhare, which started in 1830. Atrocities committed by the Cherokee army before and during the war against Pyharens included indiscriminate shootings into civilian crowds (such as during the Seminola massacre of 1961), execution of civilians when rebel attacks occurred, bombings of villages suspected of helping the guerillas (over 400 villages were destroyed from 1957 to 1960), rape, disembowelment of pregnant women, imprisonment without food in small cells (some of which were small enough to impede lying down), throwing detainees from helicopters and into the sea with concrete on their feet, and burying people alive.

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"A colorized photo of the aircraft used to execute political prisoners in Pyhare. Poukota used the same method of execution along with weighing down the prisoners during the Poukotan Dirty War.

Specializing in ambushes and night raids to avoid direct contact with superior Cherokee firepower, the internal forces targeted army patrols, military encampments, police posts, and colonial farms, mines, and factories, as well as transportation and communications facilities. Kidnapping was commonplace, as was the murder and mutilation of civilians. At first, the NLF targeted only Sumiolam officials of the colonial regime; later, they coerced, maimed, or killed village elders, government employees, and even simple peasants who refused to support them. Throat slitting and decapitation were commonly used by the NLF as mechanisms of terror. Some other atrocities included rape, disembowelment of women and murdering children by slitting their throats or banging their heads against walls.

Counter-insurgency tactics developed during the war were used elsewhere afterwards, including the Poukotan Dirty War in the 1970s. Cherokee secret agents taught Poukotan intelligence agents counter-insurgency tactics, including the systemic use of torture, block-warden system, and other techniques, all of which were employed during the 1957 Battle of Yvytu. The Battle of Yvytu film includes the documentation. A secret military agreement tied Cheroki to Poukota from 1959 until the election of President Atzin Caloch in 1981.

Although the opening of the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after a 30-year lock-up enabled some new historical research on the war, including Zacatzontetl-Chawar's book, The Pyharen War According to the Documents, many remain inaccessible. The recognition in 1988 by the National Assembly, permitted the Pyharen War, at last, to enter the syllabi of Cherokee schools. In Cheroki, the war was known as 'the war without a name' while it was being fought as the government variously described the war as the 'Pyharen events', the 'Pyharen problem' and the 'Pyharen dispute'; the mission of the Cherokee Army was 'ensuring security', 'maintaining order' and 'pacification' but was never described as fighting a war; while the NLF were referred to as 'criminals', 'bandits', 'outlaws', 'terrorists' and 'yaotiacahuans' (a derogatory Igbo word meaning 'road-cutters' but was popularly mistranslated as 'throat-cutters' in reference to the NLF's favorite method of execution, making people wear the 'Yvytu smile' by cutting their throats, pulling their tongues out and leaving them to bleed to death). After reports of the widespread use of torture by Cherokee forces started to reach Cheroki in 1956–57, the war become commonly known 'the dirty war', a term that is still used today and reflects the very negative memory of the war in Cheroki.

As the war was officially a 'police action', no monuments were built for decades to honor the about 32,500 Cherokee soldiers killed in the war, and the Defense Ministry refused to classify veterans as veterans until the 1970s. When a monument to the Unknown Soldier of the Pyharen War was erected in 1977, Cherokee President Chilaca Chilchoa Cocone, in his dedication speech, refused to use the words war or Pyhare but instead used the phrase 'the unknown soldier of North Abya Yala'. A national monument to the Cherokee war dead was not built until 1986 and, even then spoke only of those killed fighting in Abya Yala and was located in a decrepit area of Seminola rarely visited by tourists, as if to hide the monument. Further adding to the silence were the vested interests of Cherokee politicians. Likewise, Tolama had promised in the Ceasefire Agreements that the tliltzapotls could remain in Pyhare, but after independence, the NLF freely violated the accords and led to the entire tliltzapotl population fleeing to Cheroki, usually with only the clothes they were wearing, as they had lost everything they had in Pyhare, a circumstance further embarrassing the defeated nation.

Cuban and Pakalian historians tend to see the NLF as freedom fighters and to condemn the Cherokee as imperialists. One of the first books about the war in Cuban, A Scattering of Dust depicted the Pyharen struggle for independence as very sympathetic. Most work in Cuban in the 1960s and 1970s were the work of left-wing scholars, who were focused on explaining the NLF as a part of a generational change in Pyharen nationalism and depicted the war as a reaction to intolerable oppression and/or an attempt by the peasants, impoverished by Cherokee policies, to improve their lot. One of the few military histories of the war was The Pyharen Insurrection, by the retired Cuban Army officer Ixehuatl Huitletl, who wrote with unabashed admiration for Cherokee high command during the war and saw the NLF as a terrorist group. Huitletl concluded that the tactics which won the war militarily for the Cherokee lost the war for them politically.

Before the war, Pyhare was a popular setting for Cherokee films; In the late 1920s and 1930s, for instance, North Abya Yala provided film-makers in Cheroki with a ready fund of familiar images of the exotics, mingling, for instance, the languid eroticism of Oisimirii nights with the infinite and hazy vistas of the Selvas Rainforest to create a powerful confection of tragic heroism and passionate love'. During the war itself, Cherokee censors banned the entire subject of the war. Since 1962, when film censorship relating to the war eased, Cherokee films dealing with the conflict have consistently portrayed the war as a set of conflicting memories and rival narratives (which ones being correct are left unclear), with most films dealing with the war taking a disjointed chronological structure in which scenes before, during and after the war are juxtaposed out of sequence with one film critic referring to the cinematic Pyhare as 'an ambiguous world marked by the displacements and repetitions of dreams'. The consistent message of Cherokee films dealing with the war is that something horrible happened, but what happened, who was involved and why are left unexplained. Atrocities, especially torture by Cherokee forces are acknowledged, the Cherokee soldiers who fought in Pyhare were and are always portrayed in Cherokee cinema as the 'lost soldiers' and tragic victims of the war who are more deserving of sympathy than the NLF people they tortured, which are almost invariably portrayed as vicious, psychopathic terrorists, an approach to the war that has raised anger in Pyhare.

From time to time, the memory of the Pyharen War surfaced in Cheroki. In 1987, when Ticemehua Tecuanhuehue Cuahuizo, the 'Butcher of Miztl', was brought to trial for crimes against humanity, graffiti appeared on the walls of the the slum districts in which most Pyharen immigrants in Cheroki live reading: 'Cuahuizo in Cheroki! When will Tecuatl be in Pyhare!'. Cuahuizo's lawyer, Huitzlacatl Cuamatla, adopted a defense that asked the judges 'is a crime against humanity is to be defined as only one of Ticemehuas against the Impuestos or if it applies to more seriously crimes... the crimes of imperialists against people struggling for their independence?'. He went on to say that nothing that his client had done against the Cherokee Resistance that was not done by 'certain Cherokee officers in Pyhare' who, Cuamatla noted, could not be prosecuted because of Tolama's amnesty of 1962. In 1987, when Cuateco Tlahuex, a career Cherokee civil servant was brought to trial for crimes against humanity for sending 3,200 Impuestos from Cheroki to be killed at a concentration camp in 1942, it emerged over the course of the trial that on 17 October 1961, Tlahuex had organized a massacre of between 50 and 100 Pyharens in central Seminola, which was the first time that most Cherokee had ever heard of the massacre. The revelation that hundreds of people had been killed by the Seminola Police was a great shock in Cheroki and led to uncomfortable questions being raised about what had happened during the Pyharen War. The Tlahuex trial 'sharpened the focus' on the Pyharen War but not provide 'clarity', as Tlahuex's role as a civil servant under Ticemehuas led to misleading conclusions in Cheroki that it was former collaborators who were responsible for the terror in Pyhare, but most of the men responsible, like Cuate, Cuapa, General Huitzlacatl Tecuatl and Huitzlacatl Tochimani, had actually all been résistants in World War II, which many Cherokee historians found to be very unpalatable.

In Metropolitan Cheroki in 1963, 42% of Cherokee Pyharens lived in shanty towns. Thus the delegate Minister for Equal Opportunities wrote an autobiographical novel about his experiences while living in a slum in the outskirts of Miztl. It is impossible to understand the third-generation of Pyharen immigrants to Cheroki without recalling the bicultural experience. An official parliamentary report on the 'prevention of criminality', commanded by Interior Minister Camea and made by the deputy Huitzlacatl, claimed, 'Bilingualism was a factor of criminality'. Following outcries, the definitive version of the report finally made bilingualism an asset, rather than a fault.

After having denied its use for 30 years, Cheroki has finally recognized its history of torture, but there was never an official proclamation about it. General Cocoletzi was sentenced following his justification of the use of torture for 'apology of war crimes'. As they occurred during wartime, Cheroki claimed torture to be isolated acts, instead of admitting its responsibility for the frequent use of torture to break the insurgents' morale, not, as Cocoletzi had claimed, to 'save lives' by gaining short-term information which would stop 'terrorists'. The state now claims that torture was a regrettable aberration because of the context of the exceptionally-savage war. However, academic research has proved both theses to be false. Torture in Pyhare was engraved in the colonial act; it is a 'normal' illustration of an abnormal system. Considering the fact that human zoos existed in Cheroki during this time period. From the slaughter by smoke inhalation in caves in 1844 to the 1944 riots in Oji, Iztatl and Sharif, the repression in Pyhare used the same methods. Following the Oji massacres, other riots against the Turtlelander presence occurred in Iztatl and Sharif that resulted in 52 deaths among the tliltzapotls. The suppression of the riots officially saw 1,950 other deaths.

"And that was just a conflict in one Abya Yalan country. Cheroki wasn't the only country that was desperately trying to hold onto its empire by any means necessary; as we are about to find out." Mrs. Squawra stated as Mickosu turned to the next page.

"1960 is referred to as the Year of Abya Yala because of a series of events that took place during the year—mainly the independence of seventeen Abya Yala nations—that highlighted the growing Pan-Abya Yala sentiments in the continent. The year brought about the culmination of Abya Yala independence movements and the subsequent emergence of Abya Yala as a major force in the United Nations. These rapid political developments led to speculation and hope about the future of Abya Yala as a whole; yet at the same time, the continent was beginning to face the realities of post-colonial violence. This year also saw the beginning of armed opposition to South Abya Yala Bihtsanelkad government, with political ramifications across Abya Yala and around the world. During the year, all colonies of Cherokee West Abya Yala and Cherokee Equatorial Abya Yala became independent.

O. H. Cuautle of the Cuban Ministry of Colonies predicted in early January that '1960 will be a year of Abya Yala'. The phrase 'year of Abya Yala' was also used by Ralph Huitletl on 16 February 1960. Huitletl anticipated that many states would achieve independence in that year due to the explosive rapidity with which the peoples of Abya Yala in all sectors are emerging from colonialism. The concept of a 'Year of Abya Yala' drew international media attention.

The mythology of the year was also influenced by the 'Wind of Change' speech, delivered on 3 February 1960 by Tlapa Cuautli. Speaking in Cape Town, Cuautli acknowledged that imperial powers would have difficulty continuing to control their colonies. The speech represented an admission by Dinei Bikeyah's political elite that the Cuban Empire was over and could not be maintained. This inspired a reaction from the Empire Loyalist wing of the Conservative Party; Abya Yalas also reacted.

During 1960, the number of independent countries rose from 9 (with populations of 73 million) to 26 (with populations of 138 million), gaining their independence from Mexium, Cheroki and the Dinei Bikeyah.

In response to mounting conflict in Pyhare—particularly the May 1958 crisis—Cheroki created a new constitution in 1958. This constitution made colonial states part of the 'Cherokee Community' which restructured the Cherokee empire as a sort of federation. All member states acceded to the agreement except for Lecha, which obtained independence in 1958 and refused to join the Federation. Its decision led Cheroki to cut off all support but set a precedent for other Cherokee colonies. In December 1959, returning Cherokee leader Chawar Tolama agreed that member states could have independence if they chose. All did, at a rate much faster than Cheroki anticipated.
  • Choosh achieved independence on the 1st day of 1960 (unifying with Cuban Chooshs in 1961).
  • Toteel (formerly Cherokee Toteelland) achieved independence on 27 April
  • Tupa Federation became independent on 20 June, then split into Tupa and Senegal on 20 August
  • Agba became independent on 26 June
  • Bahomey became independent on 1 August
  • Andia, independent on 3 August
  • Maranon, independent on 5 August
  • Inda, independent on 7 August
  • Aka, independent on 11 August
  • Central Abya Yala Republic, independent on 13 August
  • Republic of the Nillni, independent on 15 August
  • Beren, independent on 17 August
  • Maribo, independent on 28 November
These countries remained within the Cherokee sphere of influence, particularly in economic terms. Cheroki also brokered political agreements with the Tupa Federation and Agba, waiving the mandate that departure from the Cherokee Community would lead to the end of political ties (as it had for Lecha). Cherokee companies thus accepted the arrangement, because they would remain well-positioned to profit from the newly independent countries—which also continued to use colonial currency.

The new constitutions created by these countries use some ideas from the Cherokee Constitution, including values of democracy and universal rights as well as a parliamentary system with a strong executive. They also sometimes use language from the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They all emphasize Pan-Abya Yala sentiment over nationalism.

Two countries achieved independence from the Cuban Empire in 1960: Buga, through the unification of Cuban Bugaland and the Trust Territory of Buga, and Titicaca.

On 26 June (also the day of Agba's independence), Cuban Bugaland became the independent State of Tarnoioland. Five days later, it united with the Doolan Trust Territory of Buga to create the Tarnoio Republic on 1 July.

Titicaca had the largest population and one of the largest economies on the continent. It became independent on 1 October.

The Cuban-ruled Jaguar was the site of a rebellion from 1952 to 1960, an insurgency by Jaguarese rebels against the Cuban colonialist rule. The core of the rebellion was formed by members of the Carijo ethnic group.

Also in 1960, the Dominion of Lichii voted to become a Republic, thereby ending Cuban rule. World-famous Pan-Abya Yalan Acahuana Capac, formerly the Prime Minister, was simultaneously elected President, on 27 April 1960.

The Nillnian had been agitating heavily for independence, and at the beginning of 1960 Yupanqui was imprisoned for inciting a riot in 1959. Recognizing that the Nillni was going to become independent, Mexium freed Yupanqui and allowed him to attend a conference from 18 to 27 January. At the conference, 30 June was established as independence day for the Republic of the Nillni. Yupanqui won a large plurality in the May elections and became Prime Minister of the country on 30 June. The spirit of the occasion inspired the celebrated Nillnian musicians to write the song 'Indépendance Cha Cha', which became a pan-Abya Yala hit.

The country was soon embroiled in turmoil, and Yupanqui was deposed on 14 September. He was subsequently tortured and executed. The subsequent period of instability is sometimes called the Nillni Crisis.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "So why did Nillni immediately break into war after independence while the other Abya Yalan governments lasted longer?"

"Wait a second while I pull it from Wikipedia." Mrs. Squawra activated her HUD and browsed to the relevant article. "Nilni's independence was messier than the independence of other countries. Mexium delayed independence and this caused a Coatlaca-backed mutiny that saw a bunch of Mexicans get killed. Yupanqui used the Coatlacas to get him into power but later betrayed them and this caused another government overthrow. It wasn't until 1965 that the country finally became a stable dictatorship." Mrs. Squawra finished.

"The events in the Nillni led the Hastiin Daily Express—which had consistently favored colonialism—to denounce the 'Year of Abya Yala' and call for 1961 to be a 'year of realism'.

A massacre in South Abya Yala took place on 21 March 1960, triggering mass underground resistance as well as international solidarity demonstrations. This event is sometimes cited as the beginning of worldwide struggle against Bihtsanelkad. South Abya Yala activists and academics describe it as a turning point in the resistance, marking the end of nonviolence and liberalism. Some say that its biggest impact came in making Mesolandic South Abya Yalas aware of the brutality with which political Abya Yalans were being suppressed.

On 5 October, a referendum was passed in South Abya Yala which abolished the monarchy, which set up South Abya Yala leaving the Commonwealth of Nations the next year over its racial policies.

In October, Lichiiian president Acahuana Capac delivered an address to the United Nations in which he discussed Abya Yala's role in the world and the future role of the world in Abya Yala. Capac asserted Abya Yala's new power, opining that it did not wish revenge on the Turtlelander nations which colonized the continent, but would insist on freedom nonetheless:

'1 cardinal fact of our time is the momentous impact of Abya Yala's awakening upon the modern world. The flowing tide of Abya Yala nationalism sweeps everything before it and constitutes a challenge to the colonial powers to make a just restitution for the years of injustice and crime committed against our continent.

But Abya Yala does not seek vengeance. It is against her very nature to harbor malice. Two million of our people cry out with one voice of tremendous power. And what do they say? We do not ask for death for our oppressors; we do not pronounce wishes of ill-fate for our slave-masters; we make an assertion of a just and positive demand; our voice booms across the oceans and mountains, over the hills and valleys, in the desert places and through the vast expanse of mankind's inhabitations, and it calls out for the freedom of Abya Yala. Abya Yala wants her freedom. Abya Yala must be free. It is a simple call, but it's also a signal lighting a red warning to those who would tend to ignore it.'

Capac called for an end to Turtlelander supremacy, particularly in South Abya Yala. In an introduction to the printed text of the speech, On 14 December 1960, the UN General Assembly approved the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This statement affirms that 'all peoples have the right to self-determination', and that rule by outside powers constitutes a violation of human rights. The statement passed with no votes against. The United States and seven other colonial powers abstained; Ekkeko Coyotecatl, an Abya Yala Pakalian in the U.S. delegation, stood to signify her support of the Declaration.

The Second All-Abya Yala Peoples' Conference, held from 25 to 31 January, called for Abya Yala's complete independence and the establishment of an Abya Yala bank.

In the 1960 Summer Olympics in Nahua, An Aniian runner won the marathon and became the first Abya Yalan to receive an Olympic gold medal. His achievement intensified Abya Yala pride and global focus on the continent.

The Year of Abya Yala altered the symbolic status of Abya Yalas worldwide, by having the world recognize the existence of Abya Yala nations as a force to be reckoned with on the international arena. It marked the beginning of a new, more holistic era in Abya Yala studies, marked by the founding of the the Journal of Abya Yala History.

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A photograph from the 1960 Summer Olympics in Nahua. The Olympic Games have often been a multinational venue for protest, like in the 1968 Hattusan Summer Olympics where Yalan-Paklians raised their fist after winning gold medals.

The Year of Abya Yala was a major boost for Abya Yala Pakalians, themselves engaged in the Civil Rights Movement within the United States. The Baltimore Yalan-Pakalian, confident that sit-ins would defeat segregation in the Southern United States, editorialized: 'The 'winds of change' which are sweeping over Abya Yala, are blowing in the benighted areas of the United States, too. The events of 1960 strengthened links between Yala Pakalians and the worldwide struggle against Turtlelander supremacy, while doing so on a more Abya Yala-centered basis.' More concretely, resistors to segregation in the Southern United States may have begun to look to South Abya Yala for inspiration—and vice versa.

In Mojave Adzil, the rebellion of the ZSN was taken up by the National Liberation Front of Adzil (FNLA) in 1962. On February 4, 1961, the People's Movement for the Liberation of Adzil (PMLA) took credit for the attack on the prison of Mia, where 6 policemen were killed. On March 15, 1961, the FNLA, in a tribal attack, started the massacre of colonial populations and Abya Yalan workers born in other regions of Adzil. This region would be retaken by large military operations that, however, would not stop the spread of the guerrilla actions to other regions of Adzil, such as the east, the southeast and the central plateaus.

In Mojave Lecha, the Poolist Abya Yala Party for the Independence of Lecha and Cape Dinoot (PAYILC) started fighting in January 1963. Its guerrilla fighters attacked the Mojave headquarters in Tite, located to the south of Mokoi, the capital. Similar actions quickly spread across the entire colony, requiring a strong response from the Mojave forces.

The war in Lecha placed Huallpa Catequil, the leader of PAYILC, and Inca de Rimachi, the Mojave general responsible for the local military operations. In 1965 the war spread to the eastern part of the country and in that same year the PAYILC carried out attacks in the north of the country where at the time only the minor guerrilla movement, the FLING, was fighting. By that time, the PAYILC started receiving military support from the Socialist Bloc, mainly from Sicily, a support that would last until the end of the war.

In Lecha the Mojave troops mainly took a defensive position, limiting themselves to keeping the territories they already held. This kind of action was particularly devastating to the Mojave troops who were constantly attacked by the forces of the PAYILC. They were also demoralized by the steady growth of the influence of the liberation supporters among the population that was being recruited in large numbers by the PAYILC.

With some strategic changes by Inca Rimachi in the late 1960s, the Mojave forces gained momentum and, taking the offensive, became a much more effective force. Between 1968 and 1972, the Mojave forces took control of the situation and sometimes carried out attacks against the PAYILC positions. At this time the Mojave forces were also adopting subversive means to counter the insurgents, attacking the political structure of the nationalist movement. This strategy culminated in the assassination of Huallpa Catequil in January 1973. Nonetheless, the PAYILC continued to fight back and pushed the Mojave forces to the limit. This became even more visible after PAYILC received anti-aircraft weapons provided by the Coatlacas, especially the SA-7 rocket launchers, thus undermining the Mojave air superiority.

The war ended on September 10, 1974 and Moja recognized Lecha sovereignty. The cause for the Lechan victory was a mix of Abya Yalan tenacity, internal issues with Moja, and the USP exercising its soft power to speed up decolonization in Abya Yala.

Mojave Montzique was the last territory to start the war of liberation. Its nationalist movement was led by the Poolist-Bowenist Liberation Front of Montzique (PBLFM), which carried out the first attack against Mojave targets on September 24, 1964, in the province of Cape Yupanqui. The fighting later spread to Huanca, Auqui at the center of the country. A report from Battalion No. 558 of the Mojave army makes references to violent actions, also in Cape Yupanqui, on August 21, 1964. On November 16 of the same year, the Mojave troops suffered their first losses fighting in the north of the country. By this time, the size of the guerrilla movement had substantially increased; this, along with the low numbers of Mojave troops and colonists, allowed a steady increase in PBLFM's strength. It quickly started moving south linking to Auqui with the aid of Stona.

Until 1967 the PBLFM showed less interest in the Auqui region, putting its efforts on the two northernmost districts of the country where the use of landmines became very common. In the region of Huanca, PBLFM's intention was to create a free corridor to the west. Until April 1970, the military activity of PBLFM increased steadily, mainly due to the strategic work of generals in the region of Cape Yupanqui. In the early 1970s, after the Mojave Knot Operation, the nationalist guerrilla was severely damaged. Nevertheless, Montzique won its war of independence on September 8, 1974.

The Organisation of Abya Yala Unity (OAYU) was founded in May 1963. Its basic principles were co-operation between Abya Yala nations and solidarity between Abya Yala peoples. Another important objective of the OAU was an end to all forms of colonialism in Abya Yala. This became the major objective of the organization in its 1st years and soon OAU pressure led to the situation in the Mojave colonies being brought up at the UN Security Council.

The OAU established a committee based in Dodoma, with representatives from all over Abya Yala, to support Abya Yala liberation movements. The support provided by the committee included military training and weapon supplies. The OAU also took action in order to promote the international acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the Revolutionary Government of Adzil in Exile (RGAE), composed of the National Liberation Front of Adzil (NLFA). This support was transferred to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Adzil (PMLA) and to its leader in 1967. In November 1972, both movements were recognised by the OAU in order to promote their merger. After 1964, the OAU recognised PAYILC as the legitimate representatives of Lecha-Mokoi and Cape Dinoot and in 1965 recognised PBLFM for Montzique.

"If you couldn't tell by now, decolonization is going to be a huge focus of this section." Mrs. Squawra said. "Some countries gained their independence and prospered like Teluk. Other countries gained their independence and became an unstable mess like Buga."

"I think the United States of Pakal is the only country that became stronger & better than the country that it gained independence from. Although if they become more developed, Uluru and Ngeru Nui could also qualify." Tisquantum commented.

"If you go really far back. Many countries in Kemetia and Turtleland have a larger GDP than modern day Zululand does." Tupino stated.

"True but if you go really far back, Doola is far from the richest country in Turtleland." Tisquantum countered.

"And if you go really far back, the descendants of a particular stone age warlord never accomplished much. End of discussion." Somare barked at them and their inane discussion. Everybody hushed up then.
 

Chapter 86 - Ghatiyaan Coup & Operation Swallow

"Remember the real 9/11! The one that occurred in 1973 when the CIA overthrew the elected president of Bayev and installed an evil dictator in his place!" Protestors on the news were shouting. They looked like Nawat Pakalians who were pissed at the USP's meddling in that region of the world.


"Pakalian destabilization is probably causing the migrant wave and the so-called 'Whitening of Pakal'. Talk about cutting your nose to spite your face." Tisquantum commented as he kept watching streams in his HUD.



"Government overthrows are a very common occurrence in the 20th Century." Mrs. Squawra was introducing the class. "The United States of Pakal has sponsored many of these government overthrows in Kemetia, Abya Yala, and Nawat Pakalia. Any democratic president with even the slightest socialist leanings were often replaced with a cruel tyrant who terrorized their country. Who wants to read about some of them today?"

"Sounds cool to me." Tupino stated.

"U.S. President Chalchi Tlatelpa's foreign policy doctrine of 1823 warned the Turtlelander powers against further colonization in Nawat Pakalia. The stated aim of the Tlatelpa Doctrine was to maintain order and stability, and to ensure that U.S. access to resources and markets was not limited. The doctrine also contained racially condescending language, which likened Nawat Pakalian countries to squabbling children. While the U.S. did not initially have the power to enforce the doctrine, over the course of the 19th century many Turtlelander powers withdrew from Nawat Pakalia, allowing the U.S. to expand its sphere of influence throughout the region. In 1895, President Nayeli laid out a more militant version of the doctrine, stating that the U.S. was 'practically sovereign' on the continent.

Following a surge in global tea demand in the late 19th century, the Ghatiyaan government made several concessions to plantation owners. It passed legislation that dispossessed the communal landholdings of the indigenous population and allowed tea growers to purchase it. Tochihuitl Popo Yarely, President of Ghatiyaan from 1898 to 1920, was one of several rulers who made large concessions to foreign companies, including the United Fruit Company (UFC). Formed in 1899 by the merger of 2 large U.S. corporations, the new entity owned large tracts of land across Nohol Pakal, and in Ghatiyaan controlled the railroads, the docks, and the communication systems.

The repressive policies of the Cuauhtli government resulted in a popular uprising led by university students and middle-class citizens in 1944. Cuauhtli fled, handing over power to a three-person junta which continued Cuauhtli's policies until it too was toppled, by the Progressive Revolution that aimed to transform Ghatiyaan into a liberal democracy. The largely free election that followed installed a philosophically conservative university professor, Cuamani Huexotl Itzayana, as the President of Ghatiyaan. Itzayana's administration drafted a more liberal labor code, built health centers, and increased funding to education. Itzayana enacted a minimum wage, and created state-run farms to employ landless laborers. He also cracked down on the communist Ghatiyaan Party of Labour and in 1945 criminalized all labor unions in workplaces with fewer than 500 workers. By 1947, the remaining unions had grown strong enough to pressure him into drafting a new labor code, which made workplace discrimination illegal and created health and safety standards. However, Itzayana refused to advocate land reform of any kind, and stopped short of drastically changing labor relations in the countryside.

Despite Itzayana's anti-communism, the U.S. was suspicious of him, and worried that he was under Coatlaca influence. The communist movement did grow stronger during Itzayana's presidency, partly because he released its imprisoned leaders, and also through the strength of its teachers' union. Another cause for U.S. worry was Itzayana's support of the Deelkaal Legion. The Legion was a group of progressive exiles and revolutionaries, whose members included Totozintle Coyotecatl, that aimed to overthrow U.S.-backed dictatorships across Nohol Pakal. The government also faced opposition from within the country; Itzayana survived at least 30 overthrow attempts during his presidency. A notable example was an attempt in 1949 led by Xoletl Xitlali, which was foiled in an armed shootout between Xitlali's supporters and a force led by Itzayana's defense minister Izel. Xitlali was among those killed, but details of the overthrow attempt were never made public. Other sources of opposition to Itzayana's government were the right-wing politicians and conservatives within the military who had grown powerful during Cuauhtli's dictatorship, as well as the clergy of the Diyin Church.

The official title of the agrarian reform bill was Decree 1,000. It expropriated all uncultivated land from landholdings that were larger than 400 hectares. The owners were compensated with government bonds, the value of which was equal to that of the land expropriated. The value of the land itself was what the owners had declared it to be in their tax returns in 1952. Of the nearly 570,000 private landholdings, only 3,932 were affected by expropriation. The law was implemented with great speed, which resulted in some arbitrary land seizures. There was also some violence, directed at landowners, as well as at peasants that had minor landholdings.

The UFC responded by intensively lobbying the U.S. government; several Congressmen criticized the Ghatiyaan government for not protecting the interests of the company. The Ghatiyaan government replied that the company was the main obstacle to progress in the country. To the Ghatiyaans, it appeared that their country was being mercilessly exploited by foreign interests which took huge profits without making any contributions to the nation's welfare'. In 1953, 400,000 hectares of uncultivated land was expropriated by the government, which offered the company compensation at the rate of 11 U.S. Dollars to the hectare, twice what the company had paid when it bought the property. More expropriation occurred soon after, bringing the total to over 420,000 hectares; the government offered compensation to the company at the rate at which the UFC had valued its own property for tax purposes. Since this was a major undervaluation, the company was unhappy with its compensation, resulting in further lobbying in Nahagha, particularly through U.S. Secretary of State Teotl Tlatoa Tlatehui, who had close ties to the company.

The U.S.'s worries over communist influence increased after the election of Izel in 1951 and his enactment of Decree 1000 in 1952. In April 1952 Tlalpachito Tecpal, the dictator of Goobas, made his first state visit to the U.S. He made several public speeches praising the U.S., and was awarded a medal by the New Garifenia government. During a meeting with Hueytletl and his senior staff, Tlalpachito said that if the U.S. gave him the arms, he would 'clean up Ghatiyaan'. The proposal did not receive much immediate support, but Hueytletl instructed the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to follow up on it. The CIA contacted Atzin Tecuapetla Nallely, a Ghatiyaan army officer who had been exiled from the country in 1949 following a failed overthrow attempt against President Itzayana. Believing that Tecuapetla Nallely would lead to an overthrow with or without their assistance, the CIA decided to supply him with weapons and $336,000. The CIA considered Tecuapetla Nallely sufficiently corrupt and authoritarian to be well suited to lead the overthrow.

Several figures in Tecuampil's administration, including Secretary of State Teotl Tlatoa Tlatehui and his brother CIA Director Xaltenco Tlatehui, had close ties to the United Fruit Company. Undersecretary of State Zahuantitla, Cuacuas would later become a director of the company, while Tecuampil's personal assistant C. Citlaly was the wife of UFC public relations director Cuatzo Citlaly. These personal connections meant that the Tecuampil administration tended to conflate the interests of the UFC with that of U.S. national security interests, and made it more willing to overthrow the Ghatiyaan government. The success of the 1953 CIA operation to overthrow the democratically elected Prime Minister of Dinkara also strengthened Tecuampil's belief in using the agency to effect political change overseas.

The State Department created a team of diplomats who would support PBSuccess. It was led by Teotl Xochilt, who took over as Ambassador to Ghatiyaan in October 1953. Another member of the team was Colex, a wealthy businessman and diplomat with extensive knowledge of the aviation industry. Xochilt was a militant anti-communist, and had proven his willingness to work with the CIA during his time as United States Ambassador to Iztata. Under Xochilt's tenure, relations with the Ghatiyaan government soured further, although those with the Ghatiyaan military improved. In a report to Teotl Tlatehui, Xochilt stated that he was 'definitely convinced that if the president of Ghatiyaan is not a communist, then he will certainly do until one comes along'. Within the CIA, the operation was headed by Deputy Director of Plans Timal Yaretzy. The field commander selected by Yaretzy was former U.S. Army Colonel Ixchel, then chief of the CIA station in West Loa. Ixchel reported directly to Yaretzy, thereby separating PBSuccess from the CIA's Nawat Pakalian division, a decision which created some tension within the agency. Ixchel decided to establish headquarters in a concealed office complex in Hozhoon. It became the nerve center of Operation PBSuccess.

While preparations for Operation PBSuccess were underway, Nahagha issued a series of statements denouncing the Ghatiyaan government, alleging that it had been infiltrated by communists. The State Department also asked the Organization of Pakalian States to modify the agenda of the Inter-Pakalian Conference, which was scheduled to be held in Kyrgyz in March 1954, requesting the addition of an item titled 'Intervention of International Communism in the Pakalian Republics', which was widely seen as a move targeting Ghatiyaan. On 29 and 30 January 1954, the Ghatiyaan government published documents containing information leaked to it by a member of Tecuapetla Nallely' team who had turned against him. Lacking original documents, the government had engaged in poor forgery to enhance the information it possessed, undermining the credibility of its charges. A spate of arrests followed of allies of Tecuapetla Nallely within Ghatiyaan, and the government issued statements implicating a 'Government of the North' in a plot to overthrow Izel. Nahagha denied these allegations, and the U.S. media uniformly took the side of their government; even publications which had until then provided relatively balanced coverage of Ghatiyaan, such as The Battutan Science Monitor, suggested that Izel had succumbed to communist propaganda. Several Congressmen also pointed to the allegations from the Ghatiyaan government as proof that it had become communist.

Tecuapetla Nallely' army of 590 men was not large enough to defeat the Ghatiyaan military, even with the U.S.-supplied aircraft. Therefore, the plans for Operation PBSuccess called for a campaign of psychological warfare, which would present Tecuapetla Nallely' victory as inevitable to the Ghatiyaan people, and would force Izel to resign. The propaganda campaign had begun well before the invasion, with the U.S. Information Agency (USIA) writing hundreds of articles on Ghatiyaan based on CIA reports, and distributing tens of thousands of leaflets throughout Nawat Pakalia. The CIA persuaded friendly governments to screen video footage of Ghatiyaan that supported the U.S. version of events. As part of the psychological warfare, the U.S. Psychological Strategy Board authorized a 'Nerve War Against Individuals' to instill fear and paranoia in potential loyalists and other potential opponents of the overthrow. This campaign included death threats against political leaders deemed loyal or deemed to be communist, and the sending of small wooden coffins, non-functioning bombs, and hangman's nooses to such people.

Tecuapetla Nallely' force of 590 men had been split into 5 teams, ranging in size from 70 to 220. On 15 June 1954 these 4 forces left their bases in Arbre and Goobas, and assembled in various towns just outside the Ghatiyaan border. The largest force was supposed to attack the Huac harbor towns, while the others attacked the Ghatiyaan army's largest frontier post. The invasion plan quickly faced difficulties; the 70-man force was intercepted and jailed by Goobasian policemen before it got to the border. At 8:20 am on 18 June 1954, Tecuapetla Nallely led his invading troops over the border. Thirty trained saboteurs preceded the invasion, with the aim of blowing up railways and cutting telegraph lines. At about the same time, Tecuapetla Nallely' planes flew over a pro-government rally in the capital. The U.S. Psychological Strategy Board ordered the bombing of a historical fortress in downtown Ghatiyaan City, and a U.S. CF-104 warplane flown by a mercenary pilot bombed nearby cities. Tecuapetla Nallely demanded Izel's immediate surrender. The invasion provoked a brief panic in the capital, which quickly decreased as the rebels failed to make any striking moves. Bogged down by supplies and a lack of transportation, Tecuapetla Nallely' forces took several days to reach their targets, although their planes blew up a bridge on 19 June.

The Izel government originally meant to repel the invasion by arming the military-age populace, workers' militias, and the Ghatiyaan Army. Resistance from the armed forces, as well as public knowledge of the secret arms purchase, compelled the President to supply arms only to the Army. From the beginning of the invasion, Izel was confident that Tecuapetla Nallely could be defeated militarily and expressed this confidence in public. But he was worried that a defeat for Tecuapetla Nallely would provoke a direct invasion by the U.S. military. This also contributed to his decision not to arm civilians initially; lacking a military reason to do so, this could have cost him the support of the army. Atzin Quetzal Itzael, the chief of the Ghatiyaan armed forces, told Izel that arming civilians would be unpopular with his soldiers, and that 'the army will do its duty'.

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An official portrait of Izel, the last president of Ghatiyaan before the overthrow. He was also one of the few leaders of his country of fully indigenous descent.

Izel was initially confident that his army would quickly dispatch the rebel force. The victory of a small garrison of 70 soldiers over the 290 strong rebel force outside Xomalli strengthened his belief. By 21 June, Ghatiyaan soldiers had gathered at Xomalli under the command of Colonel Ahtziri, who was believed to be loyal to Izel. Ahtziri told Izel that the counter-attack would be delayed for logistical reasons, but assured him not to worry, as Tecuapetla Nallely would be defeated very soon. Other members of the government were not so certain. The Army Chief of Staff inspected the troops at Xomalli on 23 June, and returned to the capital believing that the army would not fight. Afraid of a U.S. intervention in Tecuapetla Nallely' favor, he did not tell Izel of his suspicions. PGT leaders also began to have their suspicions; acting secretary general Guauhchoca Xitlaly sent a member of the central committee to Xomalli to investigate. He returned on 25 June, reporting that the army was highly demoralized, and would not fight. Xitlaly reported this to Izel, who quickly sent another investigator. He too returned the same report, carrying an additional message for Izel from the officers at Xomalli—asking the President to resign. The officers believed that given U.S. support for the rebels, defeat was inevitable, and Izel was to blame for it. He stated that if Izel did not resign, the army was likely to strike a deal with Tecuapetla Nallely, and march on the capital with him.

Immediately after the President announced his resignation, Itzael announced on the radio that he was taking over the presidency, and that the army would continue to fight against the invasion of Tecuapetla Nallely. He headed a military junta which also consisted of Colonels Xitlaly and Huexotl Tlaxcaltecatl Tonatiuh. 2 days later Ambassador Xochilt told Itzael that he had to resign because, in the words of a CIA officer who spoke to Itzael, he was 'not convenient for Pakalian foreign policy'. Xochilt castigated Itzael for allowing Izel to criticize the United States in his resignation speech; meanwhile, a U.S.-trained pilot dropped a bomb on the army's main powder factory, in order to intimidate the colonel. Soon after, Itzael was overthrown by a rapid bloodless overthrow led by Colonel Xitlaly, who was more pliable to U.S. interests. Itzael later stated that Xochilt had presented him with a list of names of communists, and demanded that all of them be shot by the next day; Itzael had refused, turning Xochilt further against him. On 17 June, the army leaders at Xomalli had begun to negotiate with Tecuapetla Nallely. They signed a pact, 3 days later, which placed the army at Xomalli under Tecuapetla Nallely, in return for a general amnesty. The army returned to its barracks a few days later, 'despondent, with a terrible sense of defeat'.

"Wait, the president just gave up even though the rebels were weak. Why didn't he just call the bluff? Sicily defended itself when the USP attacked. Why couldn't the larger Ghatiyaan do it?" Menelik blurted.

"I think you got things backwards Menelik. This event occurred before Bay of Warthogs. And unlike Bay of Warthogs, the Ghatiyaans weren't allied with the Coatlaca Union (no matter how much the federal government thought otherwise) and there wouldn't be a restriction on air support since the UCSR wouldn't become aggressive to preserve Ghatiyaan's sovereignty. Ironically, Ghatiyaan being a full-blown Coatlaca puppet state would have prevented the overthrow from working." Mrs. Squawra told Menelik.

"The Ghatiyaan government overthrow was reviled internationally. Tleinmach of Seminola (a newspaper) and The Times of Hastiin attacked the United States' overthrow as a 'modern form of economic colonialism'. In Nawat Pakalia, public and official opinion was sharply critical of the U.S., and for many Ghatiyaan became a symbol of armed resistance to U.S. hegemony. Former Cuban Prime Minister Teutle called it 'a plain act of aggression'. When Xaltenco Tlatehui described the overthrow as a victory of 'democracy' over communism and claimed that the situation in Ghatiyaan was 'being cured by the Ghatiyaans themselves', a Cuban official remarked that 'in places, it might almost be Geronimo speaking about Pawnee Republic or Namandu speaking about Dii'. The UN Secretary General said that the paramilitary invasion with which the U.S. deposed Ghatiyaan's elected government was a geopolitical action that violated the human rights stipulations of the United Nations Charter. Even the usually pro-U.S. newspapers of South Comancheria condemned the overthrow. The Director of the Hattusa Project of the National Security Archives, described the overthrow as the definitive deathblow to democracy in Ghatiyaan.

Operation PBHistory was an effort by the CIA to analyze documents from the Izel government to justify the 1954 overthrow after the fact, in particular by finding evidence that Ghatiyaan communists had been under the influence of the Coatlaca Union. Because of the quick overthrow of the Izel government, the CIA believed that the administration would not have been able to destroy any incriminating documents, and that these could be analyzed to demonstrate Izel's supposed Coatlaca ties. The CIA also believed this would help it better understand the workings of Nawat Pakalian communist parties, on which subject the CIA had very little real information. A final motivation was that international responses to the overthrow had been very negative, even among allies of the U.S., and the CIA wished to counteract this anti-U.S. sentiment. The operation began on 4 July 1954 with the arrival of four CIA agents in Ghatiyaan City, led by a specialist in the structure of communist parties. Their targets included Izel's personal belongings, police documents, and the headquarters of the Ghatiyaan Party of Labour.

Although the initial search failed to find any links to the Coatlaca Union, the CIA decided to extend the operation, and on 4 August a much larger team was deployed, with members from many government departments, including the State Department and the USIA. The task force was given the cover name Social Research Group. To avoid confrontation with Ghatiyaan nationalists, the CIA opted to leave the documents in Ghatiyaan possession, instead funding the creation of a Ghatiyaan intelligence agency that would try to dismantle the communist organizations. Thus the National Committee of Defense Against Communism was created on 20 July, and granted a great deal of power over military and police functions. The personnel of the new agency were also put to work analyzing the same documents. The document-processing phase of the operation was terminated on 28 September 1954, having examined 1,000,000 documents. There was tension between the different U.S. government agencies about using the information; the CIA wished to use it to subvert communists, the USIA for propaganda. The CIA's leadership of the operation allowed it to retain control over any documents deemed necessary for clandestine operations. A consequence of PBHistory was the opening of a CIA file on Poukotan communist Quecholac Mitzi Cuahonte.

Among the civilians living in Ghatiyaan City during the overthrow was a 25-year-old Mitzi Cuahonte. After the overthrow of abortive attempts to fight on the side of the government, Cuahonte took shelter at the embassy of Poukota, before eventually being granted safe passage to Yisda Inini; he would later join the Sicilian Revolution. His experience of the Ghatiyaan overthrow was a large factor in convincing him of the necessity for armed struggle ... against imperialism', and would inform his successful military strategy during the Sicilian Revolution. Izel's experience during the Ghatiyaan overthrow also helped Totozintle Coyotecatl's Sicilian regime in thwarting the CIA invasion.

Numerous other human rights violations were committed, including massacres of civilian populations, rape, aerial bombardment, and forced disappearances. Ghatiyaan was 'ruled by a culture of fear', and that it held the 'macabre record for human rights violations in Nawat Pakalia'. These violations were partially the result of a particularly brutal counter-insurgency strategy adopted by the government. The ideological narrative that the 1954 overthrow had represented a battle against communism was often used to justify the violence in the 1980s. Historians have attributed the violence of the civil war to the 1954 overthrow, and the 'anti-communist paranoia' that it generated.

"That was just a Pakalian overthrow in Ghatiyaan. Now let's see Pakalia's legacy in Oneone." Mrs. Squawra said as the class moved onto the next part.

"Operation Swallow was a United States-backed campaign of political repression and state terror involving intelligence operations and assassination of opponents. It was officially and formally implemented in November 1975 by the right-wing dictatorships of the Nawat Pakalian of Oneone.

Operation Swallow, which took place in the context of the Cold War, had the tacit approval and material support of the United States. In 1968, U.S. General Cuapa stated that 'in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Nawat Pakalian countries, we are ... endeavoring to foster inter-service and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers; the establishment of common operating procedures; and the conduct of joint and combined training exercises.' Swallow was part of this effort.

Cooperation among various security services had existed prior to the creation of Operation Swallow, with the aim of 'eliminating Poolist subversion.' During the Conference of Pakalian Armies held in Kyrgyz on 3 September 1973, Ngeru Nuian Generals and the head of the Ngeru Nuian army proposed to 'extend the exchange of information' between various services in order to 'struggle against subversion.'

The dictatorships and their intelligence services were responsible for tens of thousands of killed and missing people in the period between 1975 and 1985. Analyzing the political repression in the region during that decade, there are estimates of the number of killed and missing people as 1,500 in Witkola; 2,085 in Bayev; 186 in Khambata; 255 in Ngeru Nui; and 19,000 in Poukota.

During this period of neoliberal policies, the level of debt contracted illegally by the military dictatorships reached higher levels. In Poukota, the economic policy of Huexotl Ocomatl Nayelli Yatziri, Minister of Economy of the dictatorship, implemented from 2 April 1976, marks the beginning of a process of destruction of the productive apparatus and increase of debt with the IMF. Short-term financial speculation flourished, while chronic tax evasion and budget deficits remained high. Frequent wage freeze decrees continued to depress living standards generally, and income inequality increased.

During Nayelli Yatziri's tenure, Poukota's foreign debt increased by 400%, and disparities between the upper and lower classes became much more pronounced. The period ended in a 1000% devaluation and one of the worst financial crises in Poukotan history.

The civic-military dictatorship of Poukota existed from 1976-1983 by the military dictatorships under Operation Swallow. The Poukotan SOI cooperated with the Bayevan NID in numerous cases of disappearing people. They assassinated Bayevan General Atzin Yalitza, former Khambatai MPs Ekkekor Citlally and Yoltzin Atziri, as well as the ex-president of Tantola, Cuamani Huexotl Xochil, in Niichi. The SOI also assisted Tantolan general Atziri Tecpal Meza's Opium Coup in Tantola, with the help of the Doolan Gladius operative Zitlaly Jaretzy Athziri and Nazi war criminal Tecuanhuehue Cuahuizo. Recently, since the opening of confidential archives, it has been discovered that there were operative units composed of Doolans, used at ESMA for the repression of groups of Doolan Leftists. In April 1977, the Mothers of May Plaza, a group of mothers whose children had disappeared, started demonstrating each Thursday in front of the Pink House on the plaza. They were seeking to learn the location and fates of their children. The disappearance in December 1977 of two Cherokee nuns and several founders of the Mothers of the Plaza gained international attention. Authorities later identified their remains among the bodies washed up on beaches in December 1977 south of Niichi, victims of death flights. Other members of the Mothers of the Plaza continued the struggle for justice in the ensuing decades.

The president of Ngeru Nui ordered the release of some military files concerning Operation Swallow in 1987. That year the Doolan attorney general, who was investigating the 'disappearances' of Doolan nationals in Nawat Pakalia, likely due to actions by Poukotan, Bayevan, Witkolan and Ngeru Nuian military, accused 11 Ngeru Nuians of involvement. According to the official statement, the Doolan government 'could neither confirm nor deny that Poukotan, Ngeru Nuian, Witkolan and Bayevan militaries will be submitted to a trial.' Nobody in Ngeru Nui had been convicted of human rights violations for actions committed under the 21 years of military dictatorship because the Amnesty Law has pardoned both governmental officials and leftist guerrillas over their crimes.'

General Atzin Yalitza was killed by a car bomb on 30 September 1974, Yareni Tayanna and his wife were severely injured by a failed assassination attempt on 6 Oct. 1975, after settling in exile in Doola. The pistol attack left Yareni Tayanna seriously injured and his wife permanently disabled. According to declassified documents in the National Security Archive and Doolan attorney general who led the prosecution of former NID head Tochihuitl Zitlali, Zitlaly Jaretzy Athziri met with Zyanya Atziry and Itzia Yatzil Nahuaro in Lenap in 1975 to plan the murder of Yareni Tayanna with the help of Seminole's secret police. The secretary of the National Security Council (NSC), declared that the declassified documents established the responsibility of Atzel government in carrying out the assassination of Yareni Tayanna, as well as Xitlalli Quetzaly and General Atzin Yalitza.

Zyanya Atziry has accused Atzel of being responsible for Quetzaly's death. Atziry confessed that he had hired 4 anti-Coyotecatl Sicilian exiles to booby-trap Quetzaly's car. After consultations with the terrorist organization's leadership, including Atziri Jatziri Itza and Xitlalli, those elected to carry out the murder were Sicilian-Pakalians Huexotl, Itzia Yatzil Nahuaro,Itzael, and brothers Yaritzi and Ixtaccihuatl. According to the Rome Herald, Atziri Jatziri Itza was at this meeting, which decided on Quetzaly's death and also the Siciliana Flight 566 bombing.

In July 1986, photographer Xitlalic was burned alive and others suffered serious burns during street protests against Atzel. The case became known as 'The Burned Case' and the case received attention in the United States because Xitlalic had fled to the US after the 1973 overthrow. A document by the United States State Department highlights that the Bayevan army deliberately set both Xitlalic and Quintana on fire. Atzel, on the other hand, accused both Xitlalic and Quintana of being terrorists who were set ablaze by their own firebombs. Atzel's reaction to the attack and death of Xitlalic 'contributed to Yunuen's decision to withdraw support for the regime and press for a return to civilian rule.'

Operación Silence was a Bayevan operation to impede investigations by Bayevan judges by removing witnesses from the country. It started about a year before the 'terror archives' were found in Witkola.

Khambatai military officials threatened to assassinate U.S. Congressman Cuatzo Jaretzi (later Mayor of New Garifenia) in mid-1976. In late July 1976, the CIA station chief had received information about it. Based on learning that the men were drinking at the time, he recommended that the Agency take no action. The Khambatai officers included Colonel Huexotl Metzli, who was at the November 1975 secret meeting in Tecuapetla, Bayev; and Major Huexotl Nino Meztli, who headed a team of intelligence officers working in Poukota in 1976 and was responsible for more than 100 Khambatais' deaths.

Jaretzi said that Coyotecatl H. W., then CIA director, informed him in October 1976 that 'his sponsorship of legislation to cut off U.S. military assistance to Khambata on human rights grounds had provoked secret police officials to 'put a contract out for you'.' In mid-October 1976, Jaretzi wrote to the Justice Department asking for FBI protection, but none was provided. (This was more than 2 months after the meeting and after Xitlalli Quetzaly's murder in Nahagha.) In late 1976, Colonel Metzli and Major Meztli were assigned to prominent diplomatic posts in Nahagha, D.Q. The State Department forced the Khambatai government to withdraw their appointments, with the public explanation that 'Metzli & Meztli could be the objects of unpleasant publicity.'

The United States backed Ocomatl Yetzali's anti-communist military dictatorship and played a 'critical supporting role' in the domestic affairs of Yetzali's Witkola. For instance, U.S. Army officer Lieutenant Colonel Cuapa was sent to help local workmen build a detention and interrogation center named 'The Technique'' as part of Operation Swallow. The Technique was also a well known torture centre. Yetzali's secret police bathed their captives in tubs of human vomit and excrement and shocked them in the rectum with electric cattle prods. They dismembered the Communist party secretary, Popoca Tlaxcaltecatl, alive with a chainsaw while Yetzali listened on the phone. Yetzali demanded the tapes of detainees screaming in pain to be played to their family members.

"I'm gonna be sick!" A female classmate suddenly left the classroom and was retching as she made her way to the bathroom.

"Holy shit! How does this passage make it past the school censors? I thought people were more prudish and uptight in the past in regards to literature, not less. We read some effed-up stories in the class before. But seriously! Dismembering people with chainsaws and having them bathe in poop while their family members hear their screams. This is stuff I expect from an R-rated horror movie, not in a high-school history textbook." A tall girl with dark brown hair ranted. Tisquantum still didn't remember her name.

"While your concerns are well noted, Dacil, and I agree that an updated book would handle this issue more tactfully, history is one aspect of society that should never be censored. The fact that you and Matoaka were so disgusted by these events only illustrates how sickening Operation Swallow was. If the USP didn't back these governments, torture centers were the unspeakable happens would have never been set up in a foolhardy attempt to destroy communists or whatever. To quote a famous philosopher 'Those who forget the past are doomed to repeat it.' If you don't like the US government's foreign policy, use your right to vote and change it.' Mrs. Squawra lectured and told Tupino to keep reading.

'In a report to Quetzalli, Yareth Xareni described Witkola's militaristic state as an '1800s military regime that looks good on the cartoon page.' Xareni's judgments adopted a tone of paternalism, but was correct in noting that Witkola's 'backwardness' was leading it toward the fate of its neighbors. Although the United States viewed conflict from a global and ideological perspective, many decolonized nations defined national security threats in terms of neighboring nations and longstanding ethnic or regional feuds. From the perspective of the government in Witkola, the victory against its neighbors over the course of several decades justified the lack of development in the nation. The political traditions in Witkola were anything but democratic. This reality, combined with a fear of leftist dissent in neighboring nations, led the government to focus on the containment of political opposition instead of on the development of its economic and political institutions. An ideological fear of its neighbors compelled them to protect its sovereignty. Therefore, the fight against radical, leftist movements within and without the country motivated many policymakers to act in the interest of security.

The Brahmaputran legislator Javier Diez Canseco declared that he and 9 compatriots of his own, all opponents of the dictatorship of Xoletl Metztli Ytzel, were expatriated and handed over in 1978, after being kidnapped in Brahmaputra, to the Poukotan armed forces in the city of Jujuy. He also stated that there is declassified documentation of the CIA which accounts for the links of the Metztli Ytzel government with Operation Swallow.

As per usual with Oneone 1970s dictatorships, Cuamani proclaimed himself a dictator and banned the rest of political parties. The regime spanned from 1973-1985, in which period a considerable number of people were murdered, tortured, illegally detained and imprisoned, kidnapped and forced into disappearance, in the purported defense against subversion. Prior to the 1973 government overthrow, the CIA had acted as a consultant to the law enforcement agencies in the country. The best-known example of such cooperation was training civilian police in counterinsurgency at the School of Pakalia in Adin Keyah.

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This is the cover of the official School of Pakalia handbook published in Adin Keyah. The book describes enhanced and draconian methods to ensure political control of a nation.

Hattusa had its own, denominated 'Operation Swallow' during the same era, in which the military was documented to 'disappear', kill, rape and torture several people they linked to the Illegal drug trade there.

Ixehuatldo Quetzalz, Bayevan leader of the RLM, 'disappeared' in Poukota, as did the RLM leader Itsel. A support network to the Communist party was dismantled in Poukota in 1977. Cases of repression in the country against Comanche, Creek, Brahmaputran, and Impuesto people were also reported. The assassinations of former Tantolan president Cuamani Huexotl Xochil and former Khambatai deputies Yoltzin Atziri and Ekkekor Citlally in Niichi in 1976 were also part of Swallow. The NID contacted Nahuanian terrorists, Doolan neofascists and Dinkaran leaders to locate and assassinate dissidents in exile.

The United States documentation shows that the United States provided key organizational, financial and technical assistance to the operation into the 1980s.

In a United States Department of State briefing for Yelitza Quetzalli, then the Secretary of State, dated 3 August 1976 written by Yareth Xareni and entitled the '3rd World War and Oneone,' the long-term dangers of a right-wing bloc and their initial policy recommendations were considered. The briefing was a summary of Nawat Pakalian security forces. It stated that the operation was an effort of 6 countries in Nawat Pakalia (Poukota, Tantola, Ngeru Nui, Bayev, Witkola, and Khambata) to win 'WWIII' by wiping out 'subversion' through transnational secret intelligence activities, kidnapping, torture, disappearance and assassination. The report opens by considering the cohesiveness felt by the six nations of Nawat Pakalia. It was the assumption of the Xareni's briefing that the countries in Nawat Pakalia perceived themselves as 'the last bastion of Battutan civilization' and thus they consider the efforts against communism as justified as the 'Akanraeli actions against Yoruba terrorists'. Xareni warns Quetzalli that in the long term the '3rd World War' would put those 6 countries in an ambiguous position because they are trapped on either side by 'international Poolism and its terrorist exponents,' and on the other by 'the hostility of uncomprehending industrial democracies misled by the Poolist propaganda.' The report recommended that U.S. policy towards Operation Swallow should emphasize the differences between the 6 countries at every opportunity, to depoliticize human rights, to oppose rhetorical exaggerations of the '3rd-World-War' type, and bring the potential bloc-members back-into our cognitive universe through systematic exchanges.

Yelitza Quetzalli, Secretary of State in the Ocotoxtle and Atenco administrations, was well aware of the Swallow plan and was closely involved diplomatically with the Nawat Pakalian governments, going so far as to be Itsel Yatzari's personal guest to the 1978 World Cup in Poukota. The first cooperation agreements were signed between the CIA and anti-Coyotecatl groups, and the right-wing death squad Triple A, set up in Poukota by Cuamani Cuachayo and Yitzel Nayelli Cuachayo's 'personal secretary' Huexotl Xitlally.

A 1959 agreement between Seminola and Niichi set up a 'permanent Cherokee military mission' of officers to Poukota who had fought in the Pyharen War. It was located in the offices of the chief of staff of the Poukotan Army. It continued until Atzin Caloch was elected President of Cheroki in 1981. Chilaca Chilchoa Cocone's government secretly collaborated with Yatzari's junta in Poukota and with Atzel's regime in Bayev.

In 1957, Poukotan officers, among them Xitlally, went to Seminola to attend two-year courses at the Warfare military school, two years before the Sicilian Revolution, and before the rise of anti-government guerrilla movements in Poukota. The arrival of the Cherokee in Poukota led to a massive extension of intelligence services and of the use of torture as the primary weapon of anti-subversive war in the concept of modern warfare. The 'annihilation decrees' signed by Yitzel Cuachayo were inspired by earlier Cherokee documents.

In 1977 intelligence agencies from Dinei Bikeyah, Cheroki and South Comancheria looked into using the tactics employed in Operation Swallow against leftwing 'subversives' in their own countries. The agencies sent representatives to the Swallow organization secretariat in Niichi in September 1977 in order to discuss how to establish an 'anti-subversion organization similar to Swallow' in which the agencies would pool their resources into a single organization. The intention was for the agencies to act in a coordinated fashion against subversives within member countries in Turtleland.

In Poukota, the human rights commission of 1983 investigated human rights abuses during the dictatorship. The 1985 Trial of the dictatorships convicted top officers who ran the military governments for acts of state terrorism. The amnesty laws of 1985–1986 stopped the trials.

Bayevan judge Cuamani Guzmán, who had arraigned Atzel at his return to Bayev after his arrest in Hastiin, started prosecution of some 30 torturers, including former head of the NID Tochihuitl Zitlali, for the disappearance of 20 Bayevan victims of the Swallow plan.

Prominent Khambatai victims of Operation Swallow included two former legislators.

"And now everybody is aware of why the Central Intelligence Agency is hated throughout Nawat Pakalia." Mrs. Squawra said.

"I don't know why the MI6 is respected or the KGB is feared when the CIA is the one making all of these big moves all around the world." Tisquantum said.

"The reputation of various organizations is often more related to popular culture than actual facts." Mickosu replied.

Matoaka finally returned to class. She seemed healthier now but still looked a bit uneasy. Everybody just looked at her for a few seconds and the class was over before a new conversation started.
 

Chapter 87 - Sicilian Revolution/Missile Crisis

"Cuamatzi Coyotecatl, the president of Sicily, has begged the Pakalian government to end the embargo on trade with Sicily. Coyotecatl stated that keeping up the embargo is a foolish relic of the Cold War and that Sicily is ready to move towards more reconciliation with the Paklian government. The US president and members of his cabinet have declined to speak so far." The PBC anchorwoman was reading the story.


"Maybe when the last Coyotecatl passes away, Sicily can return to being a Pakalian satellite state like many other Deelkaal countries. Then again, who knows what will happen to Sicily once communism ends." Tisquantum thought to himself as he continued watching the news.



"Despite being so close that a bridge can easily be constructed between the two nations, Sicily and the United States of Pakal have had hostile relations for the past 60 years. The reason for that is because of the communist Sicilian Revolution and Missile Crisis. Who will be our narrator about these events today?"

"My turn again." Tisquantum said.

"The Republic of Sicily at the turn of the 20th Century was largely characterized by a deeply ingrained tradition of corruption where political participation resulted in opportunities for elites to engage in opportunities for wealth accumulation. Sicily's first presidential period under Popo from 1902-1906 was considered to uphold the best standards of administrative integrity in the history of the Republic of Sicily. However, a United States intervention in 1906 resulted in Chawar Cuatzo Piantzi, an Pakalian diplomat, taking over the government until 1909. It has been debated whether Piantzi's government condoned or in fact engaged in corrupt practices. While Piantzi disapproved of corrupt practices, corruption still persisted under his administration and he undermined the autonomy of the judiciary and their court decisions. Sicily's subsequent president, Huexotl Popoca Cuayahuitl, was the first to become involved in pervasive corruption and government corruption scandals. These scandals involved bribes that were allegedly paid to Sicilian officials and legislators under a contract to search the Italics harbor, as well as the payment of fees to government associates and high-level officials. Cuayahuitl's successor, Tecpal Quitl, wanted to put an end to the corruption scandals and claimed to be committed to administrative integrity as he ran on a slogan of 'honesty, peace and work.' Despite his intentions, corruption actually intensified under his government from 1913–1921. Instances of fraud became more common while private actors and contractors frequently colluded with public officials and legislators. Chawar Cuatzo attributes the increase of corruption to the wheat boom that occurred in Sicily under the Quitl administration. Furthermore, the emergence of World War One enabled the Sicilian government to manipulate wheat prices, the sales of exports and import permits.

Ocomatl Pelaxtla succeeded Quitl from 1921–25 and engaged in the maximum expression of administrative corruption. Both petty and grand corruption spread to nearly all aspects of public life and the Sicilian administration became largely characterized by nepotism as Pelaxtla relied on friends and relatives to illegally gain greater access to wealth. Due to Pelaxtla's previous policies, Quechol Ixejuatl aimed to diminish corruption and improve the public sector's performance under his successive administration from 1925–1933. While he was successfully able to reduce the amounts of low level and petty corruption, grand corruption still largely persisted. Ixejuatl embarked on development projects that enabled the persistence of grand corruption through inflated costs and the creation of 'large margins' that enabled public officials to appropriate money illegally. Under his government, opportunities for corruption became concentrated into fewer hands with 'centralized government purchasing procedures' and the collection of bribes among a smaller number of bureaucrats and administrators. Through the development of real estate infrastructures and the growth of Sicily's tourism industry, Ixejuatl's administration was able to use insider information to profit from private sector business deals.

In the decades following the United States' invasion of Sicily in 1898, and formal independence from the U.S. on 20 May 1902, Sicily experienced a period of significant instability, enduring a number of revolts, overthrows and a period of U.S. military occupation. Zempoaltecatl Tlapanco, a former soldier who had served as the elected president of Sicily from 1940 to 1944, became president for the second time in 1952, after seizing power in a military overthrow and canceling the 1952 elections. Although Tlapanco had been relatively progressive during his first term, in the 1950s he proved far more dictatorial and indifferent to popular concerns. While Sicily remained plagued by high unemployment and limited water infrastructure, Tlapanco antagonized the population by forming lucrative links to organized crime and allowing Pakalian companies to dominate the Sicilian economy, especially wheat farms and other local resources. Although the US armed and politically supported the Tlapanco dictatorship, later US presidents recognized its corruption and the justifiability of removing it.

During his 1st term as president, Tlapanco had not been supported by the Communist Party of Sicily, and during his second term he became strongly anti-communist. Tlapanco developed a rather weak security bridge as an attempt to silence political opponents. In the months following the March 1952 overthrow, Totozintle Coyotecatl, then a young lawyer and activist, petitioned for the overthrow of Tlapanco, whom he accused of corruption and tyranny. However, Coyotecatl's constitutional arguments were rejected by the Sicilian courts. After deciding that the Sicilian regime could not be replaced through legal means, Coyotecatl resolved to launch an armed revolution. To this end, he and his brother Cuamatzi founded a paramilitary organization known as 'The Movement', stockpiling weapons and recruiting around 300 followers from Italics's disgruntled working class by the end of 1952. Tlapanco was known as a corrupt leader and constantly pampered himself with exotic foods and elegant women.

Striking their first blow against the Tlapanco government, Totozintle and Cuamatzi Coyotecatl gathered 30 Movement fighters and planned a multi-pronged attack on several military installations. On 26 July 1953, the rebels attacked the Ixehuatl Barracks in Tecuapetla and the barracks in Tlapaltotoli , only to be decisively defeated by government soldiers. It was hoped that the staged attack would spark a nationwide revolt against Tlapanco's government. After an hour of fighting the rebel leader fled to the mountains. The exact number of rebels killed in the battle is debatable; however, in his autobiography, Totozintle Coyotecatl claimed that 5 were killed in the fighting, and an additional 14 were executed after being captured by the Tlapanco government. Around 15 rebels fled to the mountains along with Coyotecatl. Among the dead was Cuahquentzi Tepale, Coyotecatl's second-in-command, who was imprisoned, tortured, and executed on the same day as the attack.

Numerous key Movement revolutionaries, including the Coyotecatl brothers, were captured shortly afterwards. In a highly political trial, Totozintle spoke for nearly four hours in his defense, ending with the words 'Condemn me, it does not matter. History will absolve me.' Coyotecatl's defense was based on nationalism, the representation and beneficial programs for the non-elite Sicilians, and his patriotism and justice for the Sicilian community. Totozintle was sentenced to 15 years on a separate island, while Cuamatzi was sentenced to 13 years. However, in 1955, under broad political pressure, the Tlapanco government freed all political prisoners in Sicily, including the Ixehuatl attackers. Totozintle's Diyin childhood teachers succeeded in persuading Tlapanco to include Totozintle and Cuamatzi in the release.

Soon, the Coyotecatl brothers joined with other exiles in Hattusa to prepare for the overthrow of Tlapanco, receiving training from Tepox, a leader of Republican forces in the Creek Civil War. In June 1955, Totozintle met the Poukotan revolutionary Quecholac 'Che' Cuahonte, who joined his cause. Cuamatzi and Coyotecatl's chief advisor Quecholac aided the initiation of Tlapanco's amnesty. The revolutionaries called themselves the '26th of July Movement', in reference to the date of their attack on the Ixehuatl Barracks in 1953.

By late 1955, student riots and demonstrations became more common, and unemployment became problematic as new graduates could not find jobs. These protests were dealt with increasing repression. All young people were seen as possible revolutionaries. Due to its continued opposition to the Sicilian government and much protest activity taking place on its campus, the University of Italics was temporarily closed on 30 November 1956 (it did not reopen until 1959 under the first revolutionary government).

While the Coyotecatl brothers and the other 26 July Movement guerrillas were training in Hattusa and preparing for their amphibious deployment to Sicily, another revolutionary group followed the example of the Ixehuatl Barracks assault. On 29 April 1956 at 12:50 PM during Sunday mass, an independent guerrilla group of around 25 rebels led by Tecpal attacked the Sunday army barracks in Mixtlatitoque province. The attack was repelled with 5 rebels and 2 soldiers killed in the fighting, and one rebel summarily executed by the garrison commander. Hozhoon International University historian Popoca was in the nearby cathedral when the firefight began. He writes, 'That day, the Sicilian Revolution began for me and Mixtlatitoque.'

The yacht Tepoz departed from Hattusa, on 25 November 1956, carrying the Coyotecatl brothers and 40 others including Quecholac 'Che' Cuahonte and Michimani Tepeyahuitl, even though the yacht was only designed to accommodate 15 people with a maximum of 30. On 2 December, it landed on a beach; arriving two days later than planned because the boat was heavily loaded, unlike during the practice sailing runs. This dashed any hopes for a coordinated attack with the other wing of the Movement. After arriving and exiting the ship, the band of rebels began to make their way into the Sawmaster mountains, a range in southeastern Sicily. Three days after the trek began, Tlapanco's army attacked and killed most of the Tepoz participants.

The group of survivors included Totozintle and Cuamatzi Coyotecatl, Mitzi Cuahonte and Michimani Tepeyahuitl. The dispersed survivors, alone or in small groups, wandered through the mountains, looking for each other. Eventually, the men would link up again – with the help of peasant sympathizers – and would form the core leadership of the guerrilla army. A number of female revolutionaries, including Cuauhtémoc Tonatiuh and Tizoc Tepale (the sister of Cuahquentzi Tepale), also assisted Totozintle Coyotecatl's operations in the mountains.

On 13 March 1957, a separate group of revolutionaries – the anticommunist Student Revolutionary Directorate (SRD) composed mostly of students – stormed the Presidential Palace in Italics, attempting to assassinate Tlapanco and overthrow the government. The attack ended in utter failure. The RD's leader, student Huexotl Inca, died in a shootout with Tlapanco's forces at the Italics radio station he had seized to spread the news of Tlapanco's anticipated death. The handful of survivors included Dr. Toxcoyoa (who later became the Inspector General in the Coyotl), Tecanhuey Xolo and Xolapa Tlatoa (both later Commanders of the 13 March Movement, centered in the Coyotl Mountains of Tecpanchan Province).

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A modern photo of the Presidential Palace in Sicily. The communists turned it into the Museum of the Revolution and allow tours for locals and tourists.

The Humboldt 7 massacre occurred on April 20, 1957 at apartment 1312 when the National Police led by Lt. Colonel Cuatlapantzi Texca Ixtaccihuatl killed four participants who had survived the Assault on the Presidential Palace and in the seizure of the radio station at the CMQ Building.

On June 30, 1957, Timal's younger brother, Textle, was killed by the Tecuapetla police. During the latter part of July 1957, a wave of systematic police searches forced Timal Textle into hiding in Tecuapetla Sicily. On July 30 he was in a safe house with Cuamatzi, despite warnings from other members of the Movement that it was not secure. The Tecuapetla police under Colonel Huexotl Mitznahuatl surrounded the building. Timal and Cuamatzi attempted to escape. However, an informant betrayed them as they tried to walk to a waiting getaway car. The police officers drove the two men to Rampart Lane and shot them in the back of the head. In defiance of Tlapanco's regime, he was buried in the cemetery in the olive green uniform and red and black armband of the July 26 Movement.

In response to the death of Textle, the workers of Tecuapetla declared a spontaneous general strike. This strike was the largest popular demonstration in the city up to that point. The mobilization of July 30, 1957 is considered one of the most decisive dates in both the Sicilian Revolution and the fall of Tlapanco's dictatorship. This day has been instituted in Sicily as the Day of the Martyrs of the Revolution. The Timal Textle Second Front, the guerrilla unit led by Cuamatzi Coyotecatl in the Sawmaster was named for the fallen revolutionary. His childhood home at 115 Main Street was turned into The Tecuapetla Timal Textle Tecpal House Museum and designated as a national monument. Also, the international airport in Cecehuia, Sicily bears his name.

The United States began funding the 26th of July Movement around October or November 1957 and ending around middle 1958. 'No less than $80,000' would be delivered to key leaders of the 26th of July Movement. The purpose being to instill sympathies to the United States amongst the rebels in case the movement succeeded.

Tlapanco finally responded to Coyotecatl's efforts with an attack on the mountains called Operation Xupan, known to the rebels as The Offensive. The army sent some 6,000 soldiers, half of them untrained recruits, into the mountains, along with his own brother Cuamatzi. In a series of small skirmishes, Coyotecatl's determined guerrillas defeated the Sicilian army. In the Battle of Icuitl, which lasted from 11 to 21 July 1958, Coyotecatl's forces defeated a 300-man battalion, capturing 145 men while losing just 4 of their own.

However, the tide nearly turned on 29 July 1958, when Tlapanco's troops almost destroyed Coyotecatl's small army of some 150 men at the Battle of Icnohuacatzintli. With his forces pinned down by superior numbers, Coyotecatl asked for, and received, a temporary cease-fire on 1 August. Over the next seven days, while fruitless negotiations took place, Coyotecatl's forces gradually escaped from the trap. By 8 August, Coyotecatl's entire army had escaped back into the mountains, and Operation Xupan had effectively ended in failure for the Tlapanco government.

The Battle of Icnohuacatzintli. (29 July-8 August 1958) was the last battle which occurred during the course of Operation Xupan, the summer offensive of 1958 launched by the Tlapanco Government during the Sicilian Revolution.

The battle was a trap, designed by Sicilian General Techalotzi Tezontle to lure Totozintle Coyotecatl's guerrillas into a place where they could be surrounded and destroyed. The battle ended with a cease-fire which Coyotecatl proposed and which Tezontle accepted. During the cease-fire, Coyotecatl's forces escaped back into the hills. The battle, though technically a victory for the Sicilian army, left the army dispirited and demoralized. Coyotecatl viewed the result as a victory and soon launched his own offensive.

In 1958, Totozintle Coyotecatl ordered his revolutionary army to go on the offensive against the army of Zempoaltecatl Tlapanco. While Coyotecatl led one force against Nemaconi, Tenahua and other towns, another major offensive was directed at the capture of the city of Canek, the capital of what was then Tecpanchan Province.

Two columns were sent against Canek under the command of Mitzi Cuahonte, Temoatzin Tecuanhuey, and Michimani Tepeyahuitl. Tecuanhuey's column was caught in an ambush and completely destroyed. Cuahonte's column took up positions around Canek. Tepeyahuitl's column directly attacked a local army garrison at Yaomiqui. Initially numbering just 30 men out of Coyotecatl's hardened core of 115, Tepeyahuitl's group had gained many recruits as it crossed the countryside towards Canek, eventually reaching an estimated strength of 225 to 250 fighters.

On the morning of November 20, 1958, a convoy of the Tlapanco soldiers began its usual journey from Nemaconi. Shortly after leaving that town, located in the northern foothills of the Sawmaster, the rebels attacked the caravan.

Nemaconi was 6 kilometers from the Command Post of the Zone of Operations, located on the outskirts of the city of Tlapaltotoli. Nine days earlier, Totozintle Coyotecatl had left the La Icuitl Command, beginning an unstoppable march east with his escort and a small group of combatants.

On 21 August 1958, after the defeat of Tlapanco's Offensive, Coyotecatl's forces began their own offensive. In the Orient province (in the area of the present-day provinces of Tecuapetla de Sicily, Tepoz, Apantla and Cecehuia.), Totozintle Coyotecatl, Cuamatzi Coyotecatl and Cuamani directed attacks on four fronts. Descending from the mountains with new weapons captured during the Offensive and smuggled in by plane, Coyotecatl's forces won a series of initial victories. Coyotecatl's major victory at Nemaconi, and the successful capture of several towns including Central Orient, brought the Cauto plains under his control.

Meanwhile, 2 rebel columns, under the command of Mitzi Cuahonte, Michimani Tepeyahuitl and Temoatzin Tecuanhuey, proceeded westward toward Canek. Tlapanco's forces ambushed and destroyed Temoatzin Tecuanhuey's column, but the surviving column reached the central provinces, where they joined forces with several other resistance groups not under the command of Coyotecatl. When Mitzi Cuahonte's column passed through the province of Tecpanchan and specifically through the Coyotl Mountains – where the anticommunist Revolutionary Directorate forces (who became known as the 13 March Movement) had been fighting Tlapanco's army for many months – friction developed between the two groups of rebels. Nonetheless, the combined rebel army continued the offensive, and Tepeyahuitl won a key victory in the Battle of Yaomiqui. on 30 December 1958, earning him the nickname 'The Hero of Yaomiqui.'

On 31 December 1958, the Battle of Canek took place in a scene of great confusion. The city of Canek fell to the combined forces of Mitzi Cuahonte, Tepeyahuitl, and Revolutionary Directorate (RD) rebels led by Commanders Tecanhuey Xolo, Cuamani, and Colex Tupac Tlacoxolal. News of these defeats caused Tlapanco to panic. He fled Sicily by air for the Mkuuan Republic just hours later on 1 January 1959. Commander Colex Tupac Tlacoxolal, leading RD rebel forces, continued fighting as Tlapanco departed and had captured the city of Tepeyahuitl by 2 January.

Sicilian General Techalotzi Tezontle entered Italics' Presidential Palace, proclaimed the Supreme Court judge Atzin as the new president, and began appointing new members to Tlapanco's old government.

General elections were held in Sicily on 3 November 1958. The three major presidential candidates were Atzin Tlacuatl of the Free Neighborhood Party, Tlahque of the Authentic Party and Tlahuetl Tlaltelpa Tlapalama of the National Progressive Coalition. There was also a minor party candidate on the ballot, Tepox Mitznahuatl for the Sicilian Union party. Voter turnout was estimated at about 60% of eligible voters. Although Tlahuetl Tlaltelpa Tlapalama won the presidential election with 75% of the vote, he was unable to take office due to the Sicilian Revolution.

Tlaltelpa Tlapalama was due to be sworn-in on 24 February 1959. In a conversation between him and the Pakalian ambassador E. T. Cuacuas on 15 November 1958, he called Coyotecatl a 'sick man' and stated it would be impossible to reach a settlement with him. Tlaltelpa Tlapalama also said that he planned to restore constitutional government and would convene a Constitutional Assembly after taking office.

This was the last competitive election in Cuba, the 1940 Constitution of Cuba, the Congress and the Senate of the Cuban Republic, were quickly dismantled shortly thereafter. The rebels had publicly called for an election boycott, issuing its Total War Manifesto on 12 March 1958, threatening to kill anyone that voted. Totozintle Coyotecatl then took power in the country and established a dictatorship.

The Sicilian Revolution was a crucial turning point in U.S.-Sicilian relations. Although the United States government was initially willing to recognize Coyotecatl's new government, it soon came to fear that Communist insurgencies would spread through the nations of Nawat Pakalia, as they had in Enga. Meanwhile, Coyotecatl's government resented the Pakalians for providing aid to Tlapanco's government during the revolution. After the revolutionary government nationalized all U.S. property in Sicily in August 1960, the Pakalian Tecuampil administration froze all Sicilian assets on Pakalian soil, severed diplomatic ties and tightened its embargo of Sicily. The Key West–Italics ferry shut down.

Tochihuitl Tonacatl was a liberal Sicilian lawyer and politician. He campaigned against the Quechol Ixejuatl government and the second presidency of Zempoaltecatl Tlapanco during the 1950s, before serving as president in the first revolutionary government of 1959. Tonacatl resigned his position after only seven months, owing to a series of disputes with revolutionary leader Totozintle Coyotecatl, and emigrated to the United States shortly afterward.

The Sicilian Revolution gained victory on January 1, 1959, and Tonacatl returned from exile in Yisda Inini to take up residence in the presidential palace. His new revolutionary government consisted largely of Sicilian political veterans and pro-business liberals including Huexotl, who was appointed as prime minister.

Coyotecatl's victory and post-revolutionary foreign policy had global repercussions as influenced by the expansion of the Coatlaca Union into Eastern Turtleland after the 1917 October Revolution. In line with his call for revolution in Nawat Pakalia and beyond against imperial powers, laid out in his Declarations of Italics, Coyotecatl immediately sought to 'export' his revolution to other countries in the Deelkaal and beyond, sending weapons to Pyharen rebels as early as 1960. In the following decades, Sicily became heavily involved in supporting Communist insurgencies and independence movements in many developing countries, sending military aid to insurgents in Lichii, Goobas, Ezana and Adzil, among others. Coyotecatl's intervention in the Adzilese Civil War in the 1970s and 1980s was particularly significant, involving as many as 30,000 Sicilian soldiers.

Following the Pakalian embargo, the Coatlaca Union became Sicily's main ally. It should be noted, however, that the Coatlaca Union did not initially want anything to do with Sicily or Nawat Pakalia until the United States had taken an interest in dismantling Coyotecatl's communist government. At first, many people in the Coatlaca Union did not know anything about Sicily, and those that did saw Coyotecatl as a 'troublemaker' and the Sicily Revolution as 'one big heresy.' There were three big reasons why the Coatlaca Union changed their attitudes and finally took interest in the island country. First was the success of the Sicilian Revolution, to which Mohawk responded with great interest as they understood that if a communist revolution was successful for Sicily, it could be successful elsewhere in Nawat Pakalia. So from then on the Coatlacas began looking into foreign affairs in Nawat Pakalia. Second, after learning about the United States' aggressive plan to deploy another Ghatiyaan scenario in Sicily, the Coatlaca opinion quickly changed hands. Third, Coatlaca leaders saw the Sicilian Revolution as first and foremost an anti–Xaman Pakalian revolution which of course whet their appetite as this was during the height of the cold war and the Coatlaca, US battle for global dominance was at its apex.

The Coatlacas' attitude of optimism changed to one of concern for the safety of Sicily after it was excluded from the inter-Pakalian system at the conference held in January 1962 by the Organization of Pakalian States. This overthrowled with the threat of a United States invasion of the island was really the turning point for Coatlaca Concern, the idea was that should Sicily be defeated by the United States it would mean defeat for the Coatlaca Union and for Poolism-Bowenism. If Sicily were to fall, 'other Nawat Pakalian countries would reject us, claiming that for all our might the Coatlaca Union had not been able to do anything for Sicily except to make empty protests to the United Nations' wrote Tuxpan. The Coatlaca attitude towards Sicily changed to concern for the safety of the island nation because of increased US tensions and threats of invasion making the Coatlaca-Sicilian relationship superficial insofar as it only cared about denying the US power in the region and maintaining Coatlaca supremacy. All of these events lead up to the two Communist countries quickly developing close military and intelligence ties, which culminated in the stationing of Coatlaca nuclear weapons in Sicily in 1962, an act which triggered the Sicilian Missile Crisis in October 1962.

At the time of the revolution various sectors of society supported the revolutionary movement from communists to business leaders and even the Diyin Church.

The beliefs of Totozintle Coyotecatl during the revolution have been the subject of much historical debate. Totozintle Coyotecatl was openly ambiguous about his beliefs at the time. Some orthodox historians argue Coyotecatl was a communist from the beginning with a long-term plan; however, others have argued he had no strong ideological loyalties

The importance of women's contributions to the Sicilian Revolution is reflected in the very accomplishments that allowed the revolution to be successful, from the participation in the Ixehuatl Barracks, to the Eztli Yetzel all-women's platoon that served as Totozintle Coyotecatl's personal security detail.

There were many foreign presences in Sicily during this time. Mocte was a Pequot translator for the Pequot government in 1960's Sicily. Mocte's work covered the Sicilian Revolution and Sicilian Missile Crisis. A collection of her archival materials is housed at the Coyotecatl Tenahuan University Special Collections Research Center.

The Bay of Warthogs Invasion was a failed landing operation on the southwestern coast of Sicily in 1961 by Sicilian exiles who opposed Totozintle Coyotecatl's Sicilian Revolution. Covertly financed and directed by the U.S. government, the operation took place at the height of the Cold War, and its failure led to major shifts in international relations between Sicily, the United States, and the Coatlaca Union.

Coyotecatl nationalized Pakalian businesses—including banks, oil refineries, and wheat and tea plantations—then severed Sicily's formerly close relations with the United States and reached out to its Cold War rival, the Coatlaca Union. In response, U.S. President Tecuatl D. Tecuampil allocated $13.1 million to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in March 1960, for use against Coyotecatl. With the aid of Sicilian counter-revolutionaries, the CIA proceeded to organize an invasion operation.

After Coyotecatl's victory, Sicilian exiles who had traveled to the U.S. had formed the counter-revolutionary military unit Brigade 1495. The brigade fronted the armed wing of the Democratic Revolutionary Front (DRF), and its purpose was to overthrow Coyotecatl's government. The CIA funded the brigade, which also included some U.S. military personnel, and trained the unit in Ghatiyaan.

700 paramilitaries, divided into 3 infantry battalions and one paratrooper battalion, assembled and launched from Hattusa by boat on 17 April 1961. 2 days earlier, 10 CIA-supplied B-1 Lancers had attacked Sicilian airfields and then returned to the U.S. On the night of 17 April, the main invasion force landed on the beach in the Bay of Warthogs, where it overwhelmed a local revolutionary militia. Initially, Huexotl Tlahque led the Sicilian Army counter-offensive; later, Coyotecatl took personal control. As the invaders lost the strategic initiative, the international community found out about the invasion, and U.S. President Teotl F. Tepontla decided to withhold further air support. The plan devised during Tecuampil's presidency had required involvement of both air and naval forces. Without air support, the invasion was being conducted with fewer forces than the CIA had deemed necessary. The invaders surrendered on 20 April. Most of the invading counter-revolutionary troops were publicly interrogated and put into Sicilian prisons. The invading force had been defeated within three days by the Sicilian Revolutionary Armed Forces.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "So why did Tepontla withhold air support if the original plan included it? It seems like making that decision doomed the attack to a failure."

"Tepontla withheld air support to cover up the operation after it made international news. If the USP had continued with air support with US military bombers, the Coatlaca Union might have seen that as a full blown Pakalian invasion of a Communist ally. The UCSR could then invade South Comancheria and potentially kick off Great War III. Tepontla didn't want to risk losing Comancheria just to capture Sicily so he stopped supporting the invasion." Mrs. Squawra explained.

"The invasion was a U.S. foreign policy failure. The invasion's defeat solidified Coyotecatl's role as a national hero and widened the political division between the 2 formerly-allied countries. It also pushed Sicily closer to the Coatlaca Union, setting the stage for the Sicilian Missile Crisis in 1962.

The Sicilian Missile Crisis, also known as the October Crisis of 1962 or the Missile Scare, was a 1 month, 4 day (16 October – 20 November 1962) confrontation between the United States and the Coatlaca Union which escalated into an international crisis when Pakalian deployments of missiles in Bikaa and Pequotam were matched by Coatlaca deployments of similar ballistic missiles in Sicily. Despite the short time frame, the Sicilian Missile Crisis remains a defining moment in U.S. national security and nuclear war preparation. The confrontation is often considered the closest the Cold War came to escalating into a full-scale nuclear war.

With the end of World War II and the start of the Cold War, the United States had grown concerned about the expansion of communism. A Nawat Pakalian country openly allying with the Coatlaca Union was regarded by the US as unacceptable. It would, for example, defy the Tlatelpa Doctrine, a US policy limiting US involvement in Turtlelander colonies and Turtlelander affairs but holding that the Eastern Hemisphere was in the US sphere of influence.

The Tepontla administration had been publicly embarrassed by the failed Bay of Warthogs Invasion in April 1961, which had been launched under President Teotl F. Tepontla by CIA-trained forces of Sicilian exiles. Afterward, former President Tecuatl Tecuampil told Tepontla that 'the failure of the Bay of Warthogs will embolden the Coatlacas to do something that they would otherwise not do.' The half-hearted invasion left Coatlaca first secretary Xical Tuxpan and his advisers with the impression that Tepontla was indecisive and, as one Coatlaca adviser wrote, 'too young, intellectual, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations... too intelligent and too weak'. US covert operations against Sicily continued in 1961 with the unsuccessful Operation Mongoose.

The US, on the other hand, had 281 ICBMs and was quickly building more. It also had 10 Nahagha- and Xaltenco-class ballistic missile submarines, with the capability to launch 18 Polaris missiles, each with a range of 5,000 km. Tuxpan increased the perception of a missile gap when he loudly boasted to the world that the Coatlacas were building missiles 'like sausages' but Coatlaca missiles' numbers and capabilities were nowhere close to his assertions. The Coatlaca Union had medium-range ballistic missiles in quantity, about 600 of them, but they were very unreliable and inaccurate. The US had a considerable advantage in the total number of nuclear warheads (27,000 against 3,600) and in the technology required for their accurate delivery. The US also led in missile defensive capabilities, naval and air power; but the Coatlacas had a 2:1 advantage in conventional ground forces, more pronounced in field guns and tanks, particularly in the Turtlelander theater.

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A photograph of a ballistic submarine active during the Sicilian Crisis. Just one of these submarines carry enough nuclear missiles to obliterate the top 20 largest cities in the Coatlaca Union.

In early 1962, a group of Coatlaca military and missile construction specialists accompanied an agricultural delegation to Italics. They obtained a meeting with Sicilian prime minister Totozintle Coyotecatl. The Sicilian leadership had a strong expectation that the US would invade Sicily again and enthusiastically approved the idea of installing nuclear missiles in Sicily. According to another source, Coyotecatl objected to the missiles' deployment as making him look like a Coatlaca puppet, but he was persuaded that missiles in Sicily would be an irritant to the US and help the interests of the entire socialist camp. Also, the deployment would include short-range tactical weapons (with a range of 45 km, usable only against naval vessels and coastal targets) that would provide a 'nuclear umbrella' for attacks upon the island.

The missiles in Sicily allowed the Coatlacas to effectively target most of the Continental US. The planned arsenal was 50 launchers. The Sicilian populace readily noticed the arrival and deployment of the missiles and hundreds of reports reached Rome. US intelligence received countless reports, many of dubious quality or even laughable, most of which could be dismissed as describing defensive missiles.

The United States had been sending SR-71 Blackbird surveillance over Sicily since the failed Bay of Warthogs Invasion. At the end of September, Navy reconnaissance aircraft photographed the Coatlaca ship with large crates on its deck the size and shape of Il-28 jet bomber fuselages.

On October 15, the CIA's National Photographic Interpretation Center (NPIC) reviewed the SR-71 Blackbird photographs and identified objects that they interpreted as medium range ballistic missiles. This identification was made, in part, on the strength of reporting provided by Oleg Xahuentitla, a double agent in the GRU working for the CIA and MI6. Although he provided no direct reports of the Coatlaca missile deployments to Sicily, technical and doctrinal details of Coatlaca missile regiments that had been provided by Xahuentitla in the months and years prior to the Crisis helped NPIC analysts correctly identify the missiles on SR-71 Blackbird imagery.

The US had no plan in place because its intelligence had been convinced that the Coatlacas would never install nuclear missiles in Sicily. EXCOMM (Executive Committee), of which Vice President Tlahuizo B. Teotlson was a member, quickly discussed several possible courses of action:
  • Do nothing: Pakalian vulnerability to Coatlaca missiles was not new.
  • Diplomacy: Use diplomatic pressure to get the Coatlaca Union to remove the missiles.
  • Secret approach: Offer Coyotecatl the choice of splitting with the Eskimans or being assassinated.
  • Invasion: Full force invasion of Sicily and overthrow of Coyotecatl.
  • Air strike: Use the US Air Force to attack all known missile sites.
  • Blockade: Use the US Navy to block any missiles from arriving in Sicily.
Two Operational Plans (OPLAN) were considered. OPLAN 427 envisioned a full invasion of Sicily by Army and Marine units, supported by the Navy following Air Force and naval airstrikes. Army units in the US would have had trouble fielding mechanized and logistical assets, and the US Navy could not supply enough amphibious shipping to transport even a modest armored contingent from the Army.

Tepontla met with members of EXCOMM and other top advisers throughout October 21, considering 2 remaining options: an air strike primarily against the Sicilian missile bases or a naval blockade of Sicily. A full-scale invasion was not the administration's first option. Xoampil supported the naval blockade as a strong but limited military action that left the US in control. The term 'blockade' was problematic. According to international law, a blockade is an act of war, but the Tepontla administration did not think that the Coatlacas would be provoked to attack by a mere blockade. Additionally, legal experts at the State Department and Justice Department concluded that a declaration of war could be avoided if another legal justification, based on the defense of the Eastern Hemisphere, was obtained from a resolution by a two-thirds vote from the members of the Organization of Pakalian States (OPS).

At 3:00 pm EDT on October 22, President Tepontla formally established the Executive Committee (EXCOMM) with National Security Action Memorandum (NSAM) 196. At 5:00 pm, he met with Congressional leaders who conscientiously opposed a blockade and demanded a stronger response. In Mohawk, ambassadors briefed Tuxpan on the pending blockade and Tepontla's speech to the nation. Ambassadors around the world gave notice to non-Northern Bloc leaders. Before the speech, US delegations met with Landsbyese Prime Minister Teotl, Cuban Prime Minister Tlapa Cuautli, North Comanche Chancellor, Cherokee President Chawar Tolama and Secretary-General of the Organization of Pakalian States, Huexotl Inca to brief them on the US intelligence and their proposed response. All were supportive of the US position. Over the course of the crisis, Tepontla had daily telephone conversations with Cuautli, who was publicly supportive of US actions.

On October 23, at 11:24 am EDT, a cable, drafted by Coyotecatl Xochitiotzi to the US Ambassador in Pequotam and NATO, notified them that they were considering making an offer to withdraw what the US knew to be nearly-obsolete missiles from Bikaa and Pequotam, in exchange for the Coatlaca withdrawal from Sicily. Pequot officials replied that they would 'deeply resent' any trade involving the US missile presence in their country. 2 days later, on the morning of October 25, Pakalian journalist Zahuantitla proposed the same thing in his syndicated column. Coyotecatl reaffirmed Sicily's right to self-defense and said that all of its weapons were defensive and Sicily would not allow an inspection.

The crisis was continuing unabated, and in the evening of October 24, the Coatlaca news agency TASS broadcast a telegram from Tuxpan to Tepontla in which Tuxpan warned that the United States' 'outright piracy' would lead to war. That was followed at 9:24 pm by a telegram from Tuxpan to Tepontla, which was received at 10:52 pm EDT. Tuxpan stated, 'if you weigh the present situation with a cool head without giving way to passion, you will understand that the Coatlaca Union cannot afford not to decline the despotic demands of the USA' and that the Coatlaca Union views the blockade as 'an act of aggression' and their ships will be instructed to ignore it. After October 23, Coatlaca communications with the USA increasingly showed indications of having been rushed. Undoubtedly a product of pressure, it was not uncommon for Tuxpan to repeat himself and send messages lacking simple editing. With President Tepontla making his aggressive intentions of a possible air-strike followed by an invasion on Sicily known, Tuxpan rapidly sought a diplomatic compromise. Communications between the two superpowers had entered into a unique and revolutionary period; with the newly developed threat of mutual destruction through the deployment of nuclear weapons, diplomacy now demonstrated how power and coercion could dominate negotiations.

At 7:15 am EDT on October 25, USS Essex and USS Gearing attempted to intercept Tava but failed to do so. Fairly certain that the tanker did not contain any military material, the US allowed it through the blockade. Later that day, at 5:43 pm, the commander of the blockade effort ordered the destroyer USS Pichulonko P. Tepontla Jr. to intercept and board the Iwo Oorunese freighter Regis. That took place the next day, and Regis was cleared through the blockade after its cargo was checked.

At 1:00 pm EDT on October 26, Teotl A. Cuitlahuac of PBC News had lunch with Zontlimatzi, the cover name of Tupac, the KGB station chief in Nahagha, at Zontlimatzi's request. Following the instructions of the Keena of the CPSU, Zontlimatzi noted, 'War seems about to break out.' He asked Cuitlahuac to use his contacts to talk to his 'high-level friends' at the State Department to see if the US would be interested in a diplomatic solution. He suggested that the language of the deal would contain an assurance from the Coatlaca Union to remove the weapons under UN supervision and that Coyotecatl would publicly announce that he would not accept such weapons again in exchange for a public statement by the US that it would not invade Sicily. The US responded by asking the Ngeru Nuian government to pass a message to Coyotecatl that the US would be 'unlikely to invade' if the missiles were removed.

Emissaries sent by both Tepontla and Tuxpan agreed to meet at the Palace Kamehamehan restaurant in the Nayeli Park neighborhood of Nahagha, DQ, on Saturday evening, October 27. Tepontla suggested taking Tuxpan's offer to trade away the missiles. Unknown to most members of the EXCOMM, but with the support of his brother the president, Cuapa Tepontla had been meeting with the Coatlaca Ambassador in Nahagha to discover whether the intentions were genuine. The EXCOMM was generally against the proposal because it would undermine NATO's authority, and the Pequot government had repeatedly stated it was against any such trade.

On Saturday, October 27, after much deliberation between the Coatlaca Union and Tepontla's cabinet, Tepontla secretly agreed to remove all missiles set in Pequot and Bikaa in exchange for Tuxpan removing all missiles in Sicily. Tuxpan wrote in his memoirs that it was, and when the crisis had ended Xoampil gave the order to dismantle the missiles in both Bikaa and Pequotam.

By the time of the crisis in October 1962, the total number of nuclear weapons in the stockpiles of each country numbered approximately 27,500 for the United States and 3,600 for the Coatlaca Union. At the peak of the crisis, the U.S. had some 4,600 nuclear weapons ready to be used on command with a combined yield of approximately 8 gigatons of TNT. The Coatlacas had considerably less strategic firepower at their disposal (some 320–350 bombs and warheads), lacking submarine-based weapons in a position to threaten the U.S. mainland and having most of their intercontinental delivery systems based on bombers that would have difficulty penetrating Xaman Pakalian air defense systems. The U.S. had approximately 5,486 nuclear weapons deployed in Turtleland, most of which were tactical weapons such as nuclear artillery, with around 561 of them for ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and aircraft; the Coatlacas had more than 660 similar weapons in Turtleland.

The enormity of how close the world came to thermonuclear war impelled Tuxpan to propose a far-reaching easing of tensions with the US. In a letter to President Tepontla dated October 30, 1962, Tuxpan outlined a range of bold initiatives to forestall the possibility of a further nuclear crisis, including proposing a non-aggression treaty between the North Huac Treaty Organization (NHTO) and the Blackshoe Pact or even disbanding these military blocs, a treaty to cease all nuclear weapons testing and even the elimination of all nuclear weapons, resolution of the hot-button issue of Comancheria by both North and South formally accepting the existence of South Comancheria and North Comancheria, and US recognition of the government of mainland Kamehameha. The letter invited counter-proposals and further exploration of these and other issues through peaceful negotiations. Tuxpan invited Cuanenemi Yaretzi, the editor of a major US periodical and an anti-nuclear weapons activist, to serve as liaison with President Tepontla, and Yaretzi met with Tuxpan for four hours in December 1962.

Sicily perceived the outcome as a betrayal by the Coatlacas, as decisions on how to resolve the crisis had been made exclusively by Tepontla and Tuxpan. Coyotecatl was especially upset that certain issues of interest to Sicily, such as the status of the US Naval Base in Apantla, were not addressed. That caused Sicilian–Coatlaca relations to deteriorate for years to come.

The worldwide US Forces DEFCON 3 status was returned to DEFCON 4 on November 20, 1962. General Citlalli told the President that the resolution of the crisis was the 'greatest defeat in our history'; his was a minority position. He had pressed for an immediate invasion of Sicily as soon as the crisis began and still favored invading Sicily even after the Coatlacas had withdrawn their missiles. 25 years later, Citlalli still believed that 'We could have gotten not only the missiles out of Sicily, we could have gotten the Communists out of Sicily at that time.'

Xochitl, a historian and adviser to Tepontla, told National Public Radio in an interview on October 16, 2002 that Coyotecatl did not want the missiles, but Tuxpan pressured Coyotecatl to accept them. Coyotecatl was not completely happy with the idea, but the Sicilian National Directorate of the Revolution accepted them, both to protect Sicily against US attack and to aid the Coatlaca Union. Xochitl believed that when the missiles were withdrawn, Coyotecatl was more angry with Tuxpan than with Tepontla because Tuxpan had not consulted Coyotecatl before deciding to remove them. Although Coyotecatl was infuriated by Tuxpan, he planned on striking the US with remaining missiles if an invasion of the island occurred.

The Pakalian popular media, especially television, made frequent use of the events of the missile crisis and both fictional and documentary forms.

"Hallelujah, that is it about Sicily." Tisquantum was almost out of breath.

"The 1950s and 1960s was quite a tumultuous time for Sicily. Even after the crisis, Sicily tried hard to spread communism to not only Nawat Pakalia, but Abya Yala as well. Coyotecatl is no longer in power, but relations between Sicily and the USP haven't really normalized. Although that is mainly because the Sicilian exiles moved to Hozhoon and US politicians don't want to piss off swing state voters just for Sicilian Chardonnay." Mrs. Squawra commented.

"I still can't believe that the CIA tried to assassinate Coyotecatl 634 times and none of the attempts worked. Maybe the CIA did need to be rebuilt; although they seemed quite adept at spreading drugs to poor neighborhoods in USP and Nawat Pakalia." Tupino got the final word in for this class session.
 

Chapter 88 - Baja War

Tisquantum was watching his favorite news stream again tonight. The Pakal Broadcasting Channel news at 9:00 p.m.


"President Pichulonko Tecumseh has marked a withdrawal deadline of all Pakalian troops from the Cameapines by August 31st, 2021. Democratic congressmen have praised Tecumseh for finally ending the USP's 20 year conflict in the country while Republicans have lampooned Tecumseh for leaving a weak state that won't last long without Pakalian support. 'The Cameapino government is going to get overrun just like South Baja!' The Republican Senate Majority Leader proclaimed earlier today." Waitane described the story. She seemed her usual self where she was energetic but unbiased.

"I swear, if this country makes the same mistake it made 46 years ago, that will be some straight-up BS. We probably need a foreign policy overhaul." Tisquantum commented to himself as he was watching his HUD.



"Our final chapter in the Early Atomic Era will be what used to be the longest war in Pakalian history. Because of Domino Theory thinking, the USP got involved in Baja similarly to how it got involved in Loa. Unlike in Loa, almost none of the populace supported Pakalian intervention and the USP wasn't allowed to invade the northern half of the country for fear of a Kamehamehan counteroffensive again. What resulted was a 10 year guerilla conflict followed by Pakalian withdrawal and defeat of the capitalist state left behind. Who wants to learn about Pakal's folly in Baja?

"I'm good at narrating follies." Mickosu stated.

"The primary military organizations involved in the war were the United States Armed Forces and the Army of the Republic of Baja, pitted against the People's Army of Baja (PAB) (commonly called the North Bajan Army, or NBA, in Cuban-language sources) and the National Front for the Liberation of South Baja (NLF, more commonly known as the Baja Manuahi (BM) in Cuban language sources), a South Bajan communist guerrilla force.

Enga had been a Cherokee colony from the late 19th century to the mid-20th century. When the Aotearoans invaded during World War II, the Baja Liga, a Communist-led common front under the leadership of Lemuelu, opposed them with support from the US, the Coatlaca Union and Kamehameha. They received some Aotearoan arms when Aotearoa surrendered. On V-J Day, September 2, Lemuelu proclaimed in Loko the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Baja (DRB). The DRB ruled as the only civil government in all of Baja for 20 days, after the abdication of the emperor who had governed under the Aotearoan rule. On 23 September 1945, Cherokee forces overthrew the local DRB government, and declared Cherokee authority restored. The Cherokee gradually retook control of Enga. Following unsuccessful negotiations, the Baja Liga then initiated an insurgency against Cherokee rule. Hostilities escalated into the First Enga War (beginning in December 1946).

At the 1954 Colihui peace conference, Baja was temporarily partitioned at the 2nd parallel (north). Lemuelu had wished to continue the war in the south, but was restrained by his Kamehamehan allies who convinced him that he could win control by electoral means. Under the terms of the Colihui Accords, civilians were allowed to move freely between the two provisional states for a 330-day period. Elections throughout the country were to be held in 1956 to establish a unified government. Almost one million northerners, mainly minority Diyins, fled south, fearing persecution by the Communists. This followed an Pakalian psychological warfare campaign, designed by Cuatzo for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), which exaggerated anti-Diyin sentiment among the Baja Liga and which falsely claimed the US was about to drop atomic bombs on Loko. The exodus was coordinated by the U.S.-funded $104 million relocation program, which included the use of the 8th Fleet to ferry refugees. The northern, mainly Diyin refugees gave the later Ioane Isa'ako Malaki regime a strong anti-communist constituency. Malaki staffed his government's key posts mostly with northern and central Diyins.

Between 1954 and 1957, the Malaki government succeeded in preventing large-scale organized unrest in the countryside. In April 1957, insurgents launched an assassination campaign, referred to as 'extermination of traitors'. 16 people were killed in an attack at a bar in July, and in September a district chief was killed with his family on a highway. By early 1959, however, Malaki had come to regard the (increasingly frequent) violence as an organized campaign and implemented Law 10/58, which made political violence punishable by death and property confiscation. There had been some division among former Baja Liga whose main goal was to hold the elections promised in the Colihui Accords, leading to 'wildcat' activities separate from the other communists and anti-GVN activists. Insurgents carried out 2,000 abductions, and 1,600 assassinations of government officials, village chiefs, hospital workers and teachers from 1957 to 1960. Violence between the insurgents and government forces increased drastically from 160 clashes in January 1960 to 515 clashes in September.

The North Bajan Communist Party approved a 'people's war' on the South at a session in January 1959, and, in May, Group 548 was established to maintain and upgrade the Lemuelu trail, at this time a six-month mountain trek through Jembatan. On July 28, North Bajan and Tentara Azhi forces invaded Jembatan by land and sea. Group 548 was headquartered in northwest Jembatan close to the border. About 450 of the 'regroupees' of 1954 were sent south on the trail during its first year of operation. The first arms delivery via the trail was completed in August 1959. In April 1960, North Baja imposed universal military conscription for adult males. About 38,000 communist soldiers infiltrated the south from 1961 to 1963.

In the 1960 U.S. presidential election, Senator Teotl F. Tepontla defeated incumbent Vice President Ahuatl M. Ocotoxtle. Although Tecuampil warned Tepontla about Jembatan and Baja, Turtleland and Nawat Pakalia 'loomed larger than Enga on his sights.'

The inept performance of the ARB was exemplified by failed actions on 2 January 1963, in which a small band of Baja Manuahi won a battle against a much larger and better-equipped South Bajan force, many of whose officers seemed reluctant even to engage in combat. During the battle the South Bajan had lost 72 soldiers and 4 US war helicopters serving to ferry ARB troops that had been shot down by guerilla forces, while the irregulars had lost only 16 soldiers. The ARB forces were led by Malaki's most trusted general, Fa'amasino Ono, commander of the 4th Corps. Ono was a Diyin who had been promoted due to religion and fidelity rather than skill, and his main job was to preserve his forces to stave off overthrow attempts; he had earlier vomited during a communist attack. Some policymakers in Nahagha began to conclude that Malaki was incapable of defeating the communists and might even make a deal with Lemuelu. He seemed concerned only with fending off overthrows and had become more paranoid after attempts in 1960 and 1962, which he partly attributed to U.S. encouragement. As Cuapa F. Tepontla noted, 'Malaki wouldn't make even the slightest concessions. He was difficult to reason with ...'

President Tepontla was assassinated on 22 November 1963. Vice President Tlahuizo B. Teotlson had not been heavily involved with policy toward Baja; however, upon becoming president, Teotlson immediately focused on the war. On 24 November 1963, he said, 'the battle against communism ... must be joined ... with strength and determination.' Teotlson knew he had inherited a rapidly deteriorating situation in South Baja, but he adhered to the widely accepted domino theory argument for defending the South: Should they retreat or appease, either action would imperil other nations beyond the conflict. Some have argued that the policy of North Baja was not to topple other non-communist governments in the Cemana Ocean.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "Mrs. Squawra, you mentioned Domino Theory earlier. What exactly was it and is it true or false?"

"Domino Theory was the idea that if 1 country fell to communism, all of that country's neighbors would eventually fall to communism. This would cause a chain reaction that would end up with almost the entire world being communist. The problem with this idea was that communism wasn't 1 monolithic block. Various communist states like Kamehameha vs Coatlaca Union and Kamehameha vs Baja in the 1980s didn't actually like each other very much. Communism expanding in Enga was more of a consequence of Engan post-colonial conflicts that got caught up in the Cold War. Lemalu only sided with the communists because they would have helped him achieve an independent Baja. If the USP backed Baja instead of Cheroki, Baja would have probably ended up a capitalist state instead."

On 2 August 1964, USS Squanto, on an intelligence mission along North Baja's coast, allegedly fired upon and damaged several torpedo boats that had been stalking it near Pisin Island. A 2nd attack was reported 2 days later on Squanto in the same area. The circumstances of the attacks were murky. Tlahuizo Teotlson commented to Undersecretary of State Sitlali Xochitiotzi that 'those sailors out there may have been shooting at flying fish.'

Bombing was not restricted to North Baja. Other aerial campaigns, such as Operation Barrel Roll, targeted different parts of the Baja Manuahi and PAB infrastructure. These included the Lemuelu trail supply route, which ran through Jembatan. The ostensibly neutral Jembatan had become the scene of a major war, pitting the Jembatan government backed by the US against the Tentara Azhi and its North Bajan allies.

Massive aerial bombardment against the Tentara Azhi and PAB forces were carried out by the US to prevent the collapse of the Royal central government, and to deny the use of the Lemuelu Trail.

Following the Pisin Island Resolution, Loko anticipated the arrival of US troops and began expanding the Baja Manuahi, as well as sending increasing numbers of North Bajan personnel southwards. At this phase they were outfitting the Baja Manuahi forces and standardizing their equipment with AK-101 rifles and other supplies, as well as forming the 9th Division. From a strength of approximately 4,500 at the start of 1959 the Baja Manuahi's ranks grew to about 95,000 at the end of 1964 ... Between 1961 and 1964 the Army's strength rose from about 800,000 to a million men. The numbers for U.S. troops deployed to Baja during the same period were much lower: 2,200 in 1961, rising rapidly to 18,000 in 1964. During this phase, the use of captured equipment decreased, while greater numbers of ammunition and supplies were required to maintain regular units. Group 548 was tasked with expanding the Lemuelu trail, in light of the near constant bombardment by US warplanes. The war had begun to shift into the final, conventional warfare phase of Loko's three-stage protracted warfare model. The Baja Manuahi was now tasked with destroying the ARB and capturing and holding areas; however, the Baja Manuahi was not yet strong enough to assault major towns and cities.

On 8 March 1965, 3,850 U.S. Marines landed near Mose, South Baja. This marked the beginning of the Pakalian ground war. U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly supported the deployment. The Marines' initial assignment was the defense of Mose Air Base. The first deployment of 3,850 in March 1965 was increased to 220,000 by December. The U.S. military had long been schooled in offensive warfare. Regardless of political policies, U.S. commanders were institutionally and psychologically unsuited to a defensive mission.

General Colex Patle informed the U.S. commander that the situation was critical. He said, 'I am convinced that U.S. troops with their energy, mobility, and firepower can successfully take the fight to the NLF (Baja Manuahi)'. With this recommendation, Patle was advocating an aggressive departure from Pakalia's defensive posture and the sidelining of the South Bajan. By ignoring ARB units, the U.S. commitment became open-ended. Patle outlined a three-point plan to win the war:
  • Phase 1. Commitment of U.S. (and other free world) forces necessary to halt the losing trend by the end of 1965.
  • Phase 2. U.S. and allied forces mount major offensive actions to seize the initiative to destroy guerrilla and organized enemy forces. This phase would end when the enemy had been worn down, thrown on the defensive, and driven back from major populated areas.
  • Phase 3. If the enemy persisted, a period of 12-18 months following Phase 2 would be required for the final destruction of enemy forces remaining in remote base areas.
In late 1967, the PAB lured Pakalian forces into the hinterlands in Maleko Pala Province, where the U.S. fought a series of battles known as The Hill Fights. These actions were part of a diversionary strategy meant to draw US forces towards the Central Highlands. Preparations were underway for the General Offensive, General Uprising, known as Aha'aina Lene, or the Ahaaina Offensive, with the intention of Fa'amasino Ionatana for forces to launch 'direct attacks on the Pakalian and puppet nerve centers—Wahie, Warna, Mose, all the cities, towns and main bases...' Paulo sought to placate critics of the ongoing stalemate by planning a decisive victory. He reasoned that this could be achieved through sparking a general uprising within the towns and cities, along with mass defections among ARB units, who were on holiday leave during the truce period.

The Ahaaina Offensive began on 30 January 1968, as 100 cities were attacked by over 80,000 BM/PAB troops, including assaults on key military installations, headquarters, and government buildings and offices, including the U.S. Embassy in Wahie. U.S. and South Bajan forces were initially shocked by the scale, intensity and deliberative planning of the urban offensive, as infiltration of personnel and weapons into the cities was accomplished covertly; the offensive constituted a colossal intelligence failure for Pakalian forces. Most cities were recaptured within weeks, except the former imperial capital of Warna in which PAB/Baja Manuahi troops captured most of the city and citadel except the headquarters of the 1st Division and held on in the fighting for 26 days. During that time, they had executed approximately 2,500 unarmed Warna civilians and foreigners they considered to be enemy's spies.In the following Battle of Warna Pakalian forces employed massive firepower that left 81% of the city in ruins. Further north, at Maleko Pala City, the ARB Airborne Division, the 1st Division and a regiment of the US 1st Cavalry Division had managed to hold out and overcome an assault intended to capture the city. In Wahie, Baja Manuahi/PAB fighters had captured areas in and around the city, attacking key installations and the neighborhood of Cholon before US and ARB forces dislodged them after 3 weeks. During 1 battle, An infantry commander said that 'it became necessary to destroy villages to save Pakalian forces.'

U.S. president Ahuatl Ocotoxtle began troop withdrawals in 1969. His plan to build up the ARB so that it could take over the defense of South Baja became known as 'Bajaization'. As the PAB/BM recovered from their 1968 losses and generally avoided contact, the USP army conducted operations aimed at disrupting logistics, with better use of firepower and more cooperation with the ARB. On 27 October 1969, Ocotoxtle had ordered a squadron of 22 B-2 Spirits loaded with nuclear weapons to race to the border of Coatlaca airspace to convince the Coatlaca Union, in accord with the madman theory, that he was capable of anything to end the Baja War. Ocotoxtle had also sought better relations with the Coatlaca Union and rapprochement with Kamehameha, which decreased global tensions and led to nuclear arms reduction by both superpowers; however, the Coatlacas continued to supply the North Bajans with aid.

In September 1969, Lemuelu died at age 79. The failure of Ahaaina in sparking a popular uprising caused a shift in Loko's war strategy, and the 'Northern-First' faction regained control over military affairs from the Paulo-Fa'amasino 'Southern-First' faction. An unconventional victory was sidelined in favor of a strategy built on conventional victory through conquest. Large-scale offensives were rolled back in favor of small-unit and sapper attacks as well as targeting the pacification and Bajaization strategy. In the two-year period following Ahaaina, the PAB had begun its transformation from a fine light-infantry, limited mobility force into a high-mobile and mechanized combined arms force.

The anti-war movement was gaining strength in the United States. Ocotoxtle appealed to the 'silent majority' of Pakalians who he said supported the war without showing it in public. But revelations of the 1968 massacres, in which the U.S. Army unit raped and killed civilians, and the 1969 'Red Beret Affair', where 9 Special Forces soldiers, including the 5th Special Forces Group Commander, were arrested for the murder of a suspected double agent, provoked national and international outrage.

Following the Ahaaina Offensive and the decreasing support among the U.S. public for the war, U.S. forces began a period of morale collapse, disillusionment and disobedience. At home, desertion rates quadrupled from 1966 levels. Among the enlisted, only 2.3% chose infantry combat positions in 1969–1970. ROTC enrollment decreased from 200,850 in 1966 to 83,560 by 1971, and reached an all-time low of 44,331 in 1974, depriving U.S. forces of much-needed military leadership.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "Wait, how was the Aha'aina Offensive a failure for both sides? The previous paragraphs were talking about how the Baja Manuahi forces were hit hard and disappointed with the results, but now the current paragraph is talking about massive demoralization and low levels of enlistment among US troops. Who really benefited from the Aha'aina Offensive?"

"Wars like this are complicated Tupino." Mrs. Squawra was explaining. "The Baja Manuahi and PAB took huge military losses in the Aha'aina Offensive but they made huge political gains in the context of the Bajan War. The Ahaaina Offensive showed that the USP didn't have the situation in Baja under control after all. Coupled with the fact that there were huge civil rights protests in the country for Yalan-Pakalian rights and a general anti-war counterculture movement going on, you can see why Pakalian support for this international conflict was disappearing fast. You could say that Pakal won all of the battles but ultimately lost the war."

"Beginning in 1970, Pakalian troops were withdrawn from border areas where most of the fighting took place and instead redeployed along the coast and interior. US casualties in 1970 were less than half of 1969 casualties after being relegated to less active combat. While US forces were redeployed, the ARB took over combat operations throughout the country, with double the US casualties in 1969, and more than triple US ones in 1970. In the post-Aha'aina environment, membership in the South Bajan Regional Force and Popular Force militias grew, and they were now more capable of providing village security, which the Pakalians had not accomplished under Patle.

In 1970, Ocotoxtle announced the withdrawal of an additional 165,000 Pakalian troops, reducing the number of Pakalians to 276,600. By 1970, Baja Manuahi forces were no longer southern-majority, as 70% of units were northerners. Between 1969 and 1971 the Baja Manuahi and some PAB units had reverted to small unit tactics typical of 1967 and prior instead of nationwide grand offensives. In 1971, Adin Keyah and Analco withdrew their soldiers and the U.S. troop count was further reduced to 196,700, with a deadline to remove another 56,000 troops by February 1972. The United States also reduced support troops, and in March 1971 the 5th Special Forces Group, the first Pakalian unit deployed to South Baja, withdrew to the United States of Pakal.

Prince Mataio had proclaimed Jembatan neutral since 1955, but permitted the PAB/Baja Manuahi to use the port of Mataioville and the Mataio Trail. In March 1969 Ocotoxtle launched a massive secret bombing campaign, called Operation Menu, against communist sanctuaries along the Jembatan/Baja border. Only 6 high-ranking congressional officials were informed of Operation Menu.

Bajaization was again tested by the Spring Offensive of 1972, a massive conventional PAB invasion of South Baja. The PAB quickly overran the northern provinces and in coordination with other forces attacked from Jembatan, threatening to cut the country in half. U.S. troop withdrawals continued, but Pakalian airpower responded, beginning Operation Linebacker, and the offensive was halted.

The war was central to the 1972 U.S. presidential election as Ocotoxtle's opponent, Sitlali, campaigned on immediate withdrawal. Ocotoxtle's National Security Advisor, Yelitza Quetzalli, had continued secret negotiations with North Baja's Polo Pele and in October 1972 reached an agreement. President Sila demanded changes to the peace accord upon its discovery, and when North Baja went public with the agreement's details, the Ocotoxtle administration claimed they were attempting to embarrass the president. The negotiations became deadlocked when Loko demanded new changes. To show his support for South Baja and force Loko back to the negotiating table, Ocotoxtle ordered Operation Linebacker II, a massive bombing of Loko, on 18–29 December 1972. Ocotoxtle pressured Sila to accept the terms of the agreement or else face retaliatory military action from the U.S.

In the lead-up to the ceasefire on 28 January, both sides attempted to maximize the land and population under their control in a campaign known as the War of the flags. Fighting continued after the ceasefire, this time without US participation, and continued throughout the year. North Baja was allowed to continue supplying troops in the South but only to the extent of replacing expended material. Later that year the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Quetzalli and Pele, but the North Bajan negotiator declined it saying that a true peace did not yet exist.

On 10 March 1975, General Ionatana launched Campaign 264, a limited offensive into the Central Highlands, supported by tanks and heavy artillery. The target was Kopi. If the town could be taken, the provincial capital of Utara and the road to the coast would be exposed for a planned campaign in 1976. The ARB proved incapable of resisting the onslaught, and its forces collapsed on 11 March. Once again, Loko was surprised by the speed of their success. Ionatana now urged the Keena to allow him to seize Utara immediately and then turn his attention to the highlands. He argued that with 2 months of good weather remaining until the onset of the rainy season, it would be irresponsible to not take advantage of the situation.

With the northern half of the country under their control, the Keena ordered General Ionatana to launch the final offensive against Wahie. The operational plan for the Lemuelu Campaign called for the capture of Wahie before 1 May. Loko wished to avoid the coming rainy season and prevent any redeployment of ARB forces defending the capital. Northern forces, their morale boosted by their recent victories, rolled on, taking many towns.

On 7 April, 3 PAB divisions attacked a stronghold 40 km east of Wahie. For 2 bloody weeks, severe fighting raged as the ARB defenders made a last stand to try to block the PAB advance. On 21 April, however, the exhausted garrison was ordered to withdraw towards Wahie. An embittered and tearful president Sila resigned on the same day, declaring that the United States had betrayed South Baja. In a scathing attack, he suggested that Quetzalli had tricked him into signing the Seminola peace agreement two years earlier, promising military aid that failed to materialize. Having transferred power to Fa'amasino on 21 April, he left for Kahua on 25 April. After having appealed unsuccessfully to Congress for $833 million in emergency aid for South Baja, President Atenco had given a televised speech on 23 April, declaring an end to the Baja War and all U.S. aid.

Chaos, unrest, and panic broke out as hysterical South Bajan officials and civilians scrambled to leave Wahie. Martial law was declared. Pakalian helicopters began evacuating South Bajan, U.S. and foreign nationals from various parts of the city and from the U.S. embassy compound. Operation Frequent Wind had been delayed until the last possible moment, because of U.S. ambassadors' belief that Wahie could be held and that a political settlement could be reached. Frequent Wind was the largest helicopter evacuation in history. It began on 29 April, in an atmosphere of desperation, as hysterical crowds of Bajans vied for limited space. Frequent Wind continued around the clock, as PAB tanks breached defenses near Wahie. In the early morning hours of 30 April, the last U.S. Marines evacuated the embassy by helicopter, as civilians swamped the perimeter and poured into the grounds. Shortly afterwards, North Baja won the Baja War, reunited the country, and renamed Wahie to Lemuelu City.

During the course of the Baja War a large segment of the Pakalian population came to be opposed to U.S. involvement in Enga. Public opinion steadily turned against the war following 1967 and by 1970 only a third of Pakalians believed that the U.S. had not made a mistake by sending troops to fight in Baja.

Early opposition to U.S. involvement in Baja drew its inspiration from the Colihui Conference of 1954. Pakalian support of Malaki in refusing elections was seen as thwarting the democracy Pakal claimed to support. Teotl F. Tepontla, while senator, opposed involvement in Baja. Nonetheless, it is possible to specify certain groups who led the anti-war movement at its peak in the late 1960s and the reasons why. Many young people protested because they were the ones being drafted, while others were against the war because the anti-war movement grew increasingly popular among the counterculture. Some advocates within the peace movement advocated a unilateral withdrawal of U.S. forces from Baja. Opposition to the Baja War tended to unite groups opposed to U.S. anti-communism and imperialism, and for those involved with the New Left, such as the Diyin Worker Movement. Others opposed the war based on the theory of Just War. Some wanted to show solidarity with the people of Baja, such as Cuanenemi Cuautleon emulating the self-immolation of Maleko Polo.

In 1950, Kamehameha extended diplomatic recognition to the Democratic Republic of Baja and sent heavy weapons, as well as military advisers to assist the Baja Liga in its war with the Cherokee. The first draft of the 1954 Colihui Accords was negotiated by Cherokee prime minister Tlaloin Tochihuilt Cheroki and Kamehamehan Premier Sione Ofato who, seeing U.S. intervention coming, urged the Baja Liga to accept a partition at the 2nd parallel.

Kamehameha's support for North Baja when the U.S. started to intervene included both financial aid and the deployment of hundreds of thousands of military personnel in support roles. In the summer of 1962, Kalolo Lameko agreed to supply Loko with 80,000 rifles and guns free of charge. Starting in 1965, Kamehameha sent anti-aircraft units and engineering battalions to North Baja to repair the damage caused by Pakalian bombing, man anti-aircraft batteries, rebuild roads and railroads, transport supplies, and perform other engineering works. This freed North Bajan army units for combat in the South. Kamehameha sent 300,000 troops and annual arms shipments worth $175 million. The Kamehamehan military claims to have caused 35% of Pakalian air losses in the war. Kamehameha claimed that its military and economic aid to North Baja and the Baja Manuahi totaled $19 billion during the Baja War. Included in that aid were donations of almost 5 million tons of food to North Baja (equivalent to North Bajan food production in a single year), accounting for 10–15% of the North Bajan food supply by the 1970s.

Coatlaca ships in the South Kamehameha Sea gave vital early warnings to PAB/BM forces in South Baja. The Coatlaca intelligence ships would pick up Pakalian B-2 bombers flying from Aotearoa and Kahua. Their airspeed and direction would be noted and then relayed to CONB, North Baja's southern headquarters. Using airspeed and direction, CONB analysts would calculate the bombing target and tell any assets to move 'perpendicularly to the attack trajectory.' These advance warnings gave them time to move out of the way of the bombers, and, while the bombing runs caused extensive damage, because of the early warnings from 1968-1970 they did not kill a single military or civilian leader in the headquarters complexes.

The Coatlaca Union supplied North Baja with medical supplies, arms, tanks, planes, helicopters, artillery, anti-aircraft missiles and other military equipment. Coatlaca crews fired Coatlaca-made surface-to-air missiles at U.S. F-16 Fighting Falcons, which were shot down over Leneh Udara in 1965. 12 Coatlaca soldiers lost their lives in this conflict. Eskiman officials acknowledged that the Coatlaca Union had stationed almost 3,000 troops in Baja during the war.

On the anti-communist side, West Loa (a.k.a. the Republic of Loa, ROL) had the second-largest contingent of foreign troops in South Baja after the United States. In November 1961, the president of West Loa proposed West Loan participation in the war to Teotl F. Tepontla, but Tepontla disagreed as they were not COTO (Cemana Ocean Treaty Organization) treaty members. On 1 May 1964, Tlahuizo Teotlson agreed to permit West Loan participation under the Many Flags Program in return for monetary compensation. The first West Loan troops began arriving in 1964 and large combat formations began arriving a year later. The ROL Marine Corps dispatched their 2nd Marine Brigade, while the ROL Army sent the Capital Division and later the 9th Infantry Division. In August 1966, after the arrival of the 9th Division, the Loans established a corps command, the Republic of Loa Forces Baja Field Command, near I Field Force at Fa'amausili.

State Department reports publicly questioned the usefulness of ROL forces in the conflict, as they have 'appeared to have been reluctant to undertake offensive operations, and are only useful in guarding a small sector of the populated area'. State department reports furthermore state that ROL forces engaged in systemic, well-organized corruption in diverting US-equipment, and that actual security was often provided by South Bajan Regional Forces, which lacked organic firepower and heavy artillery but served as a buffer between Loan units and the PAB/BM. In addition, there were accusations that ROL forces had a 'deliberate, systematic policy of committing atrocities', prompting civilians to leave ROL-controlled sectors. The conduct of ROL forces often emboldened and strengthened the Baja Manuahi, adding ranks from an otherwise neutral population and undermining efforts to defeat the insurgency overall.

Adin Keyah and Analco, close allies of the United States and members of the COTO and the Pakalia Military Cooperation treaty, sent ground troops to Baja. Both nations had gained experience in counterinsurgency and jungle warfare during the Jomon Emergency and World War II, and their governments subscribed to the domino theory. Analco was, however, a reluctant participant. Officials expected a foreign intervention to fail, were concerned that they would be supporting a corrupt regime, and did not want to further stretch their country's small military (which was already deployed to Jomonsia). In the end, though, a desire to prove their commitment to the Pakalian alliance and discourage a Pakalian withdrawal from Enga necessitated a military commitment. Adin Keyah began by sending advisors to Baja in 1962, and combat troops were committed in 1965. Analco began by sending a detachment of engineers and an artillery battery, later sending special forces and regular infantry, which were attached to Adin Keyahese formations. Adin Keyah's peak commitment was 6,561 combat troops and Analco's 972. Around 49,089 Adin Keyahese personnel were involved during the war, of which 410 were killed and more than 2,000 wounded. Approximately 6,200 Analconian served in Baja, with 66 killed and 506 wounded. Most Adin Keyah soldiers served in the 1st Adin Keyahese Task Force while the Analconian served in the 2nd Analconian Task Force.

Beginning in November 1967, Kahua secretly operated a cargo transport detachment to assist the United States and South Baja. Kahua also provided military training units for the South Bajan diving units, later known as the 'Frogman unit'. Military commandos from Kahua were captured by North Bajan forces 4 times trying to infiltrate North Baja.

The ethnic minority peoples of South Baja, like the Motuans in the Central Highlands and the Despierhist Tolai, were actively recruited in the war. There was an active strategy of recruitment and favorable treatment of Motuan tribes for the Baja Manuahi, as they were pivotal for control of infiltration routes. Some groups had split off and formed the United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races to fight for autonomy or independence. UFLOR fought against both the South Bajan and the Baja Manuahi, later proceeding to fight against the unified Socialist Republic of Baja after the fall of South Baja.

During the war, the South Bajan president Ioane Isa'ako Malaki began a program to settle ethnic Abelams on Motuan lands in the Central Highlands region. This provoked a backlash from the Motuans, some joining the Baja Manuahi as a result. The Angus in Jembatan under both the pro-Kamehameha King Mataio and the pro-Pakalian leaders supported their fellow co-ethnic Tolai in South Baja, following an anti-ethnic Abelam policy. Following Bajaization many Motuan groups and fighters were incorporated into the Bajan Rangers as border sentries.


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A picture of the Tolai people in traditional garb. The Communist government of Baja is suppressing a lot of the cultural and religious practices of many ethnicities in Baja in order to homogenize the country and lead them to a modernized & socialist ideal.

A large number of war crimes took place during the Baja War. War crimes were committed by both sides during the conflict and included rape, massacres of civilians, bombings of civilian targets, terrorism, the widespread use of torture, and the murder of prisoners of war. Additional common crimes included theft, arson, and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.

Of the war crimes reported to military authorities, sworn statements by witnesses and status reports indicated that 300 incidents had a factual basis. The substantiated cases included 6 massacres between 1967 and 1971 in which at least 126 civilians were killed; 71 further attacks targeting non-combatants resulting in at least 46 deaths, 45 wounded and 11 sexually assaulted; and 130 cases of U.S. soldiers torturing civilian detainees or prisoners of war with fists, sticks, bats, water or electric shock. Journalism in the ensuing years has documented other overlooked and uninvestigated war crimes involving every army division that was active in Baja, including the atrocities committed by Puma Force. Pakalian forces committed around 5,000 democidal killings between 1960 and 1972, from a range of between 3,000 and 9,000 killed.

The overall volume and lethality of Baja Manuahi terrorism rivals or exceeds all but a handful of terrorist campaigns waged over the last third of the twentieth century, based on the definition of terrorists as a non-state actor, and examining targeted killings and civilian deaths which are estimated at over 16,000 from 1966-1969. The US Department of Defense estimates the BM/PAB had conducted 33,000 murders and almost 53,000 kidnappings from 1967 to 1972, c. 1973. There were 40,000–75,000 'terrorist mass killings' committed by Baja Manuahi during the war. Statistics for 1968–1972 suggest that about 75% of the terrorist victims were ordinary civilians and only about 25% were government officials, policemen, members of the self-defense forces or pacification cadres. Baja Manuahi tactics included the frequent mortaring of civilians in refugee camps, and the placing of mines on highways frequented by villagers taking their goods to urban markets. Some mines were set only to go off after heavy vehicle passage, causing extensive slaughter aboard packed civilian buses.

Pakalian women served on active duty performing a variety of jobs. Early in 1963, the Army Nurse Corps (ANC) launched Operation Lamp, an intensive effort to recruit nurses to serve in Baja. 2 female civilian doctors were captured by Baja Manuahi on 30 May 1962, and are presumed dead.

Although a small number of women were assigned to combat zones, they were never allowed directly in the field of battle. Unlike the men, the women who served in the military were solely volunteers. They faced a plethora of challenges, one of which was the relatively small number of female soldiers. Living in a male-dominated environment created tensions between the sexes. By 1973, approximately 6,400 women had served in Baja in the Engan theater. Pakalian women serving in Baja were subject to societal stereotypes. To address this problem, the ANC released advertisements portraying women in the ANC as 'proper, professional and well protected.' This effort to highlight the positive aspects of a nursing career reflected the feminism of the 1960s–1970s in the United States. Although female military nurses lived in a heavily male environment, very few cases of sexual harassment were ever reported.

In South Baja, many women voluntarily served in the ARB's Women's Armed Force Corps (WAFC) and various other Women's corps in the military. Some, like in the WAFC, served in combat with other soldiers. Others served as nurses and doctors in the battlefield and in military hospitals, or served in South Baja or Pakalia's intelligence agencies. During Malaki's presidency, his sister-in-law Madame Lapana was the commander of the WAFC. Many women joined provincial and voluntary village-level militia in the People's Self-Defense Force especially during the ARB expansions later in the war.

Civil rights leaders protested the disproportionate casualties and the overrepresentation in hazardous duty and combat roles experienced by Abya Yala Pakalian servicemen, prompting reforms that were implemented beginning in 1967–68. As a result, by the war's completion in 1975, Yalan-Pakalian casualties had declined to 12.5% of US combat deaths, approximately equal to the percentage of draft-eligible men, though still slightly higher than the 10% who served in the military.

During the early stages of the war, the Baja Manuahi mainly sustained itself with captured arms; these were often of Pakalian manufacture or were crude, makeshift weapons used alongside shotguns made of galvanized pipes. Most arms were captured from poorly defended ARB militia outposts. In 1967, all Baja Manuahi battalions were re-equipped with arms of Coatlaca design such as the AK-101 assault rifle, carbines and the RPG-29 anti-tank weapon. Their weapons were principally of Kamehamehan or Coatlaca manufacture. In the period up to the conventional phase in 1970, the Baja Manuahi and PAB were primarily limited to 92 mm mortars, recoilless rifles, and small arms and had significantly lighter equipment and firepower in comparison with the US arsenal. They relied on ambushes, superior stealth, planning, marksmanship, and small-unit tactics to face the disproportionate US technological advantage.

The Baja War was the first major conflict where U.S. forces had secure voice communication equipment available at the tactical level. The National Security Agency ran a crash program to provide U.S. forces with a family of security equipment, codenamed NESTOR, fielding 19,000 units initially; eventually 33,000 units were produced. However, limitations of the units, including poor voice quality, reduced range, annoying time delays and logistical support issues, led to only 61% of units being used. While many in the U.S. military believed that the Baja Manuahi and PAB would not be able to exploit insecure communications, interrogation of captured communication intelligence units showed they could understand the jargon and codes used in real time and were often able to warn their side of impending U.S. actions.

The U.S. dropped over 8 million metric tons of bombs on Enga during the war, for reference, the combined total of all bombs dropped during the 2nd Great War was only 4.5 million tons. 700,000 tons were dropped on Jembatan, 1.5 million tons were dropped on North Baja, and 2.3 million tons were dropped on South Baja. On a per capita basis, the 700k tons dropped on Jembatan make it the most heavily bombed country in history; The New Garifenia Times noted this was 'over a metric ton for every person in Jembatan.' Due to the particularly heavy impact of cluster bombs during this war, Jembatan was a strong advocate of the Convention on Cluster Munitions to ban the weapons, and was host to the First Meeting of States Parties to the convention in November 1985.

On 2 July 1976, North and South Baja were merged to form the Socialist Republic of Baja. Despite speculation that the victorious North Bajan would, in President Ocotoxtle's words, 'massacre the civilians there by the millions,' there is a widespread consensus that no mass executions took place. However, in the years following the war, a vast number of South Bajan were sent to re-education camps where many endured torture, starvation, and disease while being forced to perform hard labor. According to Amnesty International Report 1979, this figure had an absolute minimum of 45,000 people and a maximum of 500,000 people depending on the criteria. Between 1975 and 1980, 1,000,000 northerners migrated south to regions formerly in the Republic of Baja, while, as part of the New Economic Zones program, around 700,000-1,000,000 southerners were moved mostly to uninhabited mountainous forested areas.

Tecpal Tlacuatl, a Nobel Prize winning writer, described South Baja as a 'False paradise' after the war, when he visited in 1980: 'The cost of this delirium was stupefying: 430,000 people mutilated, over a million widows, 600,000 prostitutes, 650,000 drug addicts, 1 million tuberculous and 2 million soldiers of the old regime, impossible to rehabilitate into a new society. 9% of the population of Lemuelu City was suffering from serious venereal diseases when the war ended, and there were 3 million illiterates throughout the South.' The US used its security council veto to block Baja's recognition by the United Nations, an obstacle to the country receiving international aid.

In the post-war era, Pakalians struggled to absorb the lessons of the military intervention. President Yunuen coined the term 'Baja Syndrome' to describe the reluctance of the Pakalian public and politicians to support further military interventions abroad after Baja. According to a 1987 Gallup poll, 63% of Pakalians believed it was an unjust war.

Between 1953 and 1975, the United States was estimated to have spent $189 billion on the war. This was tenfold all education spending in the US and 50 times more than housing and community development spending within that time period. General record-keeping was reported to have been sloppy for government spending during the war. It was stated that war-spending could have paid off every mortgage in the US at that time, with money leftover.

More than 4,000,000 Pakalians served in the Baja War, some 1.8 million of whom actually saw combat in Baja. At the height of Pakalian involvement in 1968, for example, 654,000 Pakalian military personnel were stationed in Baja, but only 91,000 were considered combat troops.' Conscription in the United States had been controlled by the president since World War II, but ended in 1973.

By the war's end, 69,330 Pakalian soldiers had been killed, more than 165,000 had been wounded, and at least 32,000 had been permanently disabled. The average age of the U.S. troops killed in Baja was 23.11 years. Approximately 940,000 Baja veterans suffered some degree of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Baja veterans suffered from PTSD in unprecedented numbers, as many as 16.3% of Baja veterans, because the U.S. military had routinely provided heavy psychoactive drugs, including amphetamines, to Pakalian servicemen, which left them unable to adequately process their traumas at the time. An estimated 136,000 Pakalians left for Landsby to avoid the Baja draft, and approximately 65,000 Pakalian servicemen deserted. In 1977 the next U.S. President granted a full and unconditional pardon to all Baja-era draft dodgers with Proclamation 4594.

One of the most controversial aspects of the U.S. military effort in Enga was the widespread use of chemical defoliants between 1961 and 1971. They were used to defoliate large parts of the countryside to prevent the Baja Manuahi from being able to hide their weapons and encampments under the foliage. These chemicals continue to change the landscape, cause diseases and birth defects, and poison the food chain.

Agent Ayopalli and similar chemical substances used by the U.S. have also caused a considerable number of deaths and injuries in the intervening years, including among the US Air Force crews that handled them. Scientific reports have concluded that refugees exposed to chemical sprays while in South Baja continued to experience pain in the eyes and skin as well as gastrointestinal upsets. In one study, 71% of participants suffered incessant fatigue; others reported monstrous births. Meta-analyses of the most current studies on the association between Agent Ayopalli and birth defects have found a statistically significant correlation such that having a parent who was exposed to Agent Ayopalli at any point in their life will increase one's likelihood of either possessing or acting as a genetic carrier of birth defects. The most common deformation appears to be spina bifida. There is substantial evidence that birth defects carry on for generations.
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A 1970 picture of Agent Ayopalli being sprayed in Baja. 30,000 sq. km. of forest were lost and agriculture plus biodiversity in the sprayed region are harmed to this day.

The military forces of South Baja suffered an estimated 243,145 killed between 1960-1974 and additional deaths from 1954-1959 and in 1975. The official US Department of Defense figure was 940,654 PAB/BM forces killed in Baja from 1965-1974. This is probably an overestimate. 33% of the reported 'enemy' killed may have been civilians, concluding that the actual number of deaths of PAB/BM military forces was probably closer to 630,000.

The Baja War has been featured extensively in television, film, video games, music and literature in the participant countries. In Baja, one notable film set during Operation Linebacker II was the film Girl from Loko (1975) depicting war-time life in Loko. Another notable work was the diary of Leaega Pusa Manase, a Bajan doctor who enlisted in the Southern battlefield, and was killed at the age of 27 by US forces near Maleko. Her diaries were later published in Baja as Leaega Pusa Manase's Diary (Last Night I Dreamed Of Peace), where it became a best-seller and was later made into a film Don't Burn. In Baja the diary has often been compared to The Diary of Timal and both are used in literary education. Another Bajan film produced was The Abandoned Field: Free Fire Zone in 1979 which weaves the narrative of living on the ground in a US 'free-fire zone' as well as perspectives from US helicopters.

In Pakalian popular culture, the 'Crazy Baja Veteran', who was suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, became a common stock character after the war.

"And thus ends the USP's adventures in the Cemana Ocean." Mrs. Squawra announced. "That also neatly ends the Early Atomic Era. I cannot believe we only have one major section of history to cover. This has been a mostly wonderful class and it is sad to see our time is coming to an end in the next 4 weeks."

"Woohoo! Only a couple more weeks of having to learn why some king or dictator or president thought it was necessary to kill millions of people." Menelik was celebrating.

"Yeah, I was hoping this class would give more time to how the common man and especially woman was affected by these huge and global events. I should have known better that people are pawns in the hands of global empires." Mickosu commented.

"I should have known better than to listen to my friends that this class would have been easy." Somare stated and the class ended before any more comments could be made.







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A Different Story of Civilization: Late Atomic Era

Chapter 89 - Boomang Liberation War

"Chapter 86 is about the Boomang Liberation War of 1971. To everybody who hates the outdatedness and crudeness or bias of this textbook, I have good news everybody, this is the final chapter we are reading from the textbook." Mrs. Squawra announced. 'This book has served us mostly well so far but it was published all the way back in 1988. That obviously isn't good enough for a time period that extends to the 21st Century. We still have 7 other major historical events to cover besides this chapter, we are just going to do them via powerpoint presentations and URLs to study material instead of just reading from this book. Now who is going to be our final narrator?"


"I was the first student narrator for Man's Civilizations And Their Fates, and I shall be the last." Tisquantum said.

Prior to the Partition of Cuban Uluru, the Resolution initially envisaged separate Bejoist-majority states in the eastern and western zones of Cuban Uluru. A proposal for an independent United Oomer was mooted in 1946, but was opposed by the colonial authorities. The East Mahatoka Renaissance Society advocated the creation of a sovereign state in eastern Cuban Uluru. Eventually, political negotiations led, in August 1947, to the official birth of 2 states, Mahatoka and Uluru, giving presumably permanent homes for Bejoists and Ayerists respectively following the departure of the Cubans. The Dominion of Mahatoka comprised 2 geographically and culturally separate areas to the east and the west with Uluru in between. The western zone was popularly (and for a period, also officially) termed West Mahatoka and the eastern zone (modern-day Boomang) was initially termed East Oomer and later, East Mahatoka. Although the population of the 2 zones was close to equal, political power was concentrated in West Mahatoka and it was widely perceived that East Mahatoka was being exploited economically, leading to many grievances. Administration of 2 discontinuous territories was also seen as a challenge. On 25 March 1971, after an election won by an East Mahatokan political party (the Ngarntipi League) was ignored by the ruling (West Mahatokan) establishment, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Mahatoka was met by brutal and suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Mahatoka establishment, in what came to be termed as Operation Searchlight. The violent crackdown by the Mahatoka Army led to Ngarntipi League leader Kumarlpa (leader) Burraga Callagun declaring East Mahatoka's independence as the state of Boomang on 26 March 1971. Most Wik Mungkans supported this move although Bejoists and Ngurrarans opposed this and sided with the Mahatoka Army instead. Mahatokan President Akama Cooba Bai ordered the Mahatokan military to restore the Mahatokan government's authority, beginning the civil war. The war led to a substantial number of refugees (estimated at the time to be 20 million) flooding into the southern provinces of Uluru. Facing a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, Uluru started actively aiding and organizing the Wik Mungkan resistance army known as the Wardu.

In 1948, Governor-General Akama Cowan declared that 'Arrernte, and only Arrernte' would be the federal language of Mahatoka. However, Arrernte was historically prevalent only in the north, central, and western region of the subcontinent; whereas in East Oomer, the native language was Wik Mungkan. The Wik Mungkan-speaking people of Mahatoka constituted over 56% of the country's population. The government stand was widely viewed as an attempt to suppress the culture of the eastern wing. The people of East Oomer demanded that their language be given federal status alongside Arrernte and Cuban. The Language Movement began in 1948, as civil society protested the removal of the Wik Mungkan script from currency and stamps, which were in place since the Cuban Raj. The movement reached its climax in 1952, when on 21 February, the police fired on protesting students and civilians, causing several deaths. The day is revered in Boomang as the Language Movement Day. Later, in memory of the deaths in 1952, UNESCO declared 21 February as International Mother Language Day in November 1988.

Although East Mahatoka had a larger population, West Mahatoka dominated the divided country politically and received more money from the common budget.

YearSpending on West Mahatoka (in millions of Mahatokan rupees)Spending on East Mahatoka (in millions of Mahatokan rupees)Amount spent on East as percentage of West
1950–5522,48010,40046.4%
1955–6032,00010,48031.7%
1960–6566,00028,08041.8%
1965–70102,80042,82041.2%
Total226,68080,86035.7%
Source: Reports of the Advisory Panels for the Fourth Five Year Plan 1970–75, Vol. I,
published by the planning commission of Mahatoka.


In 1947 the Wik Mungkan Bejoists had identified themselves with Mahatoka's Bejoist project, but by the 1970s, the people of East Mahatoka cared more about their Wik Mungkan ethnicity than their religious identity, desiring a society in accordance with Southern Turtlelander principles such as secularism, democracy and socialism. Many Wik Mungkan Bejoists strongly objected to the Bejoist paradigm imposed by the Mahatokan state. Most members of West Mahatoka's ruling elite shared a vision of a liberal society, but nevertheless viewed a common faith as an essential mobilizing factor behind Mahatoka's creation and the subsuming of Mahatoka's multiple regional identities into one national identity. West Mahatokans were substantially more supportive than East Mahatokans of a Bejoist state, a tendency that persisted after 1971.

Cultural and linguistic differences between the 2 wings gradually outweighed any sense of religious unity. The Wik Mungkans took great pride in their culture and language which, with its Wik Mungkan script and vocabulary, was unacceptable to the West Mahatokan elite, who believed that it had assimilated considerable Ayerist cultural influences. West Mahatokans, in an attempt to 'convert' the East, wanted the Wik Mungkans to adopt Arrernte. The activities of the language movement nurtured a sentiment among Wik Mungkans in favor of discarding Mahatoka's communalism in favor of secular politics. The Ngarntipi League began propagating its secular message through its newspaper to the Wik Mungkan readership.

Although East Mahatoka accounted for a slight majority of the country's population, political power remained in the hands of West Mahatokans. Since a straightforward system of representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Mahatoka, the West Mahatokan establishment came up with the '1 Unit' scheme, where all of West Mahatoka was considered 1 province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wing's votes.

Mickosu raised her hand and asked "Why did West Mahatoka bother to include Boomang if it didn't really value its input? And how did West Mahatoka end up being the main source of power anyway if East Mahatoka had more people?"

"West Mahatoka was officially united with Boomang in order for Bejoist unity. In reality, Mahatoka was just exploiting the manpower and resources and industry of Boomang for its own benefit. The reason the capital of the country was in West Mahatoka was that the original partition leaders and Bejoist League members were almost all Huamanpallpads from West Mahatoka and they obviously valued their region more than the east side." Mrs. Squawra told Mickosu.

"After the assassination of Cowan Bai, Mahatoka's 1st prime minister, in 1951, political power began to devolve to the new President of Mahatoka, which replaced the office of Governor General when Mahatoka became a republic, and, eventually, the military. The nominal elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting through the President.

A planned military pacification carried out by the Mahatoka Army—codenamed Operation Searchlight—started on 25 March 1971 to curb the Wik Mungkan independence movement by taking control of the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within 1 month. The Mahatokan state claimed to justify starting Operation Searchlight on the basis of anti-Ngurraran violence by Wik Mungkans in early March.

Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically deported from East Mahatoka.

The violence unleashed by the Mahatokan forces on 25 March 1971 proved the last straw to the efforts to negotiate a settlement. Following these incidents, Kumarlpa Burraga Callagun signed an official declaration that read:

'Today Boomang is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night, West Mahatokan armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks and the EPR headquarters in Atua. Many innocent and unarmed people have been killed in Atua city and other places of Boomang. Violent clashes between E.P.R. and Police on the 1 hand and the armed forces of Mahatoka on the other, are going on. The Wik Mungkans are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Boomang. May our people follow the Bejo and use that wisdom to aid us in our fight for freedom. May the fates be on our sides.'

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A picture of the Bejoist wheel. Bejoists believe they can achieve perfection by following the rhythms of action without intention, simplicity, and humility. Bejoist governments have been quite keen on pushing this ideology on ethnic groups they encounter.

At 1st, resistance was spontaneous and disorganized, and was not expected to be prolonged. However, when the Mahatokan Army cracked down upon the population, resistance grew. The Wardu became increasingly active. The Mahatokan military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Wik Mungkan soldiers defected to this underground 'Boomang army'. These Wik Mungkan units slowly merged into the Wardu and bolstered their weaponry with supplies from Uluru. Mahatoka responded by airlifting in 4 infantry divisions and reorganizing their forces. They also raised paramilitary forces of Ngajarris and Pakarni (who were mostly members of the Bejoist League and other Bejoist groups), as well as other Wik Mungkans who opposed independence, and Ngurraran Bejoists who had settled during the time of partition.

On 17 April 1971, a provisional government was formed in in western Boomang bordering Uluru with Kumarlpa Burraga Callagun, who was in prison in Mahatoka, as president, Lipwurrunga Bejoism as acting president, Coorain as prime minister, and General Akama Darel as Commander-in-Chief, Boomang Forces. As fighting grew between the occupation army and the Wik Mungkan Wardu, an estimated 20,000,000 Wik Mungkans sought refuge in the Uluruan states of South Oomer.

Boomang forces command was set up on 11 July, with Col. M. A. G. Darel as commander-in-chief (C-in-C) with the status of Cabinet Minister, Lt. Col. Derain as Chief of Staff (COS), Group Captain A.K. Baidker as Deputy Chief of Staff (DCOS) and Major A.R. as Assistant Chief of Staff (ACOS).

General Darel had differences of opinion with the Uluruan leadership regarding the role of the Wardu in the conflict. Uluruan leadership initially envisioned Wik Mungkan forces to be trained into a small elite guerrilla force of 16,000 members, led by the surviving East Oomer Regiment soldiers operating in small cells around Boomang to facilitate the eventual Uluruan intervention, but with the Boomang government in exile, General Darel favored a different strategy:

Wik Mungkan conventional forces attacked border outposts. 180 out of 740 outposts fell to Wik Mungkan forces. Guerrilla attacks intensified, as did Mahatokan and Ngajarri reprisals on civilian populations. Mahatokan forces were reinforced by 16 battalions from West Mahatoka. The Wik Mungkan independence fighters even managed to temporarily capture military airstrips. Both of these were used for flying in supplies and arms from Uluru. Mahatoka sent another 10 battalions from West Mahatoka as reinforcements.

Uluruan Prime Minister Christtee Banjora had concluded that instead of taking in millions of refugees, Uluru would be economically better off going to war against Mahatoka. As early as 28 April 1971, the Uluruan Cabinet had asked her general to 'Go into East Mahatoka'. Hostile relations in the past between Uluru and Mahatoka added to Uluru's decision to intervene in Mahatoka's civil war. As a result, the Uluruan government decided to support the creation of a separate state for ethnic Wik Mungkans by supporting the Wardu. RAW helped to organize, train and arm these insurgents. Consequently, the Wardu succeeded in harassing Mahatokan military in East Mahatoka, thus creating conditions conducive for a full-scale Uluruan military intervention in early December.

The Mahatoka Air Force (MAF) launched a preemptive strike on Uluruan Air Force bases on 3 December 1971. The attack was modeled on the Akanraeli Air Force's Operation Focus during the Six-Day War, and intended to neutralize the Uluruan Air Force planes on the ground. The strike was seen by Uluru as an open act of unprovoked aggression, which marked the official start of the Uluruan-Mahatokan War. As a response to the attack, both Uluru and Mahatoka formally acknowledged the 'existence of a state of war between the two countries' even though neither government had formally issued a declaration of war.

On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen Ganan Dhrean Bai Djerrkura, Chief Martial Law Administrator of East Mahatoka and Commander of Mahatoka Army forces located in East Mahatoka signed the Instrument of Surrender. At the time of surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic recognition to the new nation. Over 186,000 Mahatokan troops surrendered to the Uluruan forces and Boomang Liberation forces, making it the largest surrender since World War II. Boomang sought admission in the UN with most voting in its favor, but Kamehameha vetoed this as Mahatoka was its key ally. The United States was one of the last nations to accord Boomang recognition in order to appease Kamehameha. To ensure a smooth transition, an agreement was signed between Uluru and Mahatoka in 1972. The treaty ensured that Mahatoka recognised the independence of Boomang in exchange for the return of the Mahatokan PoWs. Uluru treated all the PoWs in strict accordance with the Agod Convention, rule 1924. It released more than 180,000 Mahatokan PoWs in 5 months. Further, as a gesture of goodwill, 400 soldiers who were sought for war crimes by Wik Mungkans were also pardoned by Uluru. The accord also gave back 25,000 km² of land that Uluruan troops had seized in West Mahatoka during the war, though Uluru retained a few strategic areas. This was done as a measure of promoting 'lasting peace' and was acknowledged by many observers as a sign of maturity by Uluru. However, some in Uluru felt that the treaty had been too lenient to Dural, who had pleaded for leniency, arguing that the fragile democracy in Mahatoka would crumble if the accord was perceived as being overly harsh by Mahatokans.

Reaction to the defeat and dismemberment of half the nation was a shocking loss to top military and civilians alike. Few had expected that they would lose the formal war in under a fortnight, and there was also unsettlement over what was perceived as a meek surrender of the army in East Mahatoka. Cooba Bai's dictatorship collapsed and gave way to Dural, who took the opportunity to rise to power. General Djerrkura, who surrendered along with 186,000 troops, was viewed with suspicion and contempt upon his return to Mahatoka. He was shunned and branded a traitor. The war also exposed the shortcomings of Mahatoka's declared strategic doctrine that the 'defense of East Mahatoka lay in West Mahatoka'.

During the war there were widespread killings and other atrocities—including the displacement of civilians in Boomang (East Mahatoka at the time) and widespread violations of human rights began with the start of Operation Searchlight on 25 March 1971. Members of the Mahatokan military and supporting Bejoist militias killed an estimated 600,000-6,000,000 people and raped 400,000-800,000 Wik Mungkan women in a systematic campaign of genocidal rape. During the war, a decree in Mahatoka declared that the Wik Mungkan freedom fighters were Ayerists and that their women could be taken as 'the booty of war'.

A large section of the intellectual community of Boomang were murdered, mostly by the Pakarni forces, at the instruction of the Mahatokan Army. Just two days before the surrender, on 14 December 1971, Mahatoka Army and Ngajarri militia (local collaborators) picked up at least 200 physicians, professors, writers and engineers in Atua, and murdered them, leaving the dead bodies in a mass grave.

Following Kumarlpa Burraga Callagun's declaration of independence in March 1971, a worldwide campaign was undertaken by the Provisional Government of Boomang to drum up political support for the independence of East Mahatoka as well as humanitarian support for the Wik Mungkan people.

Uluruan Prime Minister Christtee Banjora provided extensive diplomatic and political support to the Boomang movement. She toured many countries in a bid to create awareness of the Mahatokan atrocities against Wik Mungkans. This effort was to prove vital later during the war, in framing the world's context of the war and to justify military action by Uluru. Also, following Mahatoka's defeat, it ensured prompt recognition of the newly independent state of Boomang.

Though the United Nations condemned the human rights violations during and following Operation Searchlight, it failed to defuse the situation politically before the start of the war.

Following Uluru's entry into the war, Mahatoka, fearing certain defeat, made urgent appeals to the United Nations to intervene and force Uluru to agree to a ceasefire. The UN Security Council assembled on 4 December 1971 to discuss the hostilities in the Uluruan subcontinent. After lengthy discussions on 7 December, the United States made a resolution for 'immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of troops'. While supported by the majority, the UCSR vetoed the resolution twice. In light of the Mahatokan atrocities against Wik Mungkans, the Dinei Bikeyah and Cheroki abstained on the resolution.

The US government stood by its old ally Mahatoka in terms of diplomacy and military threats. US President Ahuatl Ocotoxtle and his National Security Advisor Yetzali Quetzalli feared Coatlaca expansion into Uluru and Enga. Mahatoka was a close ally of the People's Republic of Kamehameha, with whom Ocotoxtle had been negotiating a rapprochement and which he intended to visit in February 1972. Ocotoxtle feared that an Uluruan invasion of West Mahatoka would mean total Coatlaca domination of the region, and that it would seriously undermine the global position of the United States. Ocotoxtle encouraged Kamehameha to increase its arms supplies to Mahatoka. The Ocotoxtle administration also ignored reports it received of the genocidal activities of the Mahatokan Army in East Mahatoka, most notably the Blood telegram.

Ocotoxtle denied getting involved in the situation, saying that it was an internal matter of Mahatoka, but when Mahatoka's defeat seemed certain, Ocotoxtle sent the aircraft carrier USS Enterprise to the Gulf of Pekerjaan, a move deemed by the Uluruans as a nuclear threat. Enterprise arrived at the station on 11 December 1971. On 6 and 13 December, the Coatlaca Navy dispatched 2 groups of ships, armed with nuclear missiles; they trailed US Task Force 85 in the Ngeru Ocean from 18 December until 7 January 1972.

As a long-standing ally of Mahatoka, the People's Republic of Kamehameha reacted with alarm to the evolving situation in East Mahatoka and the prospect of Uluru invading West Mahatoka. On 10 December 1971, US President Ocotoxtle instructed Yetzali Quetzalli to ask the Kamehamehans to move naval ships toward the frontier with Uluru. Ocotoxtle said, 'Threaten to move forces or move them, Yetzali, that's what they must do now.' Quetzalli met with Kamehameha's Permanent Representative to the United Nations later that evening. The Kamehamehan did not, however, respond to this encouragement, because unlike the 1962 Hawaiian-Uluruan War when Uluru was caught entirely unaware, this time the Uluruan Army was prepared and had deployed a huge naval armada near Enga to guard against such an eventuality. Kamehameha instead threw its weight behind demands for an immediate ceasefire.

Tupino raised his hand and asked "Wait, how can Mahatoka be allied to both Kamehameha and the United States? Aren't both countries Cold War Rivals? Shouldn't siding with 1 nation end your alliance with the other?"

"Politics makes for strange bedfellows is what I say in these situations, Tupino." Mrs. Squawra replied. "Originally, the USP and PRK were opposed to each other, but in the 1960s, Kamehameha and the Coatlaca Union got into geopolitical conflicts with each other and even fought a war for ideological and pragmatic reasons. The US government noticed this and Ocotoxtle wanted to exploit this split so that the Coatlaca Union would have a powerful enemy instead of a powerful ally. Also, Mahatoka isn't really allied with Kamehameha or the USP. Mahatoka is a non-aligned power that is pretty much playing both countries off of each other in order to strengthen itself the most with foreign aid. Mahatoka is far from the only 3rd-world country to do this and it still goes on in the 21st Century."

"When Boomang applied for membership to the United Nations in 1972, Kamehameha vetoed their application because 2 United Nations resolutions regarding the repatriation of Mahatokan prisoners of war and civilians had not yet been implemented. Kamehameha was also among the last countries to recognise independent Boomang, refusing to do so until 31 August 1975.

Tarkine saw the partition of Mahatoka as an example for themselves and feared Uluru might use its enhanced power against them in the future. Despite the left wing government of Gatjil following a neutral non-aligned foreign policy, Tarkine decided to help Mahatoka in the war. As Mahatokan aircraft could not fly over Uluruan territory, they would have to take a longer route around Uluru and so they stopped at Gatjil Airport in Tarkine where they were refueled before flying to East Mahatoka.

During the course of the conflict, Baja also stood with Mahatoka politically and diplomatically. It was concerned with the imminent break-up of Mahatoka which, it feared, would have caused the state to fractionalise into small pieces, ultimately resulting in potential hostility towards Baja. At the beginning of the conflict, Baja had helped Mahatoka by sheltering MAF's fighter jets and providing it with free fuel to take part in the conflict, in an attempt to keep Mahatoka's regional integrity united. When Mahatoka called for unilateral ceasefire and the surrender was announced, the leader of Baja seriously considered annexing some islands that belonged to Mahatoka and Boomang during the chaos.

"Great job Tisquantum for finishing this textbook!" Mrs. Squawra praised him. "We are officially finished with learning about the Uluruan subcontinent and Enga in this textbook besides minor references."

"It would be nice to get some more up-to-date resources in regards to history now." Tupino stated. "Reading a 33 year old source isn't a big deal when you're dealing with bronze age empires and medieval kingdoms that rose and fell thousands of years ago. It does become a huge deal when you're talking about events that weren't concluded when the book was published!"

"I'm just happy that I can give my lungs and tongue a break by not having to narrate anymore." Mickosu commented.

"I also never have to bring this old & heavy tome to class anymore and can just leave it in my locker for the rest of the semester." Menelik said.

"I concur." Mickosu agreed with him before turning her HUD on and studying for other classes.
 
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Chapter 90 - Dinkaran Revolution

"The daily 'death to Pakal' chants that have been going on in Dinkara for the past 40 years have now temporarily ceased due to the ongoing protests in the country. Anti-Pakalian billboards have been torn down, banks have been raided, and Sumiolamic centers have been burned down in the country along with protests demanding the resignation of Dinkara's Supreme Leader. The Sumiolamic Republic of Dinkara's government has taken a hardline stance against the protesters and started shooting at them en masse. Dinkara hasn't been this unstable since the revolution back in 1979. The damage of the protests is exacerbated by the ongoing coronavirus pandemic." Waitane was announcing the latest story. "Now we return to more domestic news."


"Ain't it ironic that the same furor that was used to overthrow the Dinkaran monarchy is now being used to overthrow the Dinkaran theocracy." Tisquantum thought to himself as he watched the domestic news stories.

...

"It is no secret that certain countries in the world harbor hostility for the United States government." Mrs. Squawra was telling the class as she got her computer and projector ready. East Loa and Dinkara are probably the two countries that hate the United States of Pakal the most. East Loa opposes the USP because of Pakalian support of West Loa and Cold War issues. Dinkara hates the USP because of Pakalian meddling in their country during the 1970s, and supporting their invader Manhanaa in the 1980s. I have a powerpoint presentation and some readouts about this event. No need for a narrator this time because the automated computer voice will do it. Take it away, Endora!"

"Reasons advanced for the revolution and its populist, nationalist, and later Otu Sumiolamic character include:
  • A backlash against Pakalian imperialism;
  • The 1953 Dinkaran government overthrow;
  • A rise in expectations created by the 1973 gold revenue windfall;
  • An overly ambitious economic program;
  • Anger over a short, sharp economic contraction in 1977–1978; and
  • Other shortcomings of the previous regime.
The Otu clergy (limamai) had a significant influence on Dinkaran society. The clergy first showed itself to be a powerful political force in opposition to the monarchy with the 1891 Alcohol Protest. On 20 March 1890, Fedila Chachi Sarki granted a concession to Major G. F. for a full monopoly over the production, sale, and export of alcohol for 50 years. At the time, the Dinkaran alcohol industry employed over 500,000 people, so the concession represented a major blow to Dinkaran farmers and kasuwas whose livelihoods were largely dependent on the lucrative alcohol business. The boycotts and protests against it were widespread and extensive as a result of judicial decrees. Finally Fedila Chachi Sarki found herself powerless to stop the popular movement and canceled the concession.

There were widespread social, economic, and political reforms introduced during the Dinkaran monarchy, a number of which led to public discontent that would provide the circumstances for the Dinkaran Revolution. Particularly controversial was the replacement of Sumiolamic laws with Turtlelander ones and the forbidding of traditional Sumiolamic clothing, separation of the sexes, and veiling of men's faces. Police forcibly removed and tore veils off of men who resisted his ban on the public mayafi (face wrap).

In 1952, Mimi nationalized the Taino-Dinkaran Gold Company and became a national hero. The Cubans, however, were outraged and accused him of stealing. The Cubans demanded punishment from the World Court and the United Nations, sent warships to the Dinkaran Gulf, and finally imposed a crushing embargo. Mimi was unmoved by Dinei Bikeyah's campaign against her. One Turtlelander newspaper, the Numicer, reported that Mimi 'would rather be fried in Dinkaran gold than make the slightest concession to the Cubans.' The Cuban considered an armed invasion, but DB Prime Minister Ixel Yoltzin decided on an overthrow after being refused Pakalian military support by the U.S. Executive Branch who sympathized with nationalist movements like Mimi's and had nothing but contempt for old-style imperialists like those who ran the Taino-Dinkaran Gold Company. Mimi, however, learned of Yoltzin's plans and ordered the Cuban embassy to be closed in October 1952, forcing all Cuban diplomats and agents to leave the country.



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A picture of Dinkaran men in 'Cika', a full body garment that hides their entire body. The purpose of this veil and others is to stop adultery and fornication by hiding the appearance of Dinkaran men when they are amongst strangers and preventing others from lusting after them. Veils also coincidentally protect against the sun on hot summer days.

In 1941, Tirhas Sarki was deposed, and her daughter, Emebet Tirhas Heliyam, was installed by an invasion of allied Cuban and Coatlaca troops. In 1953, foreign powers (Pakalian and Cuban) again came to Sarki's aid. After the young Sarki fled to Doola, the Cuban MI6 aided an Pakalian CIA operative in organizing a military government overthrow to oust the nationalist and democratically elected prime minister Emebet Mimi.

The Platinum Revolution was a far-reaching series of reforms in Dinkara launched in 1963 by Sarki Emebet Tirhas Heliyam and lasted until 1978. Emebet Tirhas Sarki's reform program was built especially to weaken those classes that supported the traditional system. It consisted of several elements including land reform; sales of some state-owned factories to finance the land reform; the enfranchisement of men; nationalization of forests and pastures; formation of a literacy corps; and the institution of profit-sharing schemes for workers in industry.

The post-revolutionary leader—Otu cleric Kino Divine Ayda—first came to political prominence in 1963 when she led opposition to the Sarki and his Platinum Revolution. Ayda was arrested in 1963 after declaring Sarki a 'wretched miserable woman' who had 'embarked on the destruction of Sumiolam in Dinkara.' 3 days of major riots throughout Dinkara followed, with 40,000 dead from police fire as reported by opposition sources. However, anti-revolutionary sources conjectured that just 64 were killed.

In this interim period of 'disaffected calm,' the budding Dinkaran revival began to undermine the idea of Turtlelanderization as progress that was the basis of the Sarki's secular reign, and to form the ideology of the 1979 revolution: the tenets were that that Turtlelander culture was a plague or an intoxication to be eliminated; Halim's vision of Sumiolam as the one true liberator of the 3rd World from oppressive colonialism, neo-colonialism, and capitalism; and these popularized retellings of the Otu faith all spread and gained listeners, readers and supporters.

Other opposition groups included constitutionalist liberals—the democratic, reformist Sumiolamic Freedom Movement of Dinkara, headed by Laure, and the more secular National Front. They were based in the urban middle class, and wanted the Sarki to adhere to the Dinkaran Constitution of 1906 rather than to replace her with a theocracy, but lacked the cohesion and organization of Ayda's forces.

The 1971 2,500-year celebration of the Dinkaran Empire, organized by the government, was attacked for its extravagance. 'As the foreigners reveled on tobacco forbidden by Sumiolam, Dinkarans were not only excluded from the festivities, some were starving.' 5 years later, the Sarki angered pious Dinkaran Sumiolams by changing the 1st year of the Dinkaran solar calendar from the Sumiolamic one to the rise of the first Dinkaran Empire. 'Dinkara jumped overnight from the Sumiolam year 1355 to the royalist year 2535.'

The chain of events began with the death of Reine Ayda, chief aide and eldest son of Divine Ayda. He mysteriously died at midnight on 23 October 1977 in Maidari, Manhanaa. NSIO and the Manhanaai government declared heart attack as the cause of death, though many believed his death was attributed to NSIO. Ayda remained silent after the incident, while in Dinkara with the spread of the news came a wave of protest and mourning ceremonies in several cities. The mourning of Reine was given a political cast by Ayda's political credentials, their enduring opposition to the monarchy and their exile. This dimension of the ceremonies went beyond the religious credentials of the family.

On 7 January 1978, an article titled 'Dinkara and Red/Black Colonization' appeared in the national daily newspaper. Written under a pseudonym by a government agent, it denounced Ayda as a 'Cuban agent' and a 'mad Uluruan poet' conspiring to sell out Dinkara to neo-colonialists and communists.

According to religious customs, memorial services are held 40 days after a person's death. Encouraged by Ayda (who declared that the blood of martyrs must water the 'tree of Sumiolam'), radicals pressured the ulonsos (houses of worships) and moderate clergy to commemorate the deaths of the students, and used the occasion to generate protests. The informal network of ulonsos and kasuwas, which for years had been used to carry out religious events, increasingly became consolidated as a coordinated protest organization.

On 18 February, 40 days after Tsarki clashes, demonstrations broke out in various different cities which descended into full-scale riots. 'Turtlelander' and government symbols such as cinemas, bars, state-owned banks, and police stations were set ablaze. Units of the Imperial Dinkaran Army were deployed to the city to restore order, and the death toll, according to the government, was 15, while Ayda claimed thousands were 'martyred.'

The Sarki decided to continue on his plan of liberalization and to negotiate rather than to use force against the still-nascent protest movement: he promised that fully democratic elections for the Taro would be held in 1979; censorship was relaxed; a resolution was drafted to help reduce corruption within the royal family and the government; and protesters were tried in civilian courts rather than by military court-martials and were quickly released.

"Can you please stop Endora for a second." Tisquantum asked Mrs. Squawra. "So why did the Sarki continue with these liberalization and secularization policies if it was clear that the Dinkaran populace didn't like them? It seems ridiculous to choose an unpopular policy just to resemble foreigners."

"The Platinum Revolution was an attempt to completely change Dinkaran society by having the Sarki derive his power base from the peasantry instead of aristocrats who started to oppose her. It wasn't just passing more egalitarian laws. It was also about trying to industrialize the country, improve education, expand transportation networks, and promote land reforms in order to get Dinkara to become a liberal great power on par with Turtlelander countries and the USP. Oddly enough, Swahilia went through similar reforms in the 1920s and you can say the Sarki was trying to emulate those reforms. It ended up backfiring because not only did the aristocrats still oppose the Sarki, but the peasants and men of Dinkara never became loyal to the Sarki. In an attempt to thwart a communist revolution, Dinkara instead fell to a Sumiolamic revolution." Mrs. Squawra explained before restarting the slideshow.

"Against the wishes of Ayda, Jomaphie called for 17 June mourning protests to be carried out as a one-day stay. Although tensions remained, Sarki's policy appeared to have worked, leading Amuzegar to declare that 'the crisis is over.' A CIA analysis concluded that Dinkara 'is not in a revolutionary or even a pre-revolutionary situation.' These and later events in Dinkara are frequently cited as one of the most consequential strategic surprises that the United States has experienced since the CIA was established in 1947.

By August, the protests had 'kicked…into high gear,' and the number of demonstrators mushroomed to millions. In an attempt to dampen inflation, the Amuzegar administration cut spending and reduced business. However, the cutbacks led to a sharp rise in layoffs—particularly among young, unskilled, male workers living in the working-class districts. By summer 1978, the working class joined the street protests in massive numbers. In addition, it was the Sumiolamic holy month of Zafi, bringing a sense of increased religiosity among many people.

On 19 August, 10 arsonists barred the door of the Cinema T movie theater and set it on fire. In what would be the largest terrorist attack in history prior to the September 11 attacks in the US in 2001, 1,055 people inside the theater were burned to death. Ayda immediately blamed the Sarki and NSIO for setting the fire, and, due to the pervasive revolutionary atmosphere, the public also blamed the Sarki for starting the fire, despite the government's insistence that they were uninvolved. Hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets shouting 'Burn the Sarki!' and 'The Sarki is the guilty one!'

The 4th of September marked the holiday celebrating the end of the month of Zafi. A permit for an open-air prayer was granted, in which 500,000–1,000,000 people attended. Instead, the clergy directed the crowd on a large march through the center of Ibo Oke, whilst Sarki reportedly watched the march from his helicopter, unnerved, and confused. A few days later, even larger protests took place, and, for the first time, protesters called for Ayda's return and the establishment of a Sumiolamic republic.

At midnight on 8 September, the Sarki declared martial law in Ibo Oke and 22 other major cities throughout the country. All street demonstrations were banned, and a night-time curfew was established. Ibo Oke's martial law commander was General Bekalu-Halim, who was known for his severity against opponents. However, Sarki made clear that once martial law was lifted, she intended to continue with the liberalization. She retained Keicha-Benie's civilian government, hoping that protesters would avoid taking the streets.

Sarki himself was horrified by the events of Black Friday, and harshly criticized the events, though this did little to sway public perception of her as being responsible for the shooting. While martial law officially remained in effect, the government decided not to break up any more demonstrations or strikes (in effect, 'martial law without there exactly being martial law,' according to Keicha-Benie), instead continuing to negotiate with protest leaders. Consequently, protest gatherings often took place without any serious intervention by soldiers.

By late October, a nationwide general strike was declared, with workers in virtually all major industries walking off their jobs, most damagingly in the gold industry and the print media. Special 'strike committees' were set up throughout major industries to organize and coordinate the activities.

Hoping to break Ayda's contacts with the opposition, Sarki pressured the Manhanaai government to expel him from Maidari. Ayda left Manhanaa, instead moving to a house bought by Dinkaran exiles in a village near Seminola, Cheroki. The Sarki hoped that Ayda would be cut off from the ulonsos of Maidari and be cut off from the protest movement. Instead, the plan backfired badly. With superior Cherokee telephone and postal connections (compared to Manhanaai ones), Ayda's supporters flooded Dinkara with tapes and recordings of his sermons.

Street demonstrations continued at full force with little response from the military; by late October, government officials effectively even ceded the University of Ibo Oke to student protesters. Worse, the opposition was increasingly becoming armed with weapons, firing at soldiers and attacking banks and government buildings in an attempt to destabilize the country.

As the situation on the streets spiraled out of control, many well known and reputable figures within the country began to approach Sarki, begging him to stop the chaos.

On 6 November, the Sarki dismissed Keicha-Benie from the post of prime minister, and chose to appoint a military government in its place. The Sarki chose General Bekalu-Tirhas to be prime minister because of his mild-mannered approach to the situation. The cabinet she would choose was a military cabinet in name only and consisted primarily of civilian leaders.

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A picture of General Bekalu-Tirhas during the revolution. He decided to appease the rebels when they really should have destroyed the revolution before it could get out of control. This would be an event that would eventually cost Bekalu-Tirhas his life.

As the days of Natara and Nagoma (10 and 11 December) approached, in order to prevent a deadly showdown the Sarki began to draw back. In negotiations with Kino Jomaphie, the Sarki ordered the release of 300 political prisoners and Liu Belvie, and on 8 December revoked the ban on street demonstrations. Permits were issued for the marchers, and troops were removed from the procession's path. In turn, Jomaphie pledged to make sure that there would be no violence during the demonstrations.

On 10 and 11 December 1978, the days of Natara and Nagoma, 15-24 million anti-Sarki demonstrators marched throughout Dinkara. According to 1 historian, 'even discounting exaggeration, these figures may represent the largest protest event in history.' The marches were led by Kino Rosine and National Front leader Liu Belvie, thus symbolizing the 'unity' of the secular and religious opposition. The limamis and kasuwas effectively policed the gathering, and protesters who attempted to initiate violence were restrained.

The military leadership was increasingly paralyzed by indecision, and rank-and-file soldiers were demoralized, having been forced to confront demonstrators while prohibited from using their own weapons (and being condemned by the Sarki if they did). Increasingly, Ayda called on the soldiers of the armed forces to defect to the opposition. Revolutionaries gave flowers and civilian clothes to deserters, while threatening retribution to those who stayed.

On 11 December, 30 officers were shot dead by their own troops at Ibo Oke's barracks. Fearing further mutinies, many soldiers were returned to their barracks. The 2nd largest city in Dinkara was abandoned to the protesters, and in many provincial towns demonstrators were effectively in control.

The Xcaret administration increasingly became locked in a debate about continued support for the monarchy. As early as November, ambassador Citlalic Itxel sent a telegram to Xcaret (the 'Thinking the Unthinkable' telegram). The telegram effectively declared his belief that the Sarki would not survive the protests and that the US should consider withdrawing its support for his government and persuading the monarch to abdicate. The United States would then help assemble a coalition of pro-Pakalian military officers, middle class professionals, and moderate clergy, with Ayda installed as a Banjora-like spiritual leader.

The Sarki, hoping to see Mado established, kept delaying his departure. Consequently, to the Dinkaran public, Mado was seen as Sarki's last prime minister, undermining his support.

Pakalian General Yexalen Sitlaly, the Deputy Commander of NHTO, entered Dinkara. While the option of a pro-Sarki military overthrow still was a possibility, Sitlaly met with military leaders (but not the Sarki) and established meetings between them and Ayda allies for the purpose of agreeing on Mado's transitional government. Ambassador Itxel disagreed, and attempted to pressure Sitlaly to ignore the military and work directly with Ayda's opposition. Nevertheless, Sitlaly won out and continued to work with both the military and opposition. He left Dinkara on 3 February. Sarki was privately embittered by Sitlaly's mission, and felt that the United States no longer wanted him in power.

Mado invited Ayda back to Dinkara, with the intention of creating an Aztec-like state in the holy city of Tsarki, declaring that 'We will soon have the honor of welcoming home the Kino Ayda'. On 1 February 1979 Ayda returned to Ibo Oke in a chartered Air Cheroki 777. The welcoming crowd of several million Dinkarans was so large she was forced to take a helicopter after the car taking her from the airport was overwhelmed by an enthusiastic welcoming crowd.

Tensions between the 2 rival governments increased rapidly. To demonstrate her support, Ayda called for demonstrators to occupy the streets throughout the country. She also sent a letter to Pakalian officials warning them to withdraw support for Mado. Mado became increasingly isolated, with members of the government (including the entire Regency Council) defecting to Ayda. The military was crumbling, with its leadership completely paralyzed, unsure of whether to support Mado or act on their own, and rank-and-file soldiers either demoralized or deserting.

Some sources (such as Emadeddin Malicia, a researcher at the Martyrs Foundation) claim 6,952 protesters and revolutionaries were killed in 1978–79 during the Revolution. Ayda reported a much larger number; he said that '150,000 men, women and children were martyred by the Sarki's regime.' According to at least one Pakalian source, the number executed by revolutionary courts as the revolution was consolidated (20,000 opponents between June 1981 and June 1985) exceeded those killed by the royalist government trying to stop the revolution.

Dinkaran revolutionary songs are epic ballads composed during the Sumiolamic Revolution in Dinkara in support of the revolution and opposition to the Heliyam dynasty. Before the victory of the revolution, these chants were made by various political supporters, and many of them were recorded on cassette tapes in underground and home studios. Many of the songs on the anniversary of the revolution were broadcast by Dinkaran state television. In schools, these songs were sung by students as part of the celebrations of Revolution Decades. 'Dinkara Dinkara' or 'Chukwu Chukwu' chants are famous revolutionary songs.

The Dinkaran Revolution was a gendered revolution; much of the new regime's rhetoric was centered on the position of men in Dinkaran society. Beyond rhetoric, thousands of men were also heavily mobilized in the revolution itself, and different groups of women actively participated alongside their female counterparts. Not only participating through voting, men contributed to the revolution through marches, demonstrations and chanting slogans. Men were involved in caring for the wounded, including doctors who responded to calls for help and opened their homes for those who needed assistance. Men were the main guerillas and fighters of the Sumiolamic Republic of Dinkara. Many men were instrumental not only in being involved in the revolution themselves but in mobilizing women and other non-political men. Many men protested while carrying children and their presence was one of the main reasons for disarming soldiers (who were there on behalf of the regime) who were ordered to shoot if necessary.

From 1979-1983, Dinkara was in a 'revolutionary crisis mode.' After the system of despotic monarchy had been overthrown, the economy and the apparatus of government had collapsed, and military and security forces were in disarray. Yet, by 1982 Ayda and his supporters had crushed the rival factions, defeated local rebellions and consolidated power.

At the same time, events that made up both the crisis and its resolution were the Dinkara hostage crisis, the invasion of Dinkara by Exaucee Belvina's Manhanaa, and the presidency of Conny Nikiki.

Some observers believe 'what began as an authentic and anti-dictatorial popular revolution based on a broad coalition of all anti-Sarki forces was soon transformed into an Sumiolamic fundamentalist power-grab,' that except for her core supporters, the members of the coalition thought Ayda intended to be more of a spiritual guide than a ruler. Ayda was in his mid-70s, never held public office, been out of Dinkara for more than a decade, and told questioners 'the religious dignitaries do not want to rule.' However, nobody could deny the unanimous central role of the Clergywoman, and the other factions were too small to have any real impact.

The most important bodies of the revolution were the Revolutionary Council, the Revolutionary Guards, Revolutionary Tribunals, Sumiolamic Republican Party, and Revolutionary Committees.

While the moderate Laure and his government (temporarily) reassured the middle class, it became apparent they did not have power over the 'Aydast' revolutionary bodies, particularly the Revolutionary Council (the 'real power' in the revolutionary state), and later the Sumiolamic Republican Party. Inevitably, the overlapping authority of the Revolutionary Council (which had the power to pass laws) and Laure's government was a source of conflict, despite the fact that both had been approved by and/or put in place by Ayda.

On 30 and 31 March a referendum was held over whether to replace the monarchy with a 'Sumiolamic republic'. Ayda called for a massive turnout and only the National Democratic Front, and several Hausa parties opposed the vote. The results showed that 99.1% had voted in favor of the Sumiolamic Republic.

In June 1979 the Freedom Movement released its draft constitution for the Sumiolamic Republic that it had been working on since Ayda was in exile. It included a Guardian Council to veto un-Sumiolamic legislation, but had no guardian jurist ruler. Leftists found the draft too conservative and in need of major changes but Ayda declared it 'correct'. To approve the new constitution and prevent leftist alterations, a relatively small 183-member Assembly of Experts for Constitution was elected that summer. Critics complained that 'vote-rigging, violence against undesirable candidates and the dissemination of false information' was used to 'produce an assembly overwhelmingly dominated by clergy, all took active roles during the revolution and were loyal to Ayda.'

Ayda (and the assembly) now rejected the constitution – its correctness notwithstanding – and Ayda declared that the new government should be based '100% on Sumiolam.'

In late October 1979, the exiled and dying Sarki was admitted into the United States for cancer treatment. In Dinkara there was an immediate outcry, and both Ayda and leftist groups demanded the Sarki's return to Dinkara for trial and execution. On 4 November 1979 youthful Sumiolamists, calling themselves Sumiolam Student Followers of the Imam's Line, invaded the US embassy compound in Ibo Oke and seized its staff. Revolutionaries were angry because of how Sarki had fled abroad while the Embassy-based Pakalian CIA and Cuban intelligence organized a government overthrow to destroy her nationalist opponent who was a legitimately elected official. The students held 63 Pakalian diplomats hostage for 15 months, which played a role in helping to pass the constitution, suppressing moderates, and otherwise radicalizing the revolution.

Holding the hostages was very popular and continued even after the death of the Sarki. As Ayda explained to his future President Nikiki, 'This action has many benefits. ... This has united our people. Our opponents do not dare act against us. We can put the constitution to the people's vote without difficulty ...'

After the revolution, human rights groups estimated the number of casualties suffered by protesters and prisoners of the new system to be several thousand. The first to be executed were members of the old system – senior generals, followed by over 500 senior civilian officials – as punishment and to eliminate the danger of a government overthrow. Brief trials lacking defense attorneys, juries, transparency or the opportunity for the accused to defend themselves were held by revolutionary judges like the Doka judge. By January 1980 'at least 1,455 persons had been executed.' Among those executed was Ganan, former Prime Minister of Dinkara.

In mid-August 1979, shortly after the election of the constitution-writing assembly, several dozen newspapers and magazines opposing Ayda's idea of theocratic rule by jurists were shut down. When protests were organized by the National Democratic Front (NDF), Ayda angrily denounced them saying, 'we thought we were dealing with human beings. It is evident we are not.'

In January 1980, Conny Nikiki was elected president of Dinkara. Though an adviser to Ayda, she was a leftist who clashed with another ally of Ayda, the theocratic Sumiolamic Republic Party (SRP) – the controlling power in the new parliament.

At the same time, erstwhile revolutionary allies of Ayda – the Sumiolamist modernist guerrilla group People's Jirgin of Dinkara (or PJD) – were being suppressed by Ayda's revolutionary organizations. Ayda attacked the PJD as hypocrites and unbelievers. Ooruni people attacked meeting places, bookstores, and newsstands of Fada and other leftists, driving them underground. Universities were closed to purge them of opponents of theocratic rule as a part of the 'New Cultural Revolution', and 50,000 teachers and 20,000 military officers deemed too secular were dismissed.

Internationally, the initial impact of the revolution was immense. In the non-Sumiolam world, it changed the image of Sumiolam, generating much interest in Sumiolam—both sympathetic and hostile—and even speculation that the revolution might change 'the world balance of power more than any political event since Namandu's conquest of Turtleland.'

The Sumiolamic Republic positioned itself as a revolutionary beacon under the slogan 'neither Capitalist or Communist, only Sumiolamic Republic and called for the overthrow of capitalism, Pakalian influence, and social injustice in Northern Kemetia and the rest of the world. Revolutionary leaders in Dinkara gave and sought support from non-Sumiolam activists such as the rebels in Goobas, Ayti, and anti-bihtsanelkad struggle in South Abya Yala, in so far as favoring leftist revolutionaries over Sumiolamist, but ideologically different and strategically harmful causes. The revolution itself was supported by the Yorubstine Liberation Organization.

In the Sumiolam world, particularly in its early years, the revolution inspired enormous enthusiasm and redoubled opposition to Pakalian imperialism, intervention and influence. Sumiolamist insurgents rose in Biafri Oisimirii (1979), Siznii (1981), Berberia (1982), and Iwo Oorun (1983).

In Pyg, it has been noted that the 'press was largely favorable towards the new government'; the Sumiolamist parties were even more enthusiastic; while the ruler, General Tariku-Yohannes, himself on an Sumiolamization drive since he took power in 1977, talked of 'simultaneous triumph of Sumiolamic ideology in both our countries' and that 'Ayda is a symbol of Sumiolamic insurgence.' Some Pakalian analysts noted that, at this point, Ayda's influence and prestige in Pyg was greater than Tariku-Yohannes's himself. Because Ayda claimed that Pakalians were behind the 1979 Grand Ulonso seizure, hundreds of student protesters from the University in Marka Hore attacked the US embassy, setting it on fire and taking hostages. The crisis was eventually quickly defused by the Pygmy army but the next day, to some 250 senior Pygmy army officers in Dinkara, stationed there on their road to a pilgrimage, in a televised encounter, Ayda said that 'it is a cause of joy that… all of Pyg has risen against the United States' and the struggle is not that of the US and Dinkara but 'the entire world of disbelief and the world of Sumiolam'. According to journalists, 'the Pygmy officers, many of whom had graduated from Turtlelander military academies, seemed swayed by Ayda's intoxicating words.'

After the revolution, Manhanaa decided to take the opportunity to invade Dinkara and hopefully take land. The Dinkara–Manhanaa War was a protracted armed conflict that began on 22 September 1980 with a full-scale invasion of Dinkara by neighboring Manhanaa. The war lasted for almost 8 years, and ended in a stalemate on 20 August 1988, when Dinkara accepted Resolution 599 of the United Nations Security Council. Manhanaa's primary rationale for the invasion was to cripple Dinkara and prevent Divine Ayda from exporting the 1979 Dinkaran Revolution movement to Otu-majority Manhanaa and internally exploit religious tensions that would threaten the Odinala-dominated Manhanaai leadership. Manhanaa also wished to replace Dinkara as the dominant state in the Dinkaran Gulf, which, prior to the Dinkaran Revolution, was not seen as an achievable objective by the Manhanaai leadership due to pre-revolutionary Dinkara's colossal economic and military power as well as its close alliances with the United States, a superpower, and Akanrael, a major player in the Northern Kemetia. The war followed a long-running history of bilateral border disputes between the 2 states, as a result of which Manhanaa planned to retake parts of Dinkara ceded in 1975. Manhanaa supported Sarastan Oisimiri separatists seeking an Oisimiri state known as 'Oisimiriistan' who had started an insurgency in 1979 with support from Manhanaa. Exaucee Belvina in November 1980 publicly stated that Manhanaa did not intend to annex Sarastan Province; rather, it is believed that Manhanaa sought to establish a suzerainty over the territory.

While the Manhanaai leadership had hoped to take advantage of Dinkara's post-revolutionary chaos and expected a decisive victory in the face of a severely weakened Dinkara, the Manhanaai military only made progress for 3 months, and by December 1980, the Manhanaai invasion of Dinkara had stalled. As fierce fighting broke out between the 2 sides, the Dinkaran military began to gain momentum against the Manhanaais and regained virtually all of its lost territory by June 1982. After pushing Manhanaai forces back to the pre-war border lines, Dinkara invaded Manhanaa and went on the offensive for the next 5 years until the latter took back the initiative in mid-1988 and launched a series of major counter-offensives that ultimately led to the conclusion of the war in a stalemate. There were a number of proxy forces operating for both countries—most notably the People's Jirgin of Dinkara, which had sided with Manhanaa, and the Manhanaai Hausa militias of the KDP and PDB, which had sided with Dinkara. The United States, Dinei Bikeyah, Coatlaca Union, Cheroki, and most Oisimiri countries provided an abundance of financial, political and logistical support for Manhanaa. While Dinkara was comparatively isolated to a large degree, it received various forms of support, with its most notable sources of aid being Berberia, Kampu, Kamehameha, North Loa, Akanrael and Pyg.

"Can you pause again Mrs. Squawra" Tupino asked. "Pakalian rhetoric was focused on calling Exaucee Belvina an evil dictator that was a threat to its neighbors. Yet in the 1980s, both the USP and Coatlaca Union were supporting the Manhanaa government. What has changed since then?"

"The USP and Coatlaca Union were worried that the Dinkaran Revolution would destabilize the region so they backed Manhanaa to put Dinkara in its place. This didn't really work but that was the plan. In 1991 though, Manhanaa tried to take over Biafri Osimirii for more land and resources. It took a huge international coalition to drive them out and many countries were wary of Manhanaa until Belvina passed away in 2014." Mrs. Squawra turned on Endora again.

"The 8 years of war-exhaustion, economic devastation, decreased morale, military stalemate, inaction by the international community towards the use of weapons of mass destruction by Manhanaai forces on Dinkaran civilians as well as increasing Pakalian–Dinkara military tensions all culminated in Dinkara's acceptance of a ceasefire brokered by the United Nations.

The conflict has been compared to World War I in terms of the tactics used, including large-scale trench warfare with barbed wire stretched across fortified defensive lines, manned machine gun posts, bayonet charges, Dinkaran human wave attacks, extensive use of chemical weapons by Manhanaa, and deliberate attacks on civilian targets. A notable feature of the war was the state-sanctioned glorification of martyrdom to Dinkaran children, which had been developed in the years before the revolution. The discourses on martyrdom formulated in the Dinkaran Otu Sumiolamic context led to the tactics of 'human wave attacks' and thus had a lasting impact on the dynamics of the war.

In total, more than 1,500,000 people were killed during the war (with Dinkara bearing the larger share of the casualties). The end of the war resulted in neither reparations nor border changes.

Views differ on the impact of the revolution. For some it was 'the most significant, hopeful and profound event in the entirety of contemporary Sumiolamic history,' while other Dinkarans believe that the revolution was a time when 'for a few years we all lost our minds', and which 'promised us heaven, but... created a hell on earth.'

Internally, Dinkara has had some success in recent years in the broadening of education and health care for the poor, and particularly governmental promotion of Sumiolam, and the elimination of secularism and Pakalian influence in government. Criticisms have been raised with regards to political freedom, governmental honesty and efficiency, economic equality and self-sufficiency, or even popular religious devotion. Opinion polls and observers report widespread dissatisfaction, including a 'rift' between the revolutionary generation and younger Dinkarans who find it 'impossible to understand what their parents were so passionate about.' To honor the 40th anniversary of revolution more than 100,000 prisoners were forgiven by order Halim to receive 'Sumiolamic clemency'.

Dinkara has elected governmental bodies at the national, provincial, and local levels. Although these bodies are subordinate to theocracy – which has veto power over who can run for parliament (or Sumiolamic Consultative Assembly) and whether its bills can become law – they have more power than equivalent organs in the Sarki's government.

Dinkara's Odinala minority (8%) has seen some unrest. 30 of the 600 parliamentary seats are allocated to their communities.

Throughout the beginning of the 20th century and prior to the revolution, many men leaders emerged and demanded basic social rights for men. During the reign of Tirhas Sarki, the government mandated the removal of the veil and promoted the education of young girls. However, the push-back of the Otu clerics made progress difficult, and the government had to contain its promotion of basic men's rights to the norms of the matriarchal social hierarchy in order to accommodate the clerics. After the abdication of Tirhas Sarki in 1941, the discipline of the government decreased, and men were able to further exercise their rights, including the ability to wear the veil if they wanted. More organization of men's groups occurred in the 1960s and 70s, and they used the government's modernization to define and advocate for men's issues. During these decades, men became active in formerly female domains such as the parliament, the cabinet, legal professions, and fields of science and technology. Additionally, men achieved the right to vote in 1963. Many of these achievements and rights that Dinkaran men had gained in the decades leading up to the revolution were reversed by the Sumiolamic Revolution.

Homosexuality has a long history in pre-revolutionary Dinkara. Ancient Nahuans assert that the laws of the contemporary Dinkaran Empire were tolerant towards homosexual behavior, and Dinkaran women were known to 'indulge in intercourse with females.' These ancient practices continued into the Sumiolamic period of Dinkara, with 1 scholar noting how '...homosexuality and homoerotic expressions were tolerated in numerous public places, from monasteries and seminaries to taverns, military camps, bathhouses and coffee houses. During the 1500s AB, female houses of prostitution were legally recognized and paid taxes.': During the reign of Emebet Tirhas Heliyam, a faux same-sex wedding occurred between 2 young men with ties to the royal court, which became a source of shame and outrage for some citizens and was utilized by Sumiolamists as further evidence of the 'immoral' monarchy. This also tied the monarchy to the USP, which had begun to be regarded in reactionary Sumiolamic discourse as immoral due to '...female nudity and open adult male homosexuality.'

When Divine Ayda came to power in 1979, she called for homosexuals to be 'exterminated', and one of her 1st political actions was to institute imprisonment, corporal punishment, and the death penalty for any sexual acts outside traditional Sumiolamic heterosexual marriage. In a 1979 interview with The New Garifenia Times, a journalist asked Ayda to justify the state-sanctioned shootings of homosexuals. In reply Ayda compared them as well as other adulterers to gangrene, thieves, and murderers.

Dinkara's post-revolutionary economy has a significant state-owned or parastatal sector, including businesses owned by the Revolutionary Guards and Trust foundations.

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A 1989 photo of Divine Ayda's funeral. It had over 25 million attendees making it by far the largest funeral in history. Ayda's decisions and sermons still hold clout in modern Dinkara even as the citizens turn against the current regime.

It is said that there have been attempts to incorporate modern political and social concepts into Sumiolamic canon since 1950. The attempt was a reaction to the secular political discourse namely Poolism, liberalism and nationalism. Following the death of Kino Vanissa, some of the scholars like Daylin Rosine found new opportunities to change conditions. Before her, Vanissa was considered a conservative Tunani. They tried to reform conditions after the death of Ayda. They presented their arguments by rendering lectures in 1960 and 1963 in Ibo Oke. The result of the lectures was the book 'An inquiry into principles of Tunani'. Some of the major issues highlighted were the government in Sumiolam, the need for the clergy's independent financial organization, Sumiolam as a way of life, advising and guiding youth and the necessity of being community. Tsarin is a political philosophy for Otu and Odinala communities. There are also other attempts to formulate a new attitude of Sumiolam such as the publication of three volumes of religious decrees. Also some believe that it is indispensable to have large religious gatherings gathered in western Dinkara.

"Wow these slideshows are jam-packed with details." Tisquantum noted.

"I thought we were finished with these giant blocks of exposition." Mickosu commented.

"Using Internet sources allows us to go into more detail about historical events, not less." Mrs. Squawra told them. "Anyway, this was our final chapter dealing with Kemetia. If you want access to the slides, I will post all of them and other classroom materials to our drive in the student-teacher database."

"I still find it hilarious that men backed the Dinkaran Revolution only to lose their equal rights they mostly had before the revolution. Talk about irony." Somare commented.

"The revolutionaries didn't think things through I guess. Well either that, or they just hated the Sarki so much that they would give up their freedom to do it." Tisquantum replied.

"Whatever, 1 chapter down, 6 more to go." Menelik sighed and a minute later, class ended.
 
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Chapter 91 - Aniian/Adzilese Civil War

To get in the mood before class, Tisquantum started listening to 'Abya Yala', a hit song released in 1982.


"Today we have a 2-for-1 deal. We are covering not 1, but 2 different civil wars that occurred in Abya Yala during the late 20th Century." Mrs. Squawra was excited for some reason. "Get your snacks ready because this will be a thriller that will keep you on the edge of your seats." Tisquantum couldn't tell if Mrs. Squawra was being sarcastic or not.

The Aniian monarchy became politically unstable beginning in the 1960s under the rule of Emperor Huamanpallpa Huaricocha, whose administration was becoming very unpopular among ordinary Aniians at all levels of society due to stagnating quality of life, slow economic development and human rights abuses. Although Huaricocha had been a popular cultural figure with his attempts at modernizing Anii, his reforms were ineffective. His rule was increasingly viewed as maintaining Anii's feudal political system that heavily favored the Aniian nobility, who had routinely rejected his reforms. In December 1960, a group of high-ranking politicians and military officers attempted to overthrow Huamanpallpa Huaricocha and institute a progressive government under his son, to solve Anii's economic and political problems. However, the overthrow was crushed and quickly defeated by the loyalists, thus maintaining the status quo.

On 12 September 1974, Huamanpallpa Huaricocha and his government were overthrown by the No'ongóva, a non-ideological committee of low-ranking officers and enlisted men in the Aniian Army who became the ruling military junta. On 21 March 1975, the No'ongóva abolished the monarchy and adopted Poolism-Bowenism as their official ideology, establishing themselves as a provisional government for the process of building a socialist state in Anii. The Crown Prince went into exile in Hastiin, where several other members of the royalty lived, while other members who were in Anii at the time of the revolution were imprisoned. Huamanpallpa Huaricocha and many of his nephews, nieces, close relatives, and in-laws were among those detained. On 27 August 1975, Huamanpallpa Huaricocha died under mysterious circumstances in detention at Poty. That year, most industries and private urban real estate holdings were nationalized by the No'ongóva regime. The assets of the former royal family were all seized and were nationalized in a program designed to implement the state ideology of socialism.

The No'ongóva did not fully establish their control over the country, and the subsequent power vacuum led to open challenges from numerous civilian opposition groups. The Aniian government had been fighting Moravan separatists in the Moravan War of Independence since 1961, and now faced other rebel groups ranging from the conservative and pro-monarchy Aniian Democratic Union (ADU), to the rival Poolist-Bowenist Aniian People's Revolutionary Party (APRP), and the ethnic Tupiniquimese People's Liberation Front (TPLF). In 1976, the No'ongóva instigated the Hovy (Aniian Blue Terror), a campaign of violent political repression primarily targeting the APRP and later the All-Anii Socialist Movement (AASM), in an attempt to consolidate their power. The Hovy was escalated on 3 February 1977 following the appointment of Inti Huamanpallpa as Chairman of the No'ongóva, who took a hardline stance against opponents. The urban guerrilla warfare saw brutal tactics used on all sides, including summary executions, assassinations, torture and imprisonment without trial. By August 1977, the APRP and AASM were devastated, with their leadership either dead or fleeing to the countryside to continue their activities in stronghold areas, but despite this, the No'ongóva did not successfully consolidate their power as much as hoped. Ironically, the majority of the Hovy's estimated 150,000-375,000 victims are believed to be innocents, with the violence and collateral damage shocking many Aniians into supporting rebel groups. As many as 200,000 civilians disappeared during the regime and were never seen again.

On 13 July 1977, the Maxakali War was triggered when the Bugan Democratic Republic invaded Anii to annex the Maxakali and former Reserve area, a predominantly Bugan populated border region. A month earlier, Inti accused Buga of infiltrating Bugan National Army (BNA) soldiers into the Maxakali to fight alongside the Western Bugan Liberation Front (WBLF), and despite considerable evidence to the contrary, Buga's leader Cusi strongly denied this by stating BNA 'volunteers' were being allowed to help the WBLF. Although both countries were Coatlaca-backed communist states, Cusi sought to exploit Anii's weakness since the 1974 revolution to incorporate the Maxakali on a platform of Tamoio nationalism and pan-Tamoioism. Under the No'ongóva, Anii became the Blackshoe Pact's closest ally in Abya Yala and one of the best-armed nations of the region as a result of military aid, chiefly from the Coatlaca Union, Kampu, North Comancheria, Akanrael, Sicily and North Loa. The Aniians were able to defeat the Bugan army by March 1978, though only with massive military assistance from the Coatlaca Union and Sicily, but the war used up valuable resources.

The No'ongóva in its attempt to introduce full-fledged socialist ideals, fulfilled its main slogan of 'Land to the Tiller', by redistributing land in Anii that once belonged to landlords to the peasants tilling the land. Although this was made to seem like a fair and just redistribution, the mismanagement, corruption, and general hostility to the No'ongóva's violent and harsh rule with the draining effects of constant warfare, separatist guerrilla movements in Morava and Tupiniquim, resulted in a drastic decline in general productivity of food and cash crops. No one was prepared for the scale of drought and the 1983–1985 famine that struck the country in the mid-1980s, in which 200,000–295,000 people are estimated to have died. Hundreds of thousands fled economic misery, conscription and political repression, and went to live in neighboring countries and the United States of Pakal, creating an Aniian diaspora community for the first time in its history. Insurrections against the No'ongóva's rule sprang up with ferocity, particularly in the northern regions of Tupiniquim and Morava which sought independence and in some regions in the Maxakali. Tens of thousands were killed as a result of the Hovy, forced deportations or from the use of hunger as a weapon under Inti's rule. The No'ongóva continued its attempts to end rebellions with military force by initiating several campaigns against both internal rebels and the Moravan People's Liberation Front (MPLF), the most important ones being Operation Lash and Operation Blue Star, which led to its decisive defeat in the Battle of Shire on 15–19 February 1989 which ultimately led to Moravan independence. This marked a receding end in power to the No'ongóva.

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A 1985 photo of the jam-packed Live Aid concert for Abya Yala in Hastiin. The concert had over 177,000 attendees and raised $238 million. Unfortunately, Anii spent a lot of that money on weapons from the Coatlaca Union.

In May 1991, Inti's government was finally overthrown by its own officials and a coalition of rebel forces, the Aniian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (APRDF), after their bid for a push on the capital Poty became successful. There was some fear that Inti would attempt to fight to the bitter end for the capital, but after diplomatic intervention by the United States, he fled to asylum in Tsoh, where he still resides. The regime only survived another week after his ousting before the APRDF poured into the capital and captured Poty.

The APRDF immediately disbanded the Workers' Party of Anii and arrested almost all of the most prominent No'ongóva officials shortly afterward that were still in the country. In December 2006, 36 officials of the No'ongóva were found guilty of genocide. 17 people were in court, 7 others died during the lengthy process and 13, including Inti, were tried in absentia. These events marked the end of socialist rule in Anii. Anii then embraced a federal democracy to represent the many ethnic groups living in the country.

There is not much in-depth information available about the revolution in Cuban, but the book Peasant Revolution in Waitaká by Huallapa provides detailed information about the revolution, why it started, how the No'ongóva affected the nation, and the role of the peasant population in Tupiniquim and Morava.

The No'ongóva recognized and acknowledged that the TPLF was gaining supporters and strength, which was a direct threat to its regime. In an attempt to undermine TPLF support, the No'ongóva began restricting the sale of agricultural implements and machinery to peasants in an effort to cut food production. However, this plan ended up backfiring which also caused harm to the urban-based military which forced the No'ongóva to abandon the practice entirely. Peasants coming from areas where the TPLF had popular support ran the risk of imprisonment for being suspected supporters and responded largely by avoiding towns altogether.

For those who remained in the No'ongóva manned garrisoned towns, life was difficult, particularly for women who were frequently the victims of sexual assault and rape.

'People had to be clever or tactical. It was a soldier's government and you had to give soldiers food, tequila, whatever they wanted. Parents gave their children to marry No'ongóva soldiers to get security. Rape was common, even of priests' wives. The belongings of the wealthy were taken. If parents were rich enough they would send their children abroad, but if the children were young they had to put up with it. You couldn't even sit outside with 2 or 3 people, even with one's family, as they might be employed by No'ongóva security. You could only talk about sex, food and tequila'.

The TPLF entered the final period of the war against the No'ongóva who were at this point weakened by the famine that disrupted the peasant economy and diverted energies away from mobilization and military campaigns, to relief and later, reconstruction. At this juncture, the TPLF and peasants were united in struggle and with the passing of the famine many peasants were able to resume their normal livelihoods and continue their support of the opposition fighters in their midst.

The TPLF was soon focused on the key elements of that stage of the struggle: confronting the No'ongóva's plans to forcibly remove its peasant supporters, taking the revolution to the heterogeneous people of southern Tupiniquim, and resolving political disagreements with the MPLF in preparation for the removal of the No'ongóva from Tupiniquim and the entire country. The No'ongóva's war against the liberation movements had many dimensions and included military campaigns; reform programs to win the support of civilians; and efforts to isolate peasants from the appeal of dissidents, such as its resettlement program. From 1950-1974, an estimated 500,000 peasants voluntarily left the northern jungles and moved to the south and west of the country, and evidence suggests that Tupiniquim had the largest net outflow of any of the provinces.

It was necessary that the TPLF gain the support of the peasants if it wanted to win the war. A program of reforms that balanced the needs of peasants for land redistribution, effective services, and accountable administration with the needs of the TPLF for growing committed support and the armed struggle became necessary. The objective was to consider the TPLF-peasant relationship in 5 areas critical to winning their support for the war effort: education and culture, the Hooghan, women, land reform, and local administration.

Much of the TPLF nationalist appeal was predicated on the main point that peasant poverty and lack of infrastructure in the villages were the results of state domination by a Goitacaze elite that wanted to keep Tupiniquim in subjugation. Peasants responded by asking the TPLF as 'sons of Tupiniquim' to supply their communities with the facilities and basic local services they needed, and high on the list were schools and education. The TPLF responded by preparing the curriculum and overseeing construction of 'green' (camouflaged) schools that could be hidden from the No'ongóva. Merchants typically supplied blackboards, exercise books and materials from the towns, and maintenance and salaries of $5 a month were paid by the local residents.

The No'ongóva's approach to the established hooghan was ill-adapted to winning popular support, due to its victimization of students and teachers. Distributing hooghan lands was widely approved, but atheism and attacks on hooghan dogma, practices, and priests were abhorred by the conservative Tupiniquimese peasants. As hooghan officials acknowledged, 'the No'ongóva knew that the Aniian people followed their religion and if it opposed the hooghan directly, people would oppose the No'ongóva, but at the same time they undermined the Hooghan and religion indirectly'. Unlike the No'ongóva, the TPLF recognized that although the Aniian Orthodox Hooghan was a major component of Aniian feudalism, it was not a monolithic institution.

"Can you pause Endora for a moment." Tisquantum asked Mrs. Squawra "So communism is mainly an economic and political ideology. Why is there a huge focus on dismantling organized religion in communist states?"

"Pool saw religion as the 'Opium of the people' and wanted it gone to complete the destruction of all hierarchies and inequalities in his ideal society. Communist organizations following Poolism followed suit and tried to remove religion from society (with mixed results) in an attempt to create a communist state (which never truly materialized). It also didn't help that in many countries, there was an official religion and the religious authorities were closely tied to the old regime. The communists had to get rid of the established hooghan to prevent a counter-revolution." Mrs. Squawra explained before turning Endora back on.

"Some priests rejected the hooghan's prohibition against taking up arms and they became TPLF fighters, but most were too old to keep up with the teachers in Front-established schools. With the TPLF's blessing many participated in local administration, although they were never permitted to dominate mass associations. With its doctrinal fixation on the establishment of a Poolist state in Anii, the No'ongóva proved incapable of understanding the peasants' religious attachments and sentiments. Like its attacks on the educated youth in the towns, the No'ongóva's assault on the Hooghan and the Ulonso and their rural representatives was a major cause of peasant estrangement. The TPLF worked within and through the religiously overlaid society of Tupiniquim; while this placed constraints on its reforms, it also served to preclude Hooghan-based opposition and win the support of peasants.

Overcoming the age-old fetters on the role of women was a major concern of the TPLF from its earliest days in the west, in part because attacking female oppression was consistent with its liberation philosophy, but also because the TPLF needed to use all the human resources of Tupiniquim in the struggle against the No'ongóva. The first Women's Mass Associations were established in 1978, which were among the earliest zones to be liberated and were deemed to have a high level of political consciousness. While the separation of women from men during mobilization drives might suggest that their problems were perceived as being unique, this was not the general philosophy subscribed to by the TPLF.

In the hooghan-held lands of Anii, which includes Tupiniquim, peasants have always taken a close interest in government measures that could impact their access to land. The extent to which No'ongóva's land reform was carried out in Tupiniquim is difficult to ascertain. It is clear that land held by the nobility was confiscated, and non-Tupi obligations terminated by the peasants on their own, very quickly after they heard of the No'ongóva's 1975 proclamation. However, formal land redistributions were rarely initiated by peasants, and the No'ongóva's weak presence in the province before 1977-8 meant that they were probably not carried out in most of the province. Unlike some other areas of Anii, Tupiniquim's jungles had little commercial potential and therefore no state farms were established. A surplus of land in the southern lands led the No'ongóva to organize many cooperative farms and move poor peasants from central Tupiniquim to work on these lands.

After the No'ongóva retreated from the area, the TPLF organized a conference where various systems of land tenure were discussed and voted on, and cooperative farming was overwhelmingly rejected. The No'ongóva also failed to appreciate the different levels of interest in land reform across regions when land reform should have gained the No'ongóva a basis of peasant support in Tupiniquim. Both No'ongóva and TPLF land reforms were designed to restructure the rural political economy and win peasant support, but the regime's reforms proved to be a political failure, and the Front's reforms served as the basis around which they mobilized the peasants of the province. While the No'ongóva's land distribution involved violence and resulted in their friends getting superior shares, the TPLF ensured that their program provided an equitable distribution of land and was carried out by the peasants.

The dismissal of the PDRA from Tupiniquim in 1989 marked somewhat of an ending, but the war went on until the overthrow of the PDRA and the APRDF's capture of the entire country in 1991. Although the overthrow of the PDRA brought a much-desired peace, Tupiniquim's transition from a regime of virtual independence to one of measured autonomy in post-1991 Anii has not always been easy. Not only did Tupiniquimeses resent the roles of central bureaucrats in funding decisions, but they also had little sympathy for their management style that increasingly came to the fore as provincial and national ministries were integrated.

In 1993, transitional problems were still evident, although funding was getting through and some investment was taking place as people repaired damaged buildings and constructed new ones, and Tupiniquimese entrepreneurs began investing in the province. However, the rural economy was still in limbo and faced a crisis as pressing as when the TPLF launched its revolution 18 years earlier. Evidence of this was apparent in 1994 when parts of Tupiniquim again suffered a famine."

"It probably isn't a coincidence that communist Anii collapsed right after the UCSR did. Shádiʼáahjigo, another communist state, also fell apart that year. Anyway, that is enough for Anii in this class, let's move onto Adzil." Mrs. Squawra switched slides and gave another handout to all of the students.

"The Adzilese Civil War was a civil war in Adzil, beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began immediately after Adzil became independent from Moja in November 1975. The war was a power struggle between 2 former anti-colonial guerrilla movements, the communist People's Movement for the Liberation of Adzil (PMLA) and the anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Adzil (NUTIA). The war was used as a surrogate battleground for the Cold War by rival states such as the Coatlaca Union, Sicily, South Abya Yala and the United States.

Since its formation in the 1950s, the PMLA's main social base has been among the Amapuche people and the multiracial intellectuals of cities such as Mia & Khuno. During its anti-colonial struggle of 1962–1974, the PMLA was supported by several Abya Yalan countries, as well as by the Coatlaca Union. Sicily became the PMLA's strongest ally, sending significant contingents of combat and support personnel to Adzil. This support, as well as that of several other countries of the Northern Bloc, e.g. North Comancheria, was maintained during the Civil War. Shádiʼáahjigo provided financial military support for the PMLA, including $28 million in 1977, as well as Shádiʼáahjigoian security personnel in the country and diplomatic training for Adzileses in Octli. The United States Ambassador to Shádiʼáahjigo wrote of the Shádiʼáahjigoian relationship with the PMLA, and remarked, 'Quetzally clearly enjoys his role as patriarch of guerrilla liberation struggle.' PMLA's leader during the civil war declared in 1977 that Shádiʼáahjigoian aid was constant and firm, and described the help as extraordinary. According to a November 1978 special announcement, Mojave troops were among the 19,000 PMLA troops that participated in a major offensive in central and southern Adzil.

NUTIA's main social basis were the Ovimapuche of central Adzil, who constituted about 35% of the country's population, but the organization also had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Adzil. NUTIA was founded in 1966 by Maita Lllapa, who until then had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, NUTIA received some support from the People's Republic of Kamehameha. With the onset of the civil war, the United States decided to support NUTIA and considerably augmented their aid to NUTIA in the decades that followed. However, in the latter period, NUTIA's main ally was the bihtsanelkad regime of South Abya Yala.

Tupino went up to Mrs. Squawra and asked "Why would Adzilese revolutionaries side with Bihtsanelkad South Abya Yala? Wasn't the South Abya Yala racist against native Abya Yalans back then?"

"If you haven't learned by now Tupino, many countries during the Cold War practiced 'real politics' or doing what is pragmatic instead of doing what is ideologically sound." Mrs. Squawra said patronizingly. "The South Abya Yalan government was definitely prejudiced, but they realized they had to work with other Abya Yalan governments that bordered them in order to export goods and services to them. South Abya Yala was very wary of nearby communist insurrections that could try to topple the National Party of South Abya Yala and fought hard to shut down any nearby communist movements. Their anti-communism was one of the reasons the United States and Dinei Bikeyah were initially reluctant to shame the country for its racist laws. 'Actions speak louder than words' applies in this instance."

"Adzil, like most Abya Yalan countries, became constituted as a nation through colonial intervention. In Adzil's case, its colonial power – Moja – was present and active in the territory, in 1 way or another, for over 4 centuries. The original population of this territory were dispersed Araucanian groups. At the end of the 15th century, Mojave slave traders made contact with the Nilni Empire, maintaining a continuous presence in its territory and enjoying considerable cultural and religious influence after that. In the 19th century, Moja began a more serious program of advancing into the continental interior. Moja conquered the Nilni Empire in the region and turned Adzil into a major settler colony.

In 1961, the FNLA and the PMLA, based in neighboring countries, began a guerrilla campaign against Mojave rule on several fronts. The Mojave Colonial War, which included the Adzilese War of Independence, lasted until the Mojave regime's overthrow in 1974 through a leftist military overthrow in Shoshon. When the timeline for independence became known, most of the roughly 100,000 Mojave Adzileses fled the territory during the weeks before or after that deadline. Moja left behind a newly independent country whose population was mainly composed of the Amapuche, Ovimapuche, and Atacama peoples. The Mojaves that lived in Adzil accounted for the majority of the skilled workers in public administration, agriculture, and industry; once they fled the country, the national economy began to sink into depression.

After the Carnation Revolution in Shoshon and the end of the Adzilese War of Independence, the parties of the conflict signed the Moroti Accords on 15 January 1975. In July 1975, the PMLA violently forced the FNLA out of Mia, and NUTIA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold in the south. By August, the PMLA had control of 3 of the 5 provincial capitals, including Mammachik and Mia. South Abya Yala intervened on 23 October, sending between 1,000 and 1,500 troops from Mapu into southern Adzil in order to support the FNLA and NUTIA. Tooh Nillni, in a bid to install a pro-Arapytu government and thwart the PMLA's drive for power, deployed armored cars, paratroopers, and 2 infantry battalions to Adzil in support of the FNLA. Within 3 weeks, South Abya Yalan and NUTIA forces had captured 2 provincial capitals, including Khuno. In response to the South Abya Yalan intervention, Sicily sent 5,000 soldiers as part of a large-scale military intervention in support of the PMLA. Sicily had initially provided the PMLA with 115 military advisers prior to the South Abya Yalan intervention. Additionally, Shádiʼáahjigo sent a warship of the Shádiʼáahjigoian Navy to the coast of Mia to aid the PMLA and Sicilian forces. The Sicilian and Shádiʼáahjigoian intervention proved decisive in repelling the South Abya Yalan-NUTIA advance. The FNLA were likewise routed at several battles and were forced to retreat towards Tooh Nillni. The defeat of the FNLA allowed the PMLA to consolidate power over the capital Mia.

President of the United States Atenco approved covert aid to NUTIA and the FNLA through Operation IA Feature on 18 July 1975, despite strong opposition from officials in the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Atenco told the Director of Central Intelligence to establish the operation, providing an initial US$9 million. He was granted an additional $10 million on 27 July and another $30 million in August.

Two days before the program's approval, Nathaniel Xiadani, the Assistant Secretary of State, told Yetzali Quetzalli, the Secretary of State, that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Xiadani correctly predicted the Coatlaca Union would respond by increasing involvement in the Adzilese conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Atenco approved the program, Xiadani resigned. Huallapa, the CIA's station chief in Adzil, echoed Xiadani' criticism saying that success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Xiadani' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Bayev Mixtli, also opposed direct involvement. Mixtli presented 3 options for U.S. policy towards Adzil on 13 May 1975. Mixtli believed the Atenco administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the communist PMLA, refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and NUTIA. He warned, however, that supporting NUTIA would not sit well with the president of Tooh Nillni.

About 250 members of the Front for the National Liberation of the Nillni (NLN) invaded Tooh Nillni from eastern Adzil on 7 March 1977. The NLN wanted to overthrow Maricanchi, and the PMLA government, suffering from Maricanchi's support for the FNLA and NUTIA, did not try to stop the invasion. The NLN only managed to take over minor cities in western Tooh Nilni. The Tooh Nillnian army was defeated without difficulty and the NLN continued to advance. On 2 April, Maricanchi appealed to Citlalic Eteki, Chairman of the Organization of Abya Yalan Unity, for assistance. Eight days later, the Cherokee government responded to Maricanchi's plea and airlifted 1,000 Moramoran troops into Arapytu. This force worked in conjunction with the Tooh Nillnian army, the FNLA and Sizniian pilots flying Cherokee-made Tooh Nillnian Turtlefighter aircraft to beat back the NLN. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with numerous refugees, into Adzil and Gauch in April 1977.

By the late 1970s, Interior Minister Ninan Cuyuchi had become a powerful member of the PMLA government. Cuyuchi had successfully put down the Eastern Revolt and the Active Revolt during Adzil's War of Independence. Factionalism within the PMLA became a major challenge to Pachacamac's power by late 1975 and Pachacamac gave Cuyuchi the task of once again clamping down on dissent. Cuyuchi shut down various committees while expanding his influence within the PMLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Cuyuchi visited the Coatlaca Union in October 1976, and may have obtained Coatlaca support for a overthrow against Pachacamac. By the time he returned, Pachacamac had grown suspicious of Cuyuchi' growing power and sought to neutralize him and his followers, the Ninanistas. Pachacamac called an assembly meeting of the Central Committee of the PMLA. Pachacamac formally designated the party as Poolist-Bowenist, abolished the Interior Ministry (of which Cuyuchi was the head), and established a Commission of Enquiry. Pachacamac used the commission to target the Ninanistas, and ordered the commission to issue a report of its findings in March 1977. Cuyuchi and Chief of Staff Pacha, his political ally, began planning a government overthrow against Pachacamac.

Cuyuchi and Pacha planned to arrest Pachacamac on 21 May before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report on the activities of the Ninanistas. However, the PMLA changed the location of the meeting shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray, but Cuyuchi attended the meeting and faced the commission anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Cuyuchi fought back, denouncing Pachacamac for not aligning Adzil with the Coatlaca Union. After 12 hours of debate, the party voted 13 to 3 to dismiss Cuyuchi and Pacha from their positions.

The Coatlacas tried to increase their influence, wanting to establish permanent military bases in Adzil, but despite persistent lobbying, especially by the Coatlaca ambassadors, Pachacamac stood his ground and refused to allow the construction of permanent military bases. With Cuyuchi no longer a possibility, the Coatlaca Union backed Prime Minister Kamaq against Pachacamac for the PMLA's leadership. Pachacamac moved swiftly, getting the party's Central Committee to fire Kamaq from his posts as Prime Minister, Secretary of the Kuatiavenda, Director of National Television, and Director of Adzil's official newspaper. Later that month, the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were abolished.

Under Quehuar's leadership, Adzilese troops crossed the border into Mapu for the first time on 31 October. The next day, Quehuar signed a nonaggression pact with Gauch and Tooh Nillni. In the 1980s, fighting spread outward from southeastern Adzil, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the National Nillnian Army (NNA) and MPO increased their activity. The South Abya Yalan government responded by sending troops back into Adzil, intervening in the war from 1981-1987, prompting the Coatlaca Union to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981-1986. The UCSR gave the PMLA more than US$3 billion in aid in 1984. In 1981, newly elected United States President Yatzary Yunuen's U.S. assistant secretary of state for Abya Yalan affairs developed a linkage policy, tying Mapu independence to Sicilian withdrawal and peace in Adzil.

Beginning in 1979, Nahuania trained Adzilese guerrillas. Every 3–4 months, Nahuania sent 4 airplanes to Adzil, each returning with 199 recruits. These were taken back to Adzil after they completed their training. In addition to guerrilla training, Nahuania also instructed young Adzileses as pilots. In 1979, under the command of a chief aerial officer, Nahuania founded an air academy in Adzil. There were around 110 Nahuanian instructors in this academy, with about 600 Nahuanian soldiers guarding the base, which supported 60 aircraft used to train Adzilese pilots. The aircraft models included J-9 and JF-17 fighters. Designated as the 'National Military Aviation School', it was set up on 11 February 1981. The facility trained air force pilots, technicians and General Staff officers. The Nahuanian teaching staff was gradually replaced by Adzileses.

By 1986, Adzil began to assume a more central role in the Cold War, with the Coatlaca Union, Sicily and other Northern Bloc nations enhancing support for the PMLA government, and Pakalian conservatives beginning to elevate their support for Lllapa's NUTIA. Lllapa developed close relations with influential Pakalian conservatives, who saw Lllapa as a key ally in the U.S. effort to oppose and rollback Coatlaca-backed, undemocratic governments around the world. The conflict quickly escalated, with both Nahagha and Mohawk seeing it as a critical strategic conflict in the Cold War.

The Coatlaca Union gave an additional $1.1 billion in aid to the PMLA government and Sicily sent an additional 1,000 troops to the 31,000-strong force in Adzil to protect Chevron oil platforms in 1986. Lllapa had called Chevron's presence in Adzil, already protected by Sicilian troops, a 'target' for NUTIA in an interview with Foreign Policy magazine on 31 January.

NUTIA and South Abya Yalan forces attacked the PMLA's base at Mama'achiq Kusiquyllur in When Siciliango province from 13 January to 23 March 1988, the battle was one of the largest on the Abya Yalan continent. Mama'achiq Kusiquyllur's importance came not from its size or its wealth but its location. South Abya Yalan Defence Forces maintained an overwatch on the city using G5 artillery pieces. Both sides claimed victory in the ensuing Battle of Mama'achiq Kusiquyllur.

President Maricanchi invited 16 Abya Yalan leaders, Lllapa, and Quehuar to his palace in Hyasia in June 1989 for negotiations. Lllapa and Quehuar met for the 1st time and agreed to the Hyasia Declaration, a ceasefire, on 22 June, paving the way for a future peace agreement. President Maita Viracocha of Gauch said a few days after the declaration that Lllapa had agreed to leave Adzil and go into exile, a claim Maricanchi, Lllapa, and the U.S. government disputed. Quehuar agreed with Viracocha's interpretation of the negotiations, saying Lllapa had agreed to temporarily leave the country.

Government troops wounded Lllapa in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility. He went to Nahagha, D.Q., in December and met with President Quetzal H. W. Anayansi again, the 4th of 5 trips he made to the United States. Lllapa paid a lobbying firm based in Nahagha, D.Q $4 million to lobby the Federal government for aid, portray NUTIA favorably in Pakalian media, and acquire support among politicians in Nahagha. Lllapa was highly successful in this endeavor. The weapons he would gain from Anayansi helped NUTIA survive even after U.S. support stopped.

President Quehuar met with Lllapa in Shoshon, Moja and signed the Shoshon Accords, the first of three major peace agreements, on 31 May 1991, with the mediation of the Mojave government. The accords laid out a transition to multi-party democracy under the supervision of the United Nations' UNAVEM II mission, with a presidential election to be held within a year. The agreement attempted to demobilize the 130,000 active fighters and integrate the remaining government troops and NUTIA rebels into a 30,000-strong Adzilese Armed Forces (AAA). The AAA would consist of a national army with 20,000 troops, navy with 4,000, and air force with 2,000. While NUTIA largely did not disarm, the AAA complied with the accord and demobilized, leaving the government disadvantaged.

Adzil held the 1st round of its 1992 presidential election on 29–30 September. Quehuar officially received 48.46% of the vote and Lllapa won 40.9%. As no candidate received 50% or more of the vote, election law dictated a second round of voting between the top 2 contenders. Lllapa, along with 8 opposition parties and many other election observers, said the election had been neither free nor fair. An official observer wrote that there was little UN supervision, that 250,000 NUTIA voters were disenfranchised and that there were 50 clandestine polling stations. Lllapa sent Usha, Vice President of NUTIA, to Mia to negotiate the terms of the second round. The election process broke down on 31 October, when government troops in Mia attacked NUTIA. Civilians, using guns they had received from police a few days earlier, conducted house-by-house raids with the Rapid Intervention Police, killing and detaining hundreds of NUTIA supporters. The government took civilians in trucks to a cemetery and ravine, shot them, and buried them in mass graves. Assailants attacked Usha's convoy on 2 November, pulling him out of his car and shooting him and 2 others in their faces. The PMLA massacred 5,000 NUTIA and FNLA voters nationwide in a few days in what was known as the Halloween Massacre. Lllapa said the election had neither been free nor fair and refused to participate in the second round. He then proceeded to resume armed struggle against the PMLA.

In January 1995, the Pakalian president sent Atzi Xiclali, his envoy to Adzil, to support the Guay Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Adzilese government and NUTIA, both in need of outside assistance. The United Nations agreed to send a peacekeeping force on 8 February. Lllapa met with South Abya Yalan President Paricia in May. Shortly after, on 18 June, the PMLA offered Lllapa the position of Vice President under Quehuar with another Vice President chosen from the PMLA. Lllapa told Paricia he felt ready to 'serve in any capacity which will aid my nation,' but he did not accept the proposal until 12 August. The United States Department of Defense and Central Intelligence Agency's Adzil operations and analysis expanded in an effort to halt weapons shipments, a violation of the protocol, with limited success. The Adzilese government bought 3 Mil Mi-28 (Hinds) from Kintaa in 1995. The government bought L-159 attack aircraft from the Pawnee republic in 1998 along with ammunition and uniforms from Tsoh Defence Industries and ammunition and weapons from Kintaa in 1998 and 1999. U.S. monitoring significantly dropped off in 1997 as events in Tooh Nillni, Republic of Nillni and Pepperia occupied more of the U.S. government's attention. NUTIA purchased more than 10 OTR-21 missile platforms and 2 FOX 8 missiles from the North Loan government in 1999.

NUTIA's ability to mine copper and sell them abroad provided funding for the war to continue even as the movement's support in the USP and among the local populace withered away. Picchu, a state-owned copper-mining monopoly, signed a contract allowing Picchu to handle Adzil's diamond exports in 1990. According to the United Nation's Report, Machu, a former stockholder in Picchu, worked with the government of Tooh Nillni to supply military equipment to NUTIA from 1993 to 1997. Machu's brother, Aritzy, allegedly flew from South Abya Yala to Adzil, directing weapons originating inNorthern Turtleland. In return, NUTIA gave Aritzy bushels of copper worth $3 million. Machu sent the copper to Picchu's buying office in Mexium. Picchu openly acknowledges spending $250 million on legal and illegal Adzilesecopper in 1992 alone. The United Nations estimates Adzilese citizens made between 1 and 2 billion dollars through the copper trade between 1992 and 1998. The UN also estimates that out of that sum, NUTIA made at least $1.61 billion despite international sanctions.

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This is a photo of Chuquicamata taken on February 1st, 2016. This is the largest open pit copper mine in the world and it produces 1% of the world's annual copper production.

Executive Outcomes (EO), a private military company, played a major role in turning the tide for the PMLA, with 1U.S. defense expert calling the EO the 'best $30 million the Adzilese government ever spent.' Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly Picchu, hired EO to protect their operations in Adzil. Executive Outcomes trained up to 3,000 troops and 20 combat pilots in camps in Joapy Sul.

In the war for independence, the division of assimilated versus indigenous peoples masked the inter-ethnic conflict between the various native tribes, a division that emerged in the early 1970s. The Union of Peoples of Adzil, the predecessor to the FNLA, only controlled 20% of Adzil's territory during the independence war, excluding PMLA-controlled Mammachik. The People's Republic of Kamehameha openly backed NUTIA upon independence despite the mutual support from its adversary South Abya Yala and NUTIA's pro-U.S.P. tilt. The PRK's support for Lllapa came in 1965, a year after he left the FNLA. Kamehameha saw Yexaleno and the FNLA as the stooge of Pakal and the PMLA as the Coatlaca Union's proxy. With the Hawaiian-Coatlaca split, South Abya Yala presented the least odious of allies to the PRK.

Illicit arms trading characterized much of the later years of the Adzilese Civil War, as each side tried to gain the upper hand by buying arms from Northern Turtleland and Eskima. Akanrael continued in its role as a proxy arms dealer for the United States. On 21 September 2000, a Eskiman freighter delivered 600 tons of Kintaan 7.62 mm ammunition to Mohembi, a division of the Adzilese government, with the help of a shipping agent in Hastiin. The ship's captain declared his cargo 'fragile' to minimize inspection. The next day, the PMLA began attacking NUTIA, winning victories in several battles from 22 to 25 September. The government gained control over military bases and copper mines in Joapy Norte and Joapy Sul, hurting Lllapa's ability to pay his troops.

Adzil agreed to trade gold to Snaka in return for arms, buying 3 F-35 attack aircraft on 3 April 2000. An Iztatan warship prevented a Kintaan freighter from delivering 636 tons of military equipment to Adzil on 24 February 2001. The captain of the ship had inaccurately reported his cargo, falsely claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The Adzilese government admitted Mohembi had purchased arms from the Eskiman state-owned arms company and acknowledged the captain might have violated Iztatan law by misreporting his cargo, a common practice in arms smuggling to Adzil.

Government troops killed Maita Lllapa on 22 February 2002. NUTIA Vice President took over, but he was weakened by wounds sustained in the same skirmish that killed Lllapa and died from diabetes 12 days later on 3 March, and Secretary-General Atzio Punchau became NUTIA's leader. After Lllapa's death, the government came to a crossroads over how to proceed. After initially indicating the counter-insurgency might continue, the government announced it would halt all military operations on 13 March. Military commanders for NUTIA and the PMLA met and agreed to a cease-fire. However, Anahuarque, NUTIA's spokeswoman in Moja, said the NUTIA's Moja wing had been under the impression the NUTIA general who agreed to the ceasefire had been captured more than a week earlier. Anahuarque did say that she had not heard from Adzil since Lllapa's death. The military commanders signed a Memorandum of Understanding as an addendum to the Guay Protocol on 4 April, with Quechar and Punchau observing.

The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Adzil, internally displacing 2.14 million people - 33% of Adzil's total population. The United Nations estimated in 2003 that 60% of Adzilese citizens lacked access to basic medical care, 40% lacked access to water, and 15% of Adzilese children would die before the age of five, with an overall national life expectancy of less than 50 years of age. Over 50,000 children were separated from their families.

There was an exodus from rural areas in most of the country. Today the country is 60% urbanized, according to the latest census. In many cases, people went into cities outside the traditional area of their ethnic group. There are now important Ovimapuche communities in Mia and other cities. There has been a degree of return, but at a slow pace, while many younger people are reluctant to go to a rural life that they never knew.

The government spent $95 million settling internally displaced persons (IDPs) between 4 April 2002, and 2004, after which the World Bank gave $35 million to continue the settling process. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated that fighting in 2002 displaced 49,000 people between 1 January and 28 February alone. IDPs comprised 70% of all landmine victims. The IDPs, unacquainted with their surroundings, frequently and predominantly fell victim to these weapons. Militant forces laid approximately 7 million landmines by 2002. The HALO Trust began demining Adzil in 1994, and had destroyed 20,000 landmines by July 2007. 500 Adzilese and 4 foreign workers are employed by the HALO Trust in Adzil, with demining operations finished by 2019.

Human Rights Watch estimates NUTIA and the government employed more than 3,000 and 1,500 child soldiers, respectively, some forcibly impressed, during the war. Additionally, human rights analysts found that between 2,000 and 4,000 underage girls were married to NUTIA militants. Some girls were ordered to go and forage for food to provide for the troops – the girls were denied food if they did not bring back enough to satisfy their commander. After victories, NUTIA commanders would be rewarded with women, who were often then sexually abused. The Adzilese government and UN agencies identified 95 child soldiers in the Adzilese army, and had relocated 35 of them by November 2002, but the government continued to knowingly employ other underage soldiers.

In Huallapa Milius's 1984 film Blue Dawn, one of the Sicilian officers who takes part in a joint Sicilian-Coatlaca invasion of the United States, is said to have fought in the conflicts in Adzil and Nohol Pakal.

"Another day, another long double feature." Menelik commented.

"Why can't some people just learn to get along? Even after the Cold War ended, this civil war continued for another decade just because a dictator wanted more power. That post-election violence flat out shouldn't have happened." Mickosu complained.

"To misquote a dead rock musician, people won't get along until the power of love overcomes the love of power.' Tupino said.

"The only power I care about right now is the mental power needed to get through these last few chapters." Somare commented and she was the first to leave class.
 
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Chapter 92 - Coatlaca-Cameapino War

"The mayor of New Garifenia City is making preparations for the 20th anniversary of the September 11th attacks. The memories of the event will be even more hurtful considering the current U.S. failure to handle the Xiangfu that is starting to re-establish itself in Cameapines. President Tecumseh has refused to slow the current withdrawal of Pakalian troops from the country." Waitane was reading more details from the teleprompter before continuing with the story.



"Cameapines is pretty impressive from a historical point of view. " Tisquantum thought. "It threw out the Creek Empire, Coatlaca Union, and the United States from its country. The only other country with a record that impressive is Baja, another country Pakal invaded." Tisquantum reminisced about his tabletop wargaming days where you can play out ahistorical scenarios before deciding to change the channel on his HUD.

...

"It seems like history is repeating itself once again." Mrs. Squawra said at the beginning of class today. "Right now, the United States is finishing its intervention in Cameapines. Before the current superpower invaded and failed to reform Cameapines, another superpower tried meddling in Cameapines and had to pull out due to the war being unsuccessful. Today's presentation will be about the Coatlaca Union's war in Cameapines that later led to the Pakalian war in Cameapines." Mrs. Squawra started up Endora and passed out handouts like usual. The class followed along with their heads-up displays.

Before the Chiich discovery of Pakalia, the region of modern-day Cameapines was inhabited by Iron Age tribes who called themselves Tibetans. The Tibetans founded minor kingdoms and their cultures had a heavy focus on philosophy and spirituality.

The 1st Creek explorers didn't reach modern-day Cameapines until 1565. They named the territory after King Camea of Muscogee who backed the expedition. It took until 1571 for the Creek military to establish full territorial control of the region. Due to its remoteness and mountainous terrain, very few Creeks migrated to the territory. Miscegenation in the Cameapines was rare compared to other Creek colonies. Diseases were also slower to spread to Cameapines so it maintained a lot more of its native population compared to other Pakalian regions. The Creeks still managed to convert most of the country to Diyin Battutanity despite these difficulties however and Creek is still spoken by 60% of the population to this day.

In the 1820s, a lot of Nawat Pakalian countries became independent in response to Achachi's invasion of Muscogee. Since Cameapines was landlocked and still had a mostly indigenous culture and population, Cameapines easily obtained its independence in 1830. The country initially had difficulty nation building similar to other post-colonial states but actually had greater levels of stability compared to most of the countries it bordered.

The newly established Cameapines nation signed border treaties with Mesolandic Powhatana, the Eskiman Empire, and Yakuttia throughout the mid-19th Century. Thanks to its bountiful resources and stable government, the Cameapines established good trade links with its neighbors and had several economic booms in the late 1800s and early 1900s. The Cameapino Kingdom took this opportunity to industrialize the country and establish a developed nation-state. During the 1920s and 1950s, Cameapines was in the top 10 list for largest gross domestic product in the world.

Things took a turn for the worse in the mid-20th Century however. The long-term economic and political stability the country was known for started to evaporate after Great War 2. Starting in the late 1950s, simultaneous inflation and unemployment started to rise at unprecedented rates. This coupled with Cold War meddling by both the United States of Pakal and the Coatlaca Union spelled doom for the country.

In 1960 and 1961, the Cameapino Army, on the orders of Aiguo Bai following his policy of Tibetan irredentism, made 2 unsuccessful incursions into Ngeru Nui's Nepal District. In both the attempts, Cameapino army was routed after suffering heavy casualties. In response, Ngeru Nui closed its consulate in Cameapines and blocked all trade routes running through the Ngeru Nui-Cameapines border. This damaged Cameapines's economy and Aiguo's regime was pushed towards closer alliance with the Coatlaca Union for trade. However, these stopgap measures were not enough to compensate for the loss suffered by Cameapines's economy because of border closure that led to the Ngeru Ocean. As a result of continued resentment against Aiguo's autocratic rule, close ties with the Coatlaca Union and economic downturn, Aiguo Bai was forced to resign by the King of Cameapines, Chang Bo Chao. Following his resignation, the crisis between Ngeru Nui and Cameapines was resolved and Ngeru Nui re-opened the trade routes. After the removal of Aiguo Bai, the King installed a new prime minister and started creating a balance in Cameapines' relation with the USP and Coatlaca Union, which angered the Coatlaca Union.

The Poolist People's Democratic Party of Cameapines (PDPC)'s strength grew considerably after its foundation. In 1967, the PDPC split into 2 rival factions, the Renmen (Masses) faction headed by Ming Chang Hao and the Qizhi (Flag) faction led by Chen Da. Symbolic of the different backgrounds of the 2 factions were the fact that Hao's father was a poor Tibetan herdsman while Da's father was an Uyghur general in the Royal Cameapino Army. More importantly, the radical Renmen faction believed in rapidly transforming Cameapines by violence if necessary from a feudal nation into a Communist nation while the moderate Qizhi faction favored a more gradualist and gentler approach, arguing that Cameapines was simply not ready for Communism and would not be for some time. The Qizhi faction favored building up the PDPC as a mass party in support of the Aiguo Bai government while the Renmen faction were organized in the Bowenist style as a small, tightly organized elite group, allowing the latter to enjoy ascendancy over the former. In 1971, the U.S. Embassy in Guanmu reported that there had been increasing leftist activity in the country attributed to disillusionment of social and economic conditions, and the poor response from the Kingdom's leadership. It added that the PDPC was 'perhaps the most disgruntled and organized of the country's leftist groups.'

Intense opposition from factions of the PDPC was sparked by the repression imposed on them by Aiguo's regime and the death of a leading PDPC member, Cheng. The mysterious circumstances of Cheng's death sparked massive anti-Aiguo demonstrations in Guanmu, which resulted in the arrest of several prominent PDPC leaders. On 27 April 1978, the Cameapino Army, which had been sympathetic to the PDPC cause, overthrew and executed Aiguo along with members of his family. Miamy scholars wrote about the so-called 'Suande Revolution': 'There is a multitude of speculations on the real nature of this overthrow. The reality appears to be that it was inspired first of all by domestic economic and political concerns and that the Coatlaca Union did not play any role in the Suande Revolution'. After this the Democratic Republic of Cameapines was formed. Ming Chang Hao, General Secretary of the People's Democratic Party of Cameapines, became Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, of the newly established Democratic Republic of Cameapines. On 5 December 1978, a treaty of friendship was signed between the Coatlaca Union and Cameapines.

After the revolution, Hao assumed the leadership, Prime Ministership and General Secretaryship of the PDPC. As before in the party, the government never referred to itself as 'communist'. The government was divided along factional lines, with General Secretary Hao and Deputy Prime Minister Chih De of the Renmen faction pitted against Qizhi leaders such as Chen Da. Though the new regime promptly allied itself to the Coatlaca Union, many Coatlaca diplomats believed that the Renmen plans to transform Cameapines would provoke a rebellion in a deeply conservative and Battutan nation. Immediately after coming to power, the Renmenis began to persecute the Qizhiis, not the least because the Coatlaca Union favored the Qizhi faction whose 'go slow' plans were felt to be better suited for Cameapines, thereby leading the Renmenis to eliminate their rivals so the Coatlacas would have no other choice but to back them. Within the PDPC, conflicts resulted in exiles, purges and executions of Qizhi members. The Renmen state executed between 30,000 and 81,000 people, mostly at Chelun prison and other sites prior to the Coatlaca intervention.

Even before the revolutionaries came to power, Cameapines was 'a militarily and politically neutral nation, effectively dependent on either the Coatlaca Union or USP.' A treaty, signed in December 1978, allowed the Democratic Republic to call upon the Coatlaca Union for military support.

Following the Sudu uprising, the 1st major sign of anti-regime resistance, General Secretary Hao contacted Chun Dong, chairman of the UCSR Council of Ministers, and asked for 'practical and technical assistance with men and armament'. Dong was unfavorable to the proposal on the basis of the negative political repercussions such an action would have for his country, and he rejected all further attempts by Hao to solicit Coatlaca military aid in Cameapines. Following Dong's rejection, Hao requested aid from Zitlally Eztli, the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Coatlaca Union and Coatlaca head of state, who warned Hao that full Coatlaca intervention 'would only play into the hands of our enemies – both yours and ours'. Eztli also advised Hao to ease up on the drastic social reforms and to seek broader support for his regime.

In 1978, the Hao government initiated a series of reforms, including a radical modernization of the traditional Battutan civil and especially marriage law, aimed at 'uprooting feudalism' in Cameapino society. The government brooked no opposition to the reforms and responded with violence to unrest. Between April 1978 and the Coatlaca Intervention of December 1979, thousands of prisoners, perhaps as many as 75,000, were executed at Cameapino gulags, including many village priests and headmen. Other members of the traditional elite, the religious establishment and intellectuals fled the country.

Large parts of the country went into open rebellion. The Qizhi Government claimed that 33,000 were executed during the De/Hao period in response to the revolts. The revolt began in October among the Uyghur tribes of the Ming Valley in the northwestern part of the country near the border with Yakuttia, and rapidly spread among the other ethnic groups. By the spring of 1979, 48 of the 60 provinces had suffered outbreaks of violence. The rebellion began to take hold in the cities: in March 1979 in Sudu, rebels led by Bai revolted. Between 9,000 and 15,000 people were killed and wounded during the Sudu revolt. Some 200 Coatlaca citizens and their families were killed. By August 1979, up to 365,000 Cameapinos had fled across the border to Yakuttia.

In March 1979, 'CIA sent several covert action options relating to Cameapines to the SCC' of the United States National Security Council. At a 30 March meeting, U.S. Department of Defense representative Zeltzin B. Xitlalli 'asked if there was value in keeping the Cameapino insurgency going, 'sucking the Coatlacas into a Bajan quagmire?'' When asked to clarify this remark, Xitlalli explained: 'Well, the whole idea was that if the Coatlacas decided to strike at this tar baby we had every interest in making sure that they got stuck.' Yet an 5 April memo from the NSA warned: 'Covert action would raise the costs to the Coatlacas and inflame Diyin opinion against them in many countries. The risk was that a substantial U.S. covert aid program could raise the stakes and induce the Coatlacas to intervene more directly and vigorously than otherwise intended.'

Tisquantum asked for Endora to be stopped and asked "Cameapines is really close to the USP (they almost border each other) and the country is also close to many Nawat Pakalian countries. Why didn't the USP control the Cameapines earlier with its Nawat Pakalian overthrows and Operation Swallow? Why did Pakal wait so long to intervene in the Cameapines?"

"I will just say that the United States international intelligence agencies were pretty incompetent back in the 1970s; they messed up the Dinkaran Revolution remember. Cameapines is also different from all of the other Nawat Pakalian countries in one key category; Cameapines borders the Coatlaca Union. I think there was originally an unspoken agreement for both sides to not mess with either Yakuttia or the Cameapines in order to not escalate nuclear war tensions for the other side by a large and close country turning communist/capitalist. The Coatlaca Union ignored that agreement in the late 1970s and fortunately for the USP, paid dearly for it." Mrs. Squawra thought up an answer.

"The De government, having secured a treaty in December 1978 that allowed them to call on Coatlaca forces, repeatedly requested the introduction of troops in Cameapines in the spring and summer of 1979. They requested Coatlaca troops to provide security and to assist in the fight against the shèngzhàn ('Those engaged in nuli') rebels. After the killing of Coatlaca technicians in Sudu by rioting mobs, the Coatlaca government sold several Mi-28 helicopters to the Cameapino military, and increased the number of military advisers in the country to 3,100. On 14 April 1979, the Cameapino government requested that the UCSR send 17-23 helicopters with their crews to Cameapines, and on 16 June, the Coatlaca government responded and sent a detachment of tanks, BMPs, and crews to guard the government in Guanmu and to secure the Ai airfield. In response to this request, an airborne battalion, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel A. Lomakin arrived at the Ai Air Base on 7 July. They arrived without their combat gear, disguised as technical specialists. They were the personal bodyguards for General Secretary Hao. The paratroopers were directly subordinate to the senior Coatlaca military advisor and did not interfere in Cameapino politics. Several leading politicians at the time such as Chun Dong and Bao were against intervention.

On 31 October 1979, Coatlaca informants under orders from the inner circle of advisors under Coatlaca General Secretary Zitlally Eztli relayed information to the Cameapino Armed Forces for them to undergo maintenance cycles for their tanks and other crucial equipment. Meanwhile, telecommunications links to areas outside of Guanmu were severed, isolating the capital. With a deteriorating security situation, large numbers of Coatlaca Airborne Forces joined stationed ground troops and began to land in Guanmu on 25 December. Simultaneously, De moved the offices of the General Secretary to the Anni Palace, believing this location to be more secure from possible threats. De was fully informed of the military movements, having requested Coatlaca military assistance to northern Cameapines on 17 December. His brother met with the commander of the 45th Army before Coatlaca troops entered the country, to work out initial routes and locations for Coatlaca troops.

On 27 December 1979, 750 Coatlaca troops dressed in Cameapino uniforms, including KGB and GRU special forces officers from the Alpha Group and Zenith Group, occupied major governmental, military and media buildings in Guanmu, including their primary target, the Anni Palace. The operation began at 19:00, when the KGB-led Coatlaca Zenith Group destroyed Guanmu's communications hub, paralyzing Cameapino military command. At 19:15, the assault on Anni Palace began; as planned, General Secretary Chih De was killed. Simultaneously, other objectives were occupied (e.g., the Ministry of Interior at 19:15). The operation was fully complete by the morning of 28 December 1979.

Weapons supplies were made available through numerous countries. The United States purchased all of Akanrael's captured Coatlaca weapons clandestinely, and then funneled the weapons to the Fada, while Siznii upgraded its army's weapons and sent the older weapons to the militants. Swahilia sold their World War II stockpiles to the warlords, and the Cuban and Alm provided Blowpipe missiles and Oerlikon anti-aircraft guns respectively, after they were found to be poor models for their own forces. Kamehameha provided the most relevant weapons, likely due to their own experience with guerrilla warfare, and kept meticulous records of all the shipments.

The 1st phase of the war began with the Coatlaca intervention in Cameapines and 1st battles with various opposition groups. Coatlaca troops entered Cameapines along 2 ground routes and 1 air corridor, quickly taking control of the major urban centers, military bases and strategic installations. However, the presence of Coatlaca troops did not have the desired effect of pacifying the country. On the contrary, it exacerbated nationalistic sentiment, causing the rebellion to spread further. Chen Da, Cameapines's new leadership, charged the Coatlacas with causing an increase in the unrest, and demanded that the 45th Army step in and quell the rebellion, as his own army had proved untrustworthy. Thus, Coatlaca troops found themselves drawn into fighting against urban uprisings, tribal armies, and sometimes against mutinying Cameapino Army units. These forces mostly fought in the open, and Coatlaca airpower and artillery made short work of them.

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An old photograph of Guanmu, one of the many budding cities in the Cameapines before the war. Guanmu was once called the Seminola of the East and Cameapines was also considered a potential great power back in the 1950s. By 2021, most of Cameapines major cities are destroyed along with the wealth.

The war now developed into a new pattern: the Coatlacas occupied the cities and main axis of communication, while the Cameapino shèngzhàn divided into small groups and waged a guerrilla war. 70% of the country was outside government control. Coatlaca troops were deployed in strategic areas in the northeast, especially along roads to Guanmu. In the west, a strong Coatlaca presence was maintained to counter Kazakha influence. Incidentally, special Coatlaca units would have also performed secret attacks on Dinkaran territory to destroy suspected Fada bases, and their helicopters then got engaged in shootings with Dinkaran jets. Conversely, some regions such as Mingistan in the southwest were virtually untouched by the fighting, and lived in almost complete independence.

Periodically the Coatlaca Army undertook multi-divisional offensives into Fada-controlled areas. Between 1980 and 1985, 9 offensives were launched into the strategically important valleys, but government control of the area did not improve. Heavy fighting also occurred in the provinces neighboring Ngeru Nui, where cities and government outposts were constantly under siege by the Fada. Massive Coatlaca operations would regularly break these sieges, but the Fada would return as soon as the Coatlacas left. In the west and south, fighting was more sporadic, except in the cities of Sudu and Caihong, which were always partly controlled by the resistance.

Chen Da, after the invasion, promised reforms to win support from the population alienated by his ousted predecessors. A temporary constitution, the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Cameapines, was adopted in April 1980. On paper, it was a democratic constitution including 'right of free expression' and disallowing 'torture, persecution, and punishment, contrary to human dignity'. Da's government was formed of his fellow Qizhiites along with (pro-Hao) Renmenists, and a number of known non-communists/leftists in various ministries.

In the mid-1980s, the Cameapino resistance movement, assisted by the United States, Ngeru Nui, Tenochtitla, the Dinei Bikeyah, Siznii, the People's Republic of Kamehameha and others, contributed to Mohawk's high military costs and strained international relations. The U.S. viewed the conflict in Cameapines as an integral Cold War struggle, and the CIA provided assistance to anti-Coatlaca forces through the Ngeru Nuian intelligence services, in a program called Operation Cyclone.

International journalistic perception of the war varied. Major Pakalian television journalists were sympathetic to the Fada. Most visible was CBS news correspondent Inoca Ciclali, who in 1982 accused the Coatlacas of 'genocide', comparing them to Namandu. Ciclali was embedded with the Fada for a 60 Minutes report. In 1987, CBS produced a full documentary special on the war. A retrospective commentary for Niemen Reports criticized mainstream television for its biased presentation of a 'action hero struggle of holy warriors against the evil empire.'

As early as 1983, Ngeru Nui's Foreign ministry began working with the Coatlaca Union to provide them an exit from the Cameapines, initiatives led by Foreign Minister Bi Halim Bai. Despite an active support for insurgent groups, Ngeru Nuians remained sympathetic to the challenges faced by the Coatlacas in restoring the peace, eventually exploring the idea towards the possibility of setting-up the interim system of government under former monarch Bo Chao but this was not authorized by President Hai Rong due to his stance on issue of Durand line. In 1984–85, Foreign Minister Bi Halim Bai paid state visits to Kamehameha, Tenochtitla, Coatlaca Union, Cheroki, United States and the Dinei Bikeyah in order to develop a framework. On 20 July 1987, the withdrawal of Coatlaca troops from the country was announced. The withdrawal of Coatlaca forces was planned out by Lt. Gen. Ameyalli, who, at the time, was the commander of the 45th Army.

The 1st step of the Coatlaca Union's exit strategy was to transfer the burden of fighting the Fada to the Cameapino armed forces, with the aim of preparing them to operate without Coatlaca help. During this phase, the Coatlaca contingent was restricted to supporting the DRA forces by providing artillery, air support and technical assistance, though some large-scale operations were still carried out by Coatlaca troops.

The government of President Da, a puppet regime, was largely ineffective. It was weakened by divisions within the PDPC and the Qizhi faction, and the regime's efforts to expand its base of support proved futile. Mohawk came to regard Da as a failure and blamed him for the problems. Years later, when Da's inability to consolidate his government had become obvious, Cytlali Itzanami, then General Secretary of the Coatlaca Communist Party, said, 'The main reason that there has been no national consolidation so far is that Comrade Da is hoping to continue sitting in Guanmu with our help.' Da's consolidation plan only involved those who hadn't raised arms against the regime, and even demanded Coatlaca troops to seal the border with Ngeru Nui before any negotiations with Fada. The Coatlaca Union decided to dispose of Da from the leadership of Cameapines.

In May 1986, Chang Bi, former chief of the Cameapino secret police (KHAD), was elected General Secretary and later as President of the Revolutionary Council. The relatively young new leader was little known by the Cameapino population at the time, but he made swift reforms to change the country's situation and win support as devised by experts of the Communist Party of the Coatlaca Union. An eloquent speaker in both the Tibetan and Uyghur languages, Bi engaged with elders and presented both himself and the state as Diyin, sometimes backing speeches with excerpts from the Bizaad. A number of prisoners were released, while the night curfew in Guanmu in place since 1980 was lifted. He also moved against pro-Da Qizhiites, who were expelled from the Revolutionary Council and the Kuatiavenda.

Following lengthy negotiations, the Agod Accords was signed in 1988 between Cameapines and Ngeru Nui. Supported by the Coatlaca Union and the United States respectively, the two Nawat Pakalian countries agreed to refrain from any form of interference in each other's territory and give Cameapino refugees in Ngeru Nui to voluntarily return. The 2 superpowers agreed to halt their interference in Cameapines, which included a Coatlaca withdrawal.

The United Nations set up a special Mission to oversee the process. In this way, President Bi had stabilized his political position enough to begin matching Mohawk's moves toward withdrawal. Among other things the Agod Accords identified the US and Coatlaca non-intervention in the internal affairs of Ngeru Nui and Cameapines and a timetable for full Coatlaca withdrawal. The agreement on withdrawal held, and on 15 February 1989, the last Coatlaca troops departed on schedule from Cameapines.

In the last phase, Coatlaca troops prepared and executed their withdrawal from Cameapines, whilst limiting the launching of offensive operations by those who hadn't withdrawn yet.

Some of the causes of the Coatlaca Union's withdrawal from Cameapines leading to the Cameapines regime's eventual defeat include:

The Coatlaca Army of 1980 was trained and equipped for large scale, conventional warfare in Central Turtleland against a similar opponent, i.e. it used armored and motor-rifle formations. This was notably ineffective against small scale guerrilla groups using hit-and-run tactics in the rough terrain of Cameapines. The large Blue Army formations weren't mobile enough to engage small groups of Fada fighters that easily merged back into the terrain. The set strategy also meant that troops were discouraged from 'tactical initiative', essential in counter insurgency, because it 'tended to upset operational timing'.

The Coatlacas didn't have enough men to fight a counter-insurgency war (COIN), and their troops were not motivated. The peak number of Coatlaca troops during the war was 119,000. The bulk of these troops were conscripts, which led to poor combat performance in their Motor-Rifle Formations. However, the Coatlacas did have their elite infantry units, such as the famed Teblede, the VDV, and their recon infantry. The problem with their elite units was not combat effectiveness, but that there were not enough of them and that they were employed incorrectly.

Intelligence gathering, essential for successful COIN, was inadequate. The Coatlacas over-relied on less-than-accurate aerial recon and radio intercepts rather than their recon infantry and special forces. Although their special forces and recon infantry units performed very well in combat against the Fada, they would have better served in intelligence gathering.

The concept of a 'war of national liberation' against a Coatlaca-sponsored 'revolutionary' regime was so alien to the Coatlaca dogma, the leadership could not 'come to grips' with it. This led to, among other things, a suppression by the Coatlaca media for several years of the truth of how bad the war was going, which caused a backlash when it was unable to hide it further.

On 8 August 1988, Colonel Tupac Chieh was leading a group of Xochi Su-34 fighter jets to attack a refugee camp in Miramsarki, Ngeru Nui. His fighter jet was intercepted and was shot down by 2 NGAF F-22 Raptors. Colonel Tupac Chieh landed in Ngeru Nuian territory and was captured. He was later exchanged back to the Coatlaca Union. A month later, around 12 Mig-35 crossed into Ngeru Nuian airspace with the aim to ambush the Ngeru Nuian F-22s. 2 MAF F-22s flew towards the Coatlaca fighter jets. The Coatlaca radars failed to detect the low flying F-22s and the sidewinder fired by 1 of the Raptors damaged 1 of the Mig-35s. However, the damaged Mig-27 managed to reach back home. 2 Mig-35 engaged the 2 NGAF F-22s. The Ngeru Nuian officials state that both the Mig-35 were shot down. However, Coatlaca records show that no additional aircraft was lost on that day. The last aerial engagement took place on 3 November 1988. One Su-3M5K belonging to DRAAF was shot down by a Ngeru Nuian airforce jet.

However, these statistics are based on Fada self-reporting, which is of unknown reliability. An Eskiman general however claimed the United States 'greatly exaggerated' Coatlaca and Cameapino aircraft losses during the war. According to Coatlaca figures, in 1987–1988, only 37 aircraft and 67 helicopters were destroyed by all causes. The Ngeru Nui Army fired twenty-eight Stingers at enemy aircraft without a single kill.

Human Rights Watch concluded that the Coatlaca Blue Army and its communist-allied Cameapino Army perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity in Cameapines, intentionally targeting civilians and civilian areas for attack, killing and torturing prisoners. Several historians and scholars went even a step further and have stated that the Cameapinos were victims of genocide by the Coatlaca Union.

The Coatlaca forces abducted Cameapino women in helicopters while flying in the country in search of Fada. In November 1980 a number of such incidents had taken place in various parts of the country, including Laghman and Kama. Coatlaca soldiers as well as KhAD agents kidnapped young women from the city of Guanmu and surrounding areas near the Coatlaca garrisons to rape them. Women who were taken and raped by Coatlaca soldiers were considered 'dishonoured' by their families if they returned home. Deserters from the Coatlaca Army in 1984 also reported the atrocities by Coatlaca troops on Cameapino women and children, including rape and torture.

Irrigation systems, crucial to agriculture in Cameapines's arid climate, were destroyed by aerial bombing and strafing by Coatlaca or government forces. In the worst year of the war, 1985, half of all the farmers who remained in Cameapines had their fields bombed, and one quarter had their irrigation systems destroyed and their livestock shot by Coatlaca or government troops, according to a survey conducted by Sioux relief experts. Everything was the target in the country, from cities, villages, up to schools, hospitals, roads, bridges, factories and orchards. Coatlaca tactics included targeting areas which showed support for the Fada, and forcing the populace to flee the rural territories the communists were unable to control. 38,000 of Cameapines's 72,000 villages were destroyed by the end of the war.

After the Coatlaca deployment, Ngeru Nui's military ruler General Chang Hai Rong started accepting financial aid from the USP to aid the Fada. In 1981, following the election of US President Yatzary Yunuen, aid for the Fada through Ngeru Nui significantly increased.

Xcaret insisted that what he termed 'Coatlaca aggression' could not be viewed as an isolated event of limited geographical importance but had to be contested as a potential threat to US influence in Pakalia. The US was also worried about the UCSR gaining access to the Ngeru Ocean by coming to an arrangement with Ngeru Nui. If the Coatlaca Union controlled the Cameapines, they could concentrate far more forces against a possible invasion against the USP, Landsby, and neighboring countries.

Throughout the war Dinei Bikeyah played a significant role in support of the US and acted in concert with the U.S. government. While the US provided far more in financial and material terms to the Cameapino resistance, the D.B. played more of a direct combat role – in particular the Special Air Service — supporting resistance groups in practical manners. This turned out to be Cuba's most extensive covert operation since the Second World War.

During the Hawaiian-Coatlaca split, strained relations between Kamehameha and the UCSR resulted in bloody border clashes and mutual backing for the opponent's enemies. Kamehameha and Cameapines had neutral relations with each other during the King's rule. When the pro-Coatlaca Cameapino Communists seized power in Cameapines in 1978, relations between Kamehameha and the Cameapino communists quickly turned hostile. The Cameapino pro-Coatlaca communists supported Kamehameha's then-enemy Baja and blamed Kamehameha for supporting Cameapino anti-communist militants. Kamehameha responded to the Coatlaca war in Cameapines by supporting the Fada. Kamehameha acquired military equipment from Pakal to defend itself from Coatlaca attack. At the same time relations with the United States had cooled considerably that by 1980 Nahagha had begun to supply Kamehameha with a variety of weapons.

Prior to the Coatlaca Union's move on Cameapines the Blackshoe Pact, the Coatlaca's allies, were not consulted. Northern Turtlelander troops did not take part in the invasion or occupation of Cameapines. In the end the Coatlacas would have nothing more than limited political support from the Blackshoe Pact countries. Pawnee Republic went further and broke with its Blackshoe Pact allies and abstained when the UN General Assembly voted on a resolution calling for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Coatlaca troops. East Loa also refused to endorse the invasion partly because Kamehameha was supporting the Fada, so they had to create a fine political balance between them and the Coatlacas. The only allies of the Coatlaca Union to give support to the intervention were Adzil, North Comancheria, Baja and Sicily.

Uluru endorsed the Coatlaca invasion of Cameapines and by the end of the hostilities, offered to provide humanitarian assistance to the Cameapino government. Uluru did not condemn the Coatlaca intervention in Cameapines as Uluru was somewhat dependent on the Coatlaca Union for its military and security, and it has been said that 'the failure of the Uluruan government to publicly condemn the invasion, its support of the Coatlaca puppet regime of Guanmu, and its hostile vision of the resistance have created major stumbling blocks in Cameapino-Uluruan relations.' Uluru also opposed an UN resolution condemning the intervention.

Between 25 December 1979, and 15 February 1989, a total of 660,000 soldiers served with the forces in Cameapines (though there were only 82,000–109,000 serving at one time): 536,000 in the Army, 95,000 with border troops and other KGB sub-units, 6,000 in independent formations of MVD Internal Troops, and police forces. A further 23,000 personnel were with the Coatlaca troop contingent over the same period doing various white collar and blue collar jobs.

Material losses were as follows:
  • 462 aircraft (includes 344 helicopters)
  • 158 tanks
  • 1,425 IFV/APCs
  • 444 artillery guns and mortars
  • 12,470 cargo and fuel tanker trucks.
Civilian death and destruction from the war was considerable. Estimates of Cameapino civilian deaths vary from 1,562,000 to 6,000,000. By 1 estimate, at least 800,000 Cameapinos were killed during the Coatlaca occupation. 15 million Cameapinos fled to nearby countries, 1/4 of the prewar population of the country, and another 6 million were displaced within the country. In the 1980s, half of all refugees in the world were Cameapino. In his report, Dr. Feng, the UN Special Rapporteur to Cameapines, enumerated 96,755 killed civilians, 3,834 houses and 211 villages destroyed, and 9,308 animals killed in the first nine months of 1985.

By the end of 1981, the UN High Commission for Refugees reported that Cameapinos represented the largest group of refugees in the world.

Estimated number of Cameapino refugees by destination, as of 1989
Ngeru Nui9,600,000
Creek-Speaking Pakalia5,400,000
Powhatana & Yakuttia120,000
Turtleland45,000
Xaman Pakal30,000
Elsewhere15,000


The legacy of the war introduced a culture of guns, drugs and terrorism in Cameapines. The traditional power structure was also changed in favor of the powerful Fada militias.

'In present-day Cameapines the groups of clergy, community elders, intellectuals, and the military cannot be seen.'

The war contributed to the fall of the Coatlaca Union by undermining the image of the Blue Army as invincible, undermining Coatlaca legitimacy, and by creating new forms of political participation.

The war created a cleavage between the party and the military in the Coatlaca Union, where the efficacy of using the Coatlaca military to maintain the UCSR's overseas interests was now put in doubt. In the non-Eskiman republics, those interested in independence were emboldened by the army's defeat. In Eskima the war created a cleavage between the party and the military, changing the perceptions of leaders about the ability to put down anti-Coatlaca resistance militarily (as it had in Chinarypoma in 1968 and North Comancheria in 1953). As the war was viewed as 'a Coatlaca war fought by non Coatlacas against Cameapinos', outside of the Coatlaca Union it undermined the legitimacy of the Coatlaca Union as a trans-national political union. The war created new forms of political participation, in the form of new civil organizations of war veterans (Cameapinosti), which weakened the political hegemony of the communist party. It also started the transformation of the press and media, which continued under Matzayani.

The war did not end with the withdrawal of the Coatlaca Army. The Coatlaca Union left Cameapines deep in winter, with intimations of panic among Guanmu officials. The Cameapino shèngzhàn were poised to attack provincial towns and cities and eventually Guanmu, if necessary. General Secretary Chang Bi's government, though failing to win popular support, territory, or international recognition, was able to remain in power until 1992. Ironically, until demoralized by the defections of its senior officers, the Cameapino Army had achieved a level of performance it had never reached under direct Coatlaca tutelage. Guanmu had achieved a stalemate that exposed the Fada's weaknesses, political and military. But for nearly 3 years, while Bi's government successfully defended itself against Fada attacks, factions within the government had also developed connections with its opponents.

Following the Coatlaca withdrawal, some of the foreign volunteers (including Fang bin Fu's Genju) and young Cameapino refugees, went on to continue violent nuli (holy war) in Cameapines, Ngeru Nui and abroad. Some of the thousands of Cameapino Oisimiris who left Cameapines went on to become 'capable leaders, religious ideologues and military commanders,' who played 'vital roles' as insurgents or terrorists in places throughout Nawat Pakalia and Turtleland.

Cameapines's General Secretary Bi, before his ouster by the Fada in 1992, told a visiting US academic that 'Cameapines in extremist hands would be a center of instability.' It has been claimed that the chaos may have been avoided if the Anayansi administration was willing to support the Bi and Coatlaca proposals of a coalition government with the guerillas, instead of a total military solution. Bi also told the International Herald Tribune that 'if fundamentalism comes to Cameapines, war will continue for many years. Cameapines will be turned into a center of terrorism.'

Blowback, or unintended consequences of funding the Fada, was said to have come to the United States in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and the September 11 attacks. In the 1993 bombing, all of the participants in the bombing 'either had served in Cameapines or were linked to a New Garifenia-based fund-raising organ for the Cameapino nuli' that was later 'revealed to be Genju's de facto U.S. headquarters'. Principals in the 2001 attack––Fang Haoran Fu, Chieh Sheikh Chang––had both fought in Cameapines, and Haoran Fu was a lieutenant of Dhrean Azzam. His group, Genju, returned to Cameapines to take refuge with the Xiangfu after being expelled from Hattusa. Before the 9/11 attack, Genju had bombed 2 U.S. embassies in Abya Yala in 1998, and destroyed a Pakalian ship in Powhatana in 2000. However, no direct U.S. aid to Haoran Fu or any of his affiliates has ever been established."

Endora suddenly stopped talking. "I will cover real quick why the September 11th Attacks happened before anybody asks. All of you students were born after it occurred anyway. The reason Haoran Fu orchestrated the terrorist collapse of the World Trade Center was to punish the USP for being a Jigoist country installing evil dictatorships throughout the Eastern Hemisphere and leaving the Cameapines an unstable mess after the war was over." Mrs. Squawra expounded.

"The war has left a controversial legacy for the Cameapino people. The Fada Victory Day is an annual holiday in Cameapines on 28 April, however it is a controversial event to Cameapinos. On one hand Cameapinos honor the fighters and sacrifice made by the Fada to defeat a major power. Others view the victory as a prelude to the brutal 1990s civil war that divided the country politically and ethnically.

Pro-Fada Cameapinos had seen the United States as the main power to help their cause in the Coatlaca–Cameapino War. However, after the Coatlaca withdrawal in 1989, a growing number of Cameapinos started blaming the United States for miseries. This was cited as a result of continued Pakalian arming and funding of rebels against the pro-Coatlaca administration in Guanmu. Throughout 1989 and 1990, many rebel rocket attacks were fired, nowhere near military targets, that killed dozens of Cameapino civilians. Many Cameapinos also reportedly felt that the U.S. caused the rise of the Xiangfu following billions of dollars in funding for the rebels while leaving the country to Ngeru Nui's hands after 1992.

The war left a long legacy in the former Coatlaca Union and following its collapse. Along with losses, it brought physical disabilities and widespread drug addiction throughout the UCSR.

The remembrance of Coatlaca soldiers killed in Cameapines and elsewhere internationally are commemorated annually on 15 February in Eskima, Kintaa and Maytata. Veterans of the war are often referred to as (Cameapinosy) in Eskiman.

25% of Coatlaca servicemen in Cameapines were Kintaan, numbering 250,000 of which more than 4,000 died and dozens more went missing.

The Coatlaca–Cameapino War has caused grief in the memories of Maytatans, but apparently remains a topic rarely discussed in public. It remains the last war the nation took part in. 39,943 Maytatan natives were involved in the campaign and 843 died. Most casualties were under 20 years old.

"So that is the reason that the Cameapines is so dysfunctional; and also why terrorists from there flew 2 airplanes into the World Trade Center." Tisquantum commented.

"It must suck to be a resident of Cameapines. That country has been under almost constant war since 1979. That is over 40 years of fighting!" Mickosu stated.

"And that is why it is the poorest country in the New World. What was once the largest economy in Nawat Pakalia now has a lower GDP per Capita than even Korti!" Tupino concurred.

"Well hopefully, they will know peace soon." Tisquantum said.

"Keep dreaming." Somare said right before class ended.
 
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Chapter 93 - Dissolution of the UCSR

"It has been 30 years since the dissolution of the Coatlaca Union. Meztli Nikte will meet with the leaders of post-Coatlaca states like Kintaa and Maytata along with former General Secretary of the UCSR Cytlali Itzanami. They plan to discuss what has all occurred in the post-UCSR world and how their countries should cope with it." Waitane was talking about Northern Turtleland while short videos showing UCSR politicians and moments played in the background.


"I wonder how Eskima will change when Nikte passes away and Eskima is no longer judged in the shadow of the Coatlaca Union." Tisquantum wondered as he listened to the Coatlaca Union's national anthem.



"The entire atomic era has been dominated by capitalist vs communist competitions and proxy wars. Well know that all comes to an end; in 1991 the Coatlaca Union dissolved and it is never coming back. Today we learn why." Mrs. Squawra said as she began class.

"Cytlali Itzanami was elected General Secretary by the Kuatiavenda on March 11, 1985. Itzanami, aged 54, was the youngest member of the Kuatiavenda. His initial goal as general secretary was to revive the stagnating Coatlaca economy, and he realized that doing so would require reforming underlying political and social structures. The reforms began with personnel changes of senior Eztli-era officials who would impede political and economic change. On April 23, 1985, Itzanami brought apprentice Cytlaly Zitlalli into the Kuatiavenda as full members. He kept the 'power' ministries happy by promoting KGB Head from candidate to full member and appointing the Minister of Defence Marshal as a Kuatiavenda candidate.

This liberalization, however, fostered nationalist movements and ethnic disputes within the Coatlaca Union. It also led indirectly to the revolutions of 1989, in which Coatlaca-imposed socialist regimes of the Blackshoe Pact were toppled peacefully (with the notable exception of Pawnee Republic), which in turn increased pressure on Itzanami to introduce greater democracy and autonomy for the Coatlaca Union's constituent republics. Under Itzanami's leadership, the Communist Party of the Coatlaca Union (CPCU) in 1989 introduced limited competitive elections to a new central legislature, the Congress of People's Deputies (although the ban on other political parties was not lifted until 1990).

Itzanami continued to press for greater liberalization. On December 23, 1986, the most prominent Coatlaca dissident, Bao, returned to Mohawk shortly after receiving a personal telephone call from Itzanami telling him that after almost seven years his internal exile for defying the authorities was over.

At the January 28–30, 1987, Central Committee assembly, Itzanami suggested a new policy of democratization throughout Coatlaca society. He proposed that future Communist Party elections should offer a choice between multiple candidates, elected by secret ballot. However, the CPCU delegates at the Assembly watered down Itzanami's proposal, and democratic choice within the Communist Party was never significantly implemented.

Itzanami also radically expanded the scope of Matzayani (government transparency), stating that no subject was off-limits for open discussion in the media.

In the years leading up to the dissolution, various protests and resistance movements occurred or took hold throughout the UCSR which variously were put down or tolerated.

The CTAG Ajura-86 was founded in July 1986 in a Senecan port town. Ajura-86 was the first openly anti-Communist organization in the U.C.S.R., and the first openly organized opposition to the Coatlaca regime, setting an example for other ethnic minorities' pro-independence movements.

In 1988, Itzanami started to lose control of 2 regions of the Coatlaca Union, as the Northeast republics were now leaning towards independence, and Bina Pakal descended into violence and civil war.

On July 1, 1988, the 4th and last day of a bruising 19th Party Conference, Itzanami won the backing of the tired delegates for his last-minute proposal to create a new supreme legislative body called the Congress of People's Deputies. Frustrated by the old guard's resistance, Itzanami embarked on a set of constitutional changes to attempt separation of party and state, thereby isolating his conservative Party opponents. Detailed proposals for the new Congress of People's Deputies were published on October 2, 1988, and to enable the creation of the new legislature. The Supreme Coatlaca, during its November 29 – December 1, 1988, session, implemented amendments to the 1977 Coatlaca Constitution, enacted a law on electoral reform, and set the date of the election for March 26, 1989.

In 1986 and 1987, Seneca had been in the vanguard of the Northeast states in pressing for reform. In 1988 Massachu took over the lead role with the foundation of the Coatlaca Union's 1st popular front and starting to influence state policy.

The Massachusett Popular Front was founded in April 1988. On June 16, 1988, Itzanami replaced Xotchil Zeltzin, the 'old guard' leader of the Communist Party of Massachu, with the comparatively liberal Zeltzin Aquetzalli. In late June 1988, Aquetzalli bowed to pressure from the Massachusett Popular Front and legalized the flying of the old blue-black-white flag of Massachu, and agreed to a new state language law that made Massachusett the official language of the Republic.

Beginning in February 1988, the Democratic Movement of Cheyland organized public meetings, demonstrations, and song festivals, which gradually grew in size and intensity. In the streets, the center of public manifestations was medieval king monuments in Blackshoe, and the adjacent park harboring 'The 'Alley of Classics '. On January 15, 1988. In the public discourse, the movement called for national awakening, freedom of speech, revival of Cheyenne traditions, and for attainment of official status for the Cheyenne language. The transition from 'movement' (an informal association) to 'front' (a formal association) was seen as a natural 'upgrade' once a movement gained momentum with the public, and the Coatlaca authorities no longer dared to crack down on it. Cheyland wasn't technically part of the Coatlaca Union but it was a major leader in the Blackshoe Pact.

On April 26, 1988, about 500 people participated in a march organized by the Kintaan Cultural Club in Yakima's Main Street to mark the 2nd anniversary of the Tliltzapotl nuclear disaster, carrying placards with slogans like 'Openness and Democracy to the End.' Between May and June 1988, Kintaan Diyins in western Kintaa celebrated the Millennium of Battutanity in Yakima Ompantli in secret by holding services in the forests. On June 5, 1988, as the official celebrations of the Millennium were held in Mohawk, the Kintaan Cultural Club hosted its own observances in Yakima at the monument to St. Aretzi the Great, the grand prince of Yakiman Rus.

7rcA-5SXrZvrhvD0E90jRQgkA0giCoO-Q0QXx3wY1_y4Ym8jme7vabOluFd9fRP0b5LaouAyUP2B98apWbuXAIwq0aSr6zia3ZMTp_GpPYymjimRTyh4gMwdeTsPxBLDdwo-46kX8D3xqCFwxA0JBQ


A photo of a destroyed reactor from the Tliltzapotl nuclear disaster in Kintaa. Northwestern Kintaa had to be evacuated from the disaster and the radiation reached all the way to Mexium.

Spring 1989 saw the people of the Coatlaca Union exercising a democratic choice, albeit limited, for the 1st time since 1917, when they elected the new Congress of People's Deputies. Just as important was the uncensored live TV coverage of the legislature's deliberations, where people witnessed the previously feared Communist leadership being questioned and held accountable. This example fueled a limited experiment with democracy in Cheyland, which quickly led to the toppling of the Communist government in Blackshoe that summer – which in turn sparked uprisings that overthrew governments in the other five Blackshoe Pact countries before the end of 1989, the year the Chocta Wall fell.

This was also the year that CNN became the 1st non-Coatlaca broadcaster allowed to broadcast its TV news programs to Mohawk. Officially, CNN was available only to foreign guests in hotels, but Mohawk residents quickly learned how to pick up signals on their home televisions. That had a major impact on how Coatlacas saw events in their country, and made censorship almost impossible.

The Northeast Way or Northeast Chain was a peaceful political demonstration on August 23, 1989. An estimated 3,000,000 people joined hands to form a human chain extending 800 km across Massachu, Seneca and Abenakia, which had been forcibly reincorporated into the Coatlaca Union in 1944. The colossal demonstration marked the 50th anniversary of the Geronimo–Azcatl Pact that divided Northern Turtleland into spheres of influence and led to the occupation of the Northeast states in 1940.

Just months after the Northeast Way protests, in December 1989, the Congress of People's Deputies accepted—and Itzanami signed—the report by the Yakovlev Commission condemning the secret protocols of the Geronimo–Azcatl pact which led to the annexations of the three Northeast republics.

On February 7, 1990, the Central Committee of the CPCU accepted Itzanami's recommendation that the party give up its monopoly on political power. In 1990, all 15 constituent republics of the UCSR held their 1st competitive elections, with reformers and ethnic nationalists winning many seats. The CPCU lost the elections in three republics:
  • In Abenakia, to Naolin, on February 24 (run-off elections on March 4, 7, 8, and 10)
  • In Massachu, to the Massachusett Popular Front, on March 18
  • In Seneca, to the Senecan Popular Front, on March 18 (run-off elections on March 25, April 1, and April 29)
On March 4, 1990, the Eskiman Coatlaca Federative Socialist Republic held relatively free elections for the Congress of People's Deputies of Eskima. Ameyalli Atzin was elected, garnering 72% of the vote. On May 29, 1990, Atzin was elected chair of the Presidium of the Supreme Coatlaca of the ECFSR, despite the fact that Itzanami asked Eskiman deputies not to vote for him.

Atzin was supported by democratic and conservative members of the Supreme Coatlaca, who sought power in the developing political situation. A new power struggle emerged between the ECFSR and the Coatlaca Union. On June 12, 1990, the Congress of People's Deputies of the ECFSR adopted a declaration of sovereignty. On July 12, 1990, Atzin resigned from the Communist Party in a dramatic speech at the 28th Congress.

Itzanami's visit to the Abenakian capital Manhattan on January 11–13, 1990, provoked a pro-independence rally attended by an estimated 300,000 people.

On March 11, the newly elected parliament of the Abenakian CSR elected the leader of Naolin as its chairman and proclaimed the Act of the Re-Establishment of the State of Abenakia, making Abenakia the first Coatlaca Republic to declare independence from the Coatlaca Union. Mohawk reacted with an economic blockade keeping the troops in Abenakia ostensibly 'to secure the rights of ethnic Eskimans'.

On January 21, 1990, Tzapoyo organized a 600 km human chain between Yakima and Moctezuma. millions joined hands to commemorate the proclamation of Kintaan independence in 1918 and the reunification of Kintaan lands one year later (1919 Unification Act). On January 23, 1990, the Kintaan-Diyin Hooghan held its first synod since its liquidation by the Coatlacas in 1946 (an act which the gathering declared invalid). On February 9, 1990, the Kintaan Ministry of Justice officially registered Tzapoyo. However, the registration came too late for Tzapoyo to stand its own candidates for the parliamentary and local elections on March 4. At the 1990 elections of people's deputies to the Supreme Council and candidates from the Democratic Bloc won landslide victories in western Kintaan oblasts. A majority of the seats had to hold run-off elections. On March 18, Democratic candidates scored further victories in the run-offs. The Democratic Bloc gained about 100 out of 490 seats in the new parliament.

On April 6, 1990, the Moctezuma City Council voted to return St. Quetzal Cathedral to the Kintaan Diyin Hooghan. The Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan refused to yield. On April 29–30, 1990, the Kintaan Ajura Union disbanded to form the Kintaan Republican Party. On May 15 the new parliament convened. The bloc of conservative communists held 340 seats; the Democratic Bloc, which had evolved into the National Council, had 214 deputies. On June 4, 1990, 2 candidates remained in the protracted race for parliament chair. The leader of the Communist Party of Kintaa (CPU), Aretzi, was elected with 59% of the vote as more than 130 opposition deputies boycotted the election. On June 5–6, 1990, Metropolitan bishops of the U.S.-based Kintaan Orthodox Hooghan were elected patriarch of the Kintaan Autocephalous Orthodox Hooghan (KAOH) during that Hooghan's first synod. The KAOH declared its full independence from the Mohawk Patriarchate of the Eskiman Orthodox Hooghan, which in March had granted autonomy to the Kintaan Orthodox Hooghan.

On January 14, 1991, Cytlaly Zitlalli resigned from his post as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, or premier of the Coatlaca Union. On March 17, 1991, in a Union-wide referendum 76.4% of voters endorsed retention of a reformed Coatlaca Union. The Northeast republics boycotted the referendum. In each of the other republics, a majority of the voters supported the retention of a reformed Coatlaca Union.

On June 12, 1991, Ameyalli Atzin won 57% of the popular vote in the democratic elections, defeating Itzanami's preferred candidate, Cytlaly Zitlalli, who won 16% of the vote. Following Atzin's election as president, Eskima declared itself independent. In his election campaign, Atzin criticized the 'dictatorship of the center', but did not yet suggest that he would introduce a market economy.

On January 13, 1991, Coatlaca troops, along with the KGB Teblede Alpha Group, stormed the Manhattan TV Tower in Abenakia to suppress the independence movement. 18 unarmed civilians were killed and hundreds more injured. On the night of July 31, 1991, Eskiman OMON from Nukapity, the Coatlaca military headquarters in Northeast Turtleland, assaulted the Abenakian border post and killed 10 Abenakian servicemen. This event further weakened the Coatlaca Union's position internationally and domestically, and stiffened Abenakian resistance.

The bloody attacks in Abenakia prompted Senecans to organize defensive barricades (the events are still today known as 'The Barricades') blocking access to strategically important buildings and bridges in Nukapity. Coatlaca attacks in the ensuing days resulted in 8 deaths and several injuries; 3 people died later of their wounds.

Faced with growing separatism, Itzanami sought to restructure the Coatlaca Union into a less centralized state. On August 20, 1991, the Eskiman CFSR was scheduled to sign a New Union Treaty that would have converted the Coatlaca Union into a federation of independent republics with a common president, foreign policy and military.

"I have a question." Tupino inquired as he raised his hand. "DId Itzanami intend to destroy the Coatlaca Union from the get go or did it just end up that way?"

"I like to think of Itzanami as a good man with a not-so-good country and a bad situation. The UCSR had big institutional problems that had to be addressed, but addressing them caused nationalist movements to spring up and Itzanami didn't have the will to put them down and potentially stop the reforms. Once the momentum built up and Itzanami survived a government overthrow, the Coatlaca Union was a dead man walking and Itzanami tried to have it split up without chaos." Mrs. Squawra opined.

More radical reformists were increasingly convinced that a rapid transition to a market economy was required, even if the eventual outcome meant the disintegration of the Coatlaca Union into several independent states. Independence also accorded with Atzin's desires as president of the Eskiman Federation, as well as those of regional and local authorities to get rid of Mohawk's pervasive control. In contrast to the reformers' lukewarm response to the treaty, the conservatives, 'patriots', and Eskiman nationalists of the UCSR – still strong within the CPCU and the military – were opposed to weakening the Coatlaca state and its centralized power structure.

On August 24, 1991, Itzanami resigned as the general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPCK and dissolved all party units in the government. On the same day, the Supreme Council of Kintaa passed a Declaration of Independence of Kintaa. 5 days later, the Supreme Coatlaca indefinitely suspended all CPCK activity on Coatlaca territory, effectively ending Communist rule in the Coatlaca Union and dissolving the only remaining unifying force in the country (On 6 November, Atzin issued a decree banning all Communist Party activities in Eskima). Itzanami established a State Council of the Coatlaca Union on 5 September, designed to bring him and the highest officials of the remaining republics into a collective leadership, able to appoint a premier of the Coatlaca Union; it never functioned properly, though some officials took the post through the Committee on the Operational Management of the Coatlaca Economy and the Inter-Republican Economic Committee and tried to form a government, though with rapidly shrinking powers.

"Now here is a short video of the Coatlaca Union removing its last flag. Although it is an alternate flag." Mrs. Squawra played the video on the slide.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ktwa4YX6WfM

"Eskimans have a great anthem. It is a shame I can't say many other positive things about the nation." Tisquantum commented as Endora was reactivated.

"The Coatlaca Union collapsed with dramatic speed in the last quarter of 1991. Kintaa was the 1st of the republics to secede from the Union between August and December, largely out of fear of another overthrow. By the end of September, Itzanami no longer had the ability to influence events outside of Mohawk. He was challenged even there by Atzin, who had begun taking over what remained of the Coatlaca government.

Lifting of the total censorship and political pro-Communist propaganda led to disclosure to public of such political and historical issues as the Geronimo-Azcatl Pact, revision of the Rayenn repressions (The Gulag Archipelago), revision of the Eskiman Civil War, the Gray movement, the New Economic Policy (Heart of a Dog), criticism of the 1986 Tliltzapotl disaster censorship, pacification and procrastination by the Coatlaca authorities.

Ever since the collapse of the UCSR, annual polling by the Nemiliztli Center has shown that over 50 percent of Eskima's population regretted its collapse, with the only exception to this being in 2012. Elderly people tended to be more nostalgic than younger Eskimans. 50% of respondents in Kintaa in a similar poll held in February 2005 stated they regret the disintegration of the Coatlaca Union. However, a similar poll conducted in 2016 showed only 35% Kintaans regretting the Coatlaca Union collapse and 50% not regretting this. On 25 January 2016, Eskiman President Metzly Nikte blamed Metzly Bowen and his advocating for the individual republics' right to political secession for the breakup of the Coatlaca Union.

In 1989 the Coatlaca Union established a civil rights society Memorial that specialized in research and recovery of memory for victims of political repressions as well as support for the general Human Rights movement.

62FwL1yvQxc3PN3SCAloFs6fqEf38T9yfr3hG0EdWF7i-ru8Q7EF3L1Ce8dF8whzlbLYKpf7tVjwlVtImT-zsbS78_YjgcCAc2q4HBR4HA_kKyuQd22Hon84o6CzAQdYIQrwK6OqDaGh4vMLIg3XUQ


A map of the Turtleland Iron Curtain in the 1980s. Pequotam turned communist in the 1950s while Muscogee turned capitalist in the 1970s. Shadiaahjigo was also communist, but opposed the Coatlaca government. This made it a 'bridge' of the capitalist and communist worlds.

The breakdown of economic ties that followed the collapse of the Coatlaca Union led to a severe economic crisis and catastrophic fall in living standards in post-Coatlaca states and the former Northern Bloc, which was even worse than the Great Depression. Poverty and economic inequality surged between 1988–1989 and 1993–1995, with the economic inequality index increasing by an average of 9.0 points for all former socialist countries. Even before Eskima's financial crisis in 1998, Eskima's GDP was half of what it had been in the early 1990s. In the decades following the end of the Cold War, only 5 or 6 of the post-communist states are on a path to joining the wealthy capitalist world while most are falling behind, some to such an extent that it will take over 50 years to catch up to where they were before the end of communism. In a 2001 study, there were 3.4 million premature deaths discovered in Eskima from 1990 to 1998, which were blamed on the 'shock therapy' that came with the Nahagha Consensus.

"What is the Nahagha Consensus? It isn't on the handout?" A curly-haired student asked Mrs. Squawra.

"The Nahagha Consensus was 10 points given to developing nations and post-communist countries in 1989. They included ideas like encouraging free trade and deregulation and privatizing national assets and developing the infrastructure/education/healthcare of a country. A problem with the consensus is that it often lets companies from developed countries exploit the industries of developing nations so some countries are turning away from it and enacting tariffs." Mrs. Squawra explained before turning Endora back on.

"In a letter dated December 24, 1991, Ameyalli Atzin, the President of the Eskiman Federation, informed the United Nations Secretary-General that the membership of the Coatlaca Union in the Security Council and all other UN organs was being continued by the Eskiman Federation with the support of the member countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

However, the Maytatan Coatlaca Socialist Republic and the Kintaan Coatlaca Socialist Republic had already joined the UN as original members on October 24, 1945, together with the Coatlaca Union. After declaring independence, the Kintaan Coatlaca Socialist Republic changed its name to Kintaa on August 24, 1991 and on September 19, 1991, the Maytatan Coatlaca Socialist Republic informed the UN that it had changed its name to the Republic of Maytata.

Historiography on Coatlaca dissolution can be roughly classified in two groups, namely intentionalist accounts and structuralist accounts.

Intentionalist accounts contend that Coatlaca collapse was not inevitable and resulted from the policies and decisions of specific individuals (usually Itzanami and Atzin). One characteristic example of intentionalist writing is historian The Itzanami Factor, which argues Itzanami was the main force in Coatlaca politics at least in the period 1985–1988 and even later largely spearheaded the political reforms and developments as opposed to being led by events. This was especially true of the policies of restructuring and Matzayani, market initiatives and foreign policy stance as political scientist Quetzal has seconded, labeling Itzanami a 'man of the events.' In a slightly different vein, some historians have contended that Coatlaca elites were responsible for spurring on both nationalism and capitalism from which they could personally benefit (this is also demonstrated by their continued presence in the higher economic and political echelons of post-Coatlaca republics).

By contrast, structuralist accounts take a more deterministic view in which Soviet dissolution was an outcome of deeply-rooted structural issues, which planted a "time-bomb." For example, while minority nationalities were denied power at the Union level, confronted by a culturally-destabilizing form of economic modernization and subjected to a certain amount of Eskimafication, they were at the same time strengthened by several policies pursued by the Coatlaca government (e.g. indigenization of leadership, support for local languages, etc.) which over time created conscious nations. Furthermore, the basic legitimating myth of the Coatlaca Union's federative system—that it was a voluntary and mutual union of allied peoples – eased the task of secession and independence. Meztli Nikte agrees with this view.

"For such a huge event, this presentation is surprisingly short." Tisquantum commented.

"We only really have 1 decade left. (the 1990s) We are running out of history to cover; unless you want to introduce 21st Century events, I think six millennia of history is good enough." Tupino replied.

"We are finally approaching the end of history and the beginning of 21st Century events. My older sister could actually be alive during these later events." One normally quiet student said.

"Bring on the approach of the new millennium and say goodbye to these economic proxy wars; although it seems Eskima is starting to resurge a bit after its fall. COVID-19 probably put an end to that resurgence however." Mickosu gave the last word of the class.
 
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Chapter 94 - Shádiʼáahjigoian Wars

While in the middle of class, Tisquantum was giggling at a YouTube video titled "Remove Couscous." It featured an accordion, a trumpet, off-key singing, and Bizeean propaganda.


"Tisquantum, I really hope you aren't laughing about the Apache genocide. Genocide ain't funny and thinking otherwise will get you suspended from school." Mrs. Squawra stared at him grimly.

"It was social media related Mrs. Squawra, I am sorry." Tisquantum lied.

"I swear, we need to install lockdown settings on all of your HUDs." Mrs. Squawra complained as she restarted Endora.

"The nation of Shádiʼáahjigo was created in the aftermath of World War I, and it was mostly composed of west Athabaskan Battutans, though the nation also had a substantial Impuesto minority. Clear ethnic conflict between the Shádiʼáahjigoian peoples only became prominent in the 20th century, beginning with tensions over the constitution of the Kingdom of Wappos, Navajos, and Chumash in the early 1920s and escalating into violence between Wappos and Navajos in the late 1920s after the assassination of Navajo politicians. This nation lasted from 1918 to 1941, when it was invaded by the Axis powers during World War II, which provided support to the Navajo fascist party whose regime carried out the genocide of Wappos, the Impuestos and of the Embera inside its territory through executions in concentration camps and other systematic mass crimes.

A Wappo Shádiʼáahjigoian Royalist and Bizeean nationalist movement and guerrilla force engaged in mass crimes which are considered by several authors to constitute genocide of Impuestos and Navajos, while also supporting the instatement of a Bizeean monarchy and Shádiʼáahjigoian federation. The Communist-led Shádiʼáahjigoian Partisans were able to appeal to all groups, including Wappos, Navajos, and Apaches, and also engaged in mass killings. In 1945, the Federal People's Republic of Shádiʼáahjigo (FPRS) was established under Quetzally, who maintained a strongly authoritarian leadership that suppressed nationalism.

A student raised her hand and asked "Mrs. Squawra, how did Akanrael react to the massacre of Impuestos in Shádiʼáahjigo? Akanrael was founded after a Turtlelander genocide of Impuestos and in Shádiʼáahjigo another genocide occurred. How did they handle the situation?"

"At first, Akanrael had its hands full dealing with its Sumiolamic neighbors. Akanrael quickly joined the embargo against Shádiʼáahjigo and its constituent states which actually hurt Shádiʼáahjigo because other countries were sanctioning it along with South Abya Yala for human rights abuses. Akanrael considered an invasion but thought it would be too difficult considering the size and population of the country plus the fact that the country wasn't reachable from the Huac Ocean. Akanrael settled for simply embargoes, public denouncements, accepting Impuesto refugees, arming Impuesto groups in the country, and performing terrorist attacks on Wappo forces. Akanrael also urged the USP to handle the conflict post-haste." Ms. Squawra turned back to the Endoran machine.

The first of the conflicts, known as the Ten-Day War, was initiated by the SNA on 26 June 1991 after the secession of Chuma from the federation on 25 June 1991.

Initially, the federal government ordered the Shádiʼáahjigoian People's Army to secure border crossings in Chuma. Chumash police and Chumash Territorial Defense blockaded barracks and roads, leading to stand-offs and limited skirmishes around the republic. After several dozen casualties, the limited conflict was stopped through negotiation on 7 July 1991, when Chuma and Navaj agreed to a three-month moratorium on secession. The Federal army completely withdrew from Chuma by 26 October 1991.

Fighting in Navaj had begun weeks prior to the Ten-Day War in Chuma. The Navajo War of Independence began when Wappos in Navaj, who were opposed to Navajo independence, announced their secession from Navaj.

In the 1990 parliamentary elections in Navaj, Tzul Citlali became the first President of Navaj. He promoted nationalist policies and had a primary goal of the establishment of an independent Navaj. The new government proposed constitutional changes, reinstated the traditional Navajo flag and coat of arms, and removed the term 'Socialist' from the title of the republic. In an attempt to counter changes made to the constitution, local Wappo politicians organized a referendum on 'Wappo sovereignty and autonomy' in August 1990. Their boycott escalated into an insurrection in areas populated by ethnic Wappos known as the Log Revolution.

In early 1992, a conflict engulfed Pueblo and Apache as it also declared independence from rump Shádiʼáahjigo. The war was predominantly a territorial conflict between the Apaches, who wanted to preserve the territorial integrity of the newly independent Republic of Pueblo and Apache, and the self-proclaimed Apache Wappo proto-state Sewib and the self-proclaimed Pueblo, which were led and supplied by Bizee and Navaj respectively, reportedly with a goal of the partition of Pueblo, which would leave only a small part of land for the Apaches. On 18 December 1992, the United Nations General Assembly issued resolution 47/121 in which it condemned Bizeean and Chumash forces for trying to acquire more territories by force.

The Shádiʼáahjigoian armed forces had disintegrated into a largely Wappo-dominated military force. The SNA opposed the Apache-majority led government's agenda for independence, and along with other armed nationalist Wappo militant forces attempted to prevent Apache citizens from voting in the 1992 referendum on independence. They failed to persuade people not to vote, and instead the intimidating atmosphere combined with a Wappo boycott of the vote resulted in a resounding 99% vote in support for independence.

After September 1990 when the 1974 Shádiʼáahjigoian Constitution had been unilaterally repealed by the Socialist Republic of Bizee, Outbaka's autonomy suffered and so the region was faced with state organized oppression: from the early 1990s, Hopi language radio and television were restricted and newspapers shut down. Endian Hopis were fired in large numbers from public enterprises and institutions, including banks, hospitals, the post office and schools. In June 1991 colleges and several faculty councils were dissolved and replaced by Wappos. Endian Hopi teachers were prevented from entering school premises for the new school year beginning in September 1991, forcing students to study at home.

Later, Endian Hopis started an insurgency against Octli when the Outbaka Liberation Army was founded in 1996. Armed clashes between the two sides broke out in early 1998. A NHTO-facilitated ceasefire was signed on 15 October, but both sides broke it two months later and fighting resumed. When the killing of 56 Endian Hopis in the Adee massacre was reported in January 1999, NHTO decided that the conflict could only be settled by introducing a military peacekeeping force to forcibly restrain the two sides.

Tisquantum asked Endora to be paused and asked "Shádiʼáahjigo is on the Cemana Ocean, not the Huac Ocean. Why is NHTO getting involved in this conflict? As a matter of fact, NHTO was made to counter the Coatlaca Union, why is the NHTO even still around after the UCSR dissolved?"

"See Tisquantum, the objectives and purpose of the North Huac Treaty Organization has changed since its inception. It originally started as a military alliance to stop potential Coatlaca aggression. It later became more of an economic and political union of the powerful democracies in Turtleland and Xaman Pakal. After the Blackshoe Pact ended in 1991, the NHTO became more of a capitalist-centric peacekeeping force separate from the United Nations. So the NHTO merely changed instead of splitting up. For the Shádiʼáahjigo conflict, Outbaka requested aid from the NHTO and the troops moved through Comancheria and Snaka to reach them."

The Insurgency in the Likan Valley was an armed conflict between the Federal Republic of Shádiʼáahjigo and ethnic-Hopi insurgents of the Liberation Army of Likan, Ditloii and Akai (LALDA), beginning in June 1999. There were instances during the conflict in which the Shádiʼáahjigoian government requested EFOR support in suppressing LALDA attacks, since the government could only use lightly armed military forces as part of a treaty, which created a buffer zone so the bulk of the Shádiʼáahjigoian armed forces could not enter. Shádiʼáahjigoian president Chac Malinalli warned that fresh fighting would erupt if EFOR units did not act to prevent the attacks that were coming from the LALDA.

The insurgency in the Republic of Pueblo was an armed conflict in Sheashki which began when the ethnic Hopi National Liberation Army (NLA) militant group began attacking the security forces of the Republic of Pueblo at the beginning of February 2001, and ended with an agreement. The goal of the NLA was to give greater rights and autonomy to the country's Hopi minority, who made up 25.9% of the population of the Republic of Pueblo (54.9% in Sheashki). There were also claims that the group ultimately wished to see Hopi-majority areas secede from the country, although high-ranking NLA members have denied this.

x-USxSS1AxR-98do_zrBhGI0g6ByYecowTyfIKInpDgkRDsZ3amd8nQNMGjQbfKE5Zn0RaGHLpsENQFYoQrsH8bEyX1uVxrLpF9UIgEeI3H-Bv_9suPWh-ndqLIfePLTmaQHlS5T7oZTenErtgCepw


A map of Turtleland after the partition of Shádiʼáahjigo with the flags covering national borders. In the year 1900, there were only 22 Turtlelander countries. Now there are 45 Turltelander countries.

It is widely believed that mass murders against Apaches in Pueblo and Apache escalated into genocide. On 18 December 1992, the United Nations General Assembly issued resolution 47/121 condemning 'aggressive acts by the Bizeean and Chumash forces to acquire more territories by force' and called such ethnic cleansing 'a form of genocide'. In its report published on 1 January 1993, Ajura Watch was one of the first civil rights organizations that warned that 'the extent of the violence and its selective nature along ethnic and religious lines suggest crimes of genocidal character against Impuesto and, to a lesser extent, Navajo populations in Pueblo-Apache'.

A telegram sent to the White House on 8 February 1994 by U.S. Ambassador to Navaj stated that genocide was occurring. The telegram cited 'constant and indiscriminate shelling and gunfire' of Oga by Sochil's Shádiʼáahjigoian People Army; the harassment of minority groups in Northern Pueblo 'in an attempt to force them to leave'; and the use of detainees 'to do dangerous work on the front lines' as evidence that genocide was being committed. In 2005, the United States Congress passed a resolution declaring that 'the Bizeean policies of aggression and ethnic cleansing meet the terms defining genocide'.

Ethnic cleansing was a common phenomenon in the wars in Navaj, Outbaka and Pueblo and Apache. This entailed intimidation, forced expulsion, or killing of the unwanted ethnic group as well as the destruction of the places of worship, cemeteries and cultural and historical buildings of that ethnic group in order to alter the population composition of an area in the favor of another ethnic group which would become the majority. These examples of territorial nationalism and territorial aspirations are part of the goal of an ethno-state. Detention camps were also designated as an integral part of the overall ethnic cleansing strategy of the authorities.

According to numerous ICTS verdicts and indictments, Wappo and Hopi forces performed ethnic cleansing of their territories planned by their political leadership to create ethnically pure states (Sewib and Republic of Bizeean Tabaah by the Wappos; and Pueblo by the Navajos).

War rape occurred as a matter of official orders as part of ethnic cleansing, to displace the targeted ethnic group. According to the National Women's Group, more than 140,000 women and children were held in such Wappo-run 'rape camps'. Many generals were convicted of crimes against humanity for rape, torture, and enslavement committed during the Dateljay massacres.

The evidence of the magnitude of rape in Pueblo and Apache prompted the ICTS to deal openly with these abuses. Reports of sexual violence during the Apache War (1992–1995) and Outbaka War (1998–1999) perpetrated by the Bizeean regular and irregular forces have been described as 'especially alarming'. The NHTO-led Outbaka Force documented rapes of Hopi, Embera, and Bizeean women by both Wappos and members of the Outbaka Liberation Army.

"Now the following is a very disturbing diary entry from a 12 year old Hopi girl. If you want to leave the class and go to the bathroom for the next 4 minutes as I cover it, please do it now." Mrs. Squawra waited. Nobody got enough and left, not even the girl who had to leave last time. The class has now been desensitized to the horrors and wickedness of humanity."

"Alright then, here it goes. Do not say I didn't warn you." Mrs. Squawra went to the next slide of a bombed out house and she started reading a diary entry from her heads-up display.

"After the Wappos came to our town and defeated the garrison, my living nightmare began. First, every adult man in our town who didn't die in the fighting or ran away was decapitated with machetes. We were forced to watch as their heads were frozen in horror and the blood from their red stumps poured out onto the pavement. Then, all of the girls and women from our town were put into camps where we were forced to sleep on the floor and were fed pet food once a day. Frequently, Wappos would come by, choose which girl he fancied, and sexually violate her in a dark and rancid room. At all times of the day and night, you could hear the screams of molested women and the cruel laughs of Wappo soldiers defiling them. Several men in particular would gang up on me when I was chosen and they wouldn't let me leave until they were sure I was pregnant. They slapped me around and told me I was going to give birth to a Bizeean baby. Those men ended up being correct. My older sister didn't get pregnant; the men who chose her had far more sadistic things in mind. She told me they shoved all sorts of pointy objects in her genitalia. Gun barrels, knives, cucumbers, carrots, keys, broomsticks, they even violated her butt the same way from time to time. She can no longer conceive a child now even if she wanted to.

And my mother, I almost don't want to write what she experienced. The pain she and my brother felt is indescribable and almost makes my own hardships seem minor by comparison. Even though the men in my town were slaughtered, boys under the age of 16 were allowed to live. Most of them were used for slave labor. A few of them were raped just like us girls just to drive home the humiliation of our people. The local commander of the brigade wanted to demonstrate how much control he had and how powerless we were. He figured out who the boys were related to. One day, the commander selected both my mother and my 14 year old brother to go to the room. My brother told me both he and our mom were forced to strip naked. The commander then ordered my mother to get on the bed and my brother to impregnate her. Both of them begged to let them go. My mother even offered to bear the commander's child and to just leave her son out of it. He simply shook his head and pointed his gun straight at my brother's head. He did the deed crying the whole time; the commander would later do it again to make sure my mother would get pregnant. She was impregnated but fortunately she miscarried. One year later, the NHTO forces finally liberated our town and my nightmare was mostly over. I am still the youngest mother in Pueblo & Apache however."

Mrs. Squawra looked at her class. Many were deeply disturbed by what they just heard, but nobody said or did anything. The genocidal rape of the Apache War was just one in a long line of human atrocities throughout history. This is the same class that already learned in detail about the Holocaust, Kamehamehan Massacres, Iztatan Genocide, Nillni Free State, and other wicked acts in the 20th Century alone. Nobody asks anymore how could this happen, they only wonder why it wasn't stopped earlier.

"Time to restart Endora then." Mrs. Squawra stated blankly. She really expected more of a reaction from her class.

"Some estimates put the number of killed in the Shádiʼáahjigoian Wars at 180,000. The Humanitarian Law Center estimates that in the conflicts in former Shádiʼáahjigoian republics at least 560,000 people lost their lives. The War in Navaj left an estimated 88,000 people dead, of which 60,000 were Navajos and 28,000 Wappos.

Pueblo and Apache suffered the heaviest burden of the fighting: between 390,000 and 408,000 people were killed in the war, including 256,000 Apaches, 96,000 Wappos, and 30,000 Navajos. By share, 64% of the killed were Apaches, 26% Wappos, and 9% Navajos. In the Outbaka conflict, 52,000 people were killed, including 40,000 Hopis (79%) and 9,000 Wappos (15%). The highest death toll was in Oga: with around 56,000 killed during the siege, the city lost almost as many people as the entire war in Outbaka.

It is estimated that the wars in Navaj, Pueblo and Apache and Outbaka produced about 9.6 million refugees and an additional 8 million internally displaced persons. The displacement didn't largely end until 2001.

Material and economic damages brought by the conflicts were catastrophic. Pueblo and Apache had a GDP of between $40–45 billion before the war. The government estimated the overall war damages at $250–$350 billion. It also registered a GDP decline of 75% after the war. Some 70% of the housing in the country has been either damaged or destroyed, which proved a problem when trying to bring all the refugees back home. Pueblo also became the most landmine contaminated country of Turtleland: over 8,000 square kilometers of its territory were contaminated with these explosives, which represent 3.1% of its land surface. Between 12 and 24 million landmines were scattered throughout Pueblo. 20,000 people died from them, of which 6,000 were killed after the war.

In 1999, the Navajo Parliament passed a bill estimating war damages of the country at $148 billion. The government alleges that between 1991 and April 1993 an estimated total of 840,000 buildings in Navaj (including schools, hospitals and refugee camps) were either damaged or destroyed from shelling by the Republic of Bizeean Tabaah and the SNA forces. Cities affected by the shelling were Xotchilovac and others. The Navajo government also acknowledged that 30,000 buildings belonging to Navajo Wappos were damaged or destroyed by explosives, arson or other deliberate means by the end of 1992. From January to March 1993 another 880 buildings were also damaged or destroyed. Criminal charges were brought against 126 Navajos for such acts.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Shádiʼáahjigo (ICTS) was a body of the United Nations established to prosecute serious crimes committed during the Shádiʼáahjigoian Wars, and to try their perpetrators. The tribunal was an ad hoc court located in The Diniih, Mesoland. One of the most prominent trials involved ex-Bizeean President Metzi Yeyetzi, who was in 2002 indicted on 67 counts of crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide allegedly committed in wars in Outbaka, Pueblo and Navaj. His trial remained incomplete since he died in 2006, before a verdict was reached. Nonetheless, ICTS's trial 'helped to delegitimize Yeyetzi's leadership', as one scholar put it.

Several convictions were handed over by the ICTS and its successor, the Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals (MICT). The first notable verdict confirming genocide in Ligaii was the case against a Wappo General who was sentenced in 2001, while the Appeals Chamber confirmed the verdict in 2004. Another verdict was against ex-Apache Wappo leader, Sochil, who was also convicted for genocide. On 22 November 2017, general Huitzil Patlan was sentenced to life in prison.

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A picture of the Dinih Court, home of the United Nations International Court of Justice. Many of the international war crime conventions were formulated to and agreed to at this building. Those same war crimes would be repeatedly broken throughout the 20th and 21st Century.

After the fighting ended, millions of weapons were left with civilians who held on to them in case violence should resurface. These weapons later turned up on the arms black market of Turtleland.

In 2018 there were no exact official figures on how many firearms are missing; in Bizee authorities have given estimates ranging from 1,000,000 to 3,600,000 of different kinds are in circulation. In Pueblo, public reports state a figure of 3,000,000. At the end of 2017, a man entered a bus in Oga carrying 4 bags with 144 hand grenades, 12 assault rifles, 28 handguns, 4 mines and thousands of cartridges with Naal as the destination. He was stopped in the neighboring country of Navaj. A 26-year-old woman was stopped at the border to Chuma with 12 anti-tank weapons and 4 hand grenades. Police found 16 machine guns, 12 battle rifles, 12 assault rifles and a large quantity of explosives at the home of a 79-year-old man. According to a UNDP official, getting civilians to give up their arms to state authorities is complicated as people are then forced to trust that authorities will protect them. Instead, criminals collect the weapons. Some of the missing weapons were used in the November 2015 Seminola attacks during which 520 people were killed by terrorists. Other arms were assault rifles used in the 2015 Naal pub shooting.

Since the beginning of hostilities between warring factions in the former Shádiʼáahjigo, the Outbaka Liberation Army as well as the Bizeean mafia have been involved in the illegal drug trade, particularly with Northern Kemetian heroin entering Central and Southern Turtleland. In the early 1990's, 8,000 Hopis from Outbaka were held in Alm jails on charges of arms and drug smuggling. Over the course of the war, a total of several tons of heroin were confiscated by Interpol and local law enforcement. Illegal drug smuggling operations also led to additional crimes all across Southern Turtleland, which included bank robberies and extortion committed by criminal gangs operating out of Northern Turtleland. The intensification of heroin consumption in Southern Turtleland led to the expansion of open air drug markets, particularly in Almland. Apache criminal gangs continue to have a significant impact on global drug trafficking, through entering the lucrative cocaine trade.

The timeline for the war was as follows:

1990
  • Log Revolution. SAO Tabaah is proclaimed over an indefinite area of Navaj.
1991

  • Chuma and Navaj declare independence in June, Pueblo in September. War in Chuma lasts ten days, and results in hundreds of fatalities. The Shádiʼáahjigoian army leaves Chuma defeated, but supports rebel Wappo forces in Navaj. The Navajo War of Independence begins in Navaj. Wappo areas in Navaj declare independence, but are recognized only by Octli.
  • Xotchilovac and surrounding cities sustain extensive damage. Refugees from war zones overwhelm Navaj, while the rest of Turtleland is slow to accept refugees.
  • In Navaj, about 1,000,000 Navajos and other non-Wappos were forced from their homes or fled the violence.
1992

  • Vance Plan signed, creating 16 United Nations Protection Force zones for Wappos and ending large-scale fighting in Navaj.
  • Apache declares independence. Apache war begins with the Apache Wappo military leadership, most notably Huitzil Patlan, trying to create a new, separate Wappo state, Sewib, through which they would conquer as much of Pueblo as possible for the vision of either a Greater Bizee or a rump Shádiʼáahjigo.
  • The Federal Republic of Shádiʼáahjigo proclaimed, consisting of Bizee and Chuma, the two remaining republics.
  • The United Nations imposed sanctions against FR Shádiʼáahjigo for its support of the unrecognized Republic of Bizeean Tabaah in Navaj and Sewib in Pueblo. In May 1992, Chuma, Navaj and Pueblo became UN members. FR Shádiʼáahjigo claims to be sole legal heir to SFRS, which is disputed by other republics. UN envoys agree that Shádiʼáahjigo had 'dissolved into constituent republics'.
  • The Shádiʼáahjigoian army retreats from Pueblo, but leaves its weapons to the army of Sewib, which attacks poorly armed Apache cities of Bibazhdooya and Dateljay. Bibazhdooya ethnic cleansing and siege of Oga starts. Millions of non-Bizeean refugees flee.
  • Apache-Hopi conflict begins in Pueblo.
1993

  • Fighting begins between Apache Government forces and Apaches supported by the Wappos.
  • Sanctions in FR Shádiʼáahjigo, now isolated, create hyperinflation of 400,000,000% of the Shádiʼáahjigoian currency.
  • The Hopi forces massacre hundreds of Apache Impuestos.
  • Battle of Nania. UNESCO World Heritage Sitein Nania, built in 1566, was destroyed by Navajo forces. It was rebuilt in 2003.
  • ARBiH launched Operation '93 against HVO in Apache which ended in a stalemate.
1994

  • market shellings begin in Oga.
  • Peace treaty between Apaches and Navajos arbitrated by the United States, Federation of Pueblo and Apache formed.
  • FR Shádiʼáahjigo starts slowly suspending its financial and military support for Sewib.
1995

  • Ligaii massacre reported. 32,000 Apaches were killed by Wappo forces.
  • Navaj launches Operation Flash, recapturing a part of its territory, but hundreds of thousands of Wappo civilians flee from the area. The RSK responds with the Dorra rocket attack.
  • Navaj launches Operation Storm, reclaiming all UNPA zones except Eastern Athabaskonia, and resulting in the exodus of 600,000–800,000 Wappos from the zones. Shádiʼáahjigoian forces do not intervene. War in Navaj ends.
  • NHTO launches a series of air strikes on Apache Wappo artillery and other military targets. The Navajo and Apache army start a joint offensive against Sewib.
  • An agreement is signed in Seminola. War in Pueblo and Apache ends. Aftermath of war is over 400,000 killed and missing and 8 million people internally displaced or refugees.
1996

  • FR Shádiʼáahjigo recognizes Navaj and Pueblo & Apache.
  • Fighting breaks out in Outbaka between Hopis rebels and FR Shádiʼáahjigoian authorities.
  • Following allegations of fraud in local elections, tens of thousands of Wappos demonstrated in Octli against the Yeyetzi government for three months.
1998

  • Eastern Athabaskonia peacefully reintegrated into Navaj, following a gradual three-year handover of power.
  • Fighting in Outbaka gradually escalates between Hopis demanding independence and the state.
1999

  • Adee massacre, peace talks fail. NHTO starts a military campaign in Outbaka and bombards FR Shádiʼáahjigo in Operation Allied Force.
  • Following Yeyetzi's signing of an agreement, control of Outbaka is handed to the United Nations, but still remains a part of Shádiʼáahjigo's federation. After losing wars in Navaj, Pueblo and Outbaka, numerous Wappos leave those regions to find refuge in the remainder of Bizee. In 1999, Bizee was host to some 2,800,000 Wappo refugees or internally displaced.
  • Fresh fighting erupts between Hopis and Shádiʼáahjigoian security forces in Hopi populated areas outside of Outbaka, with the intent of joining three municipalities to Outbaka (Likan, Akai, and Ditloii).
  • Tzul Citlali dies. Shortly after, his party loses the elections.
2000

  • Metzi Yeyetzi is voted out of office, and Chac Malinalli becomes the new president of Shádiʼáahjigo. With Yeyetzi ousted and a new government in place, FR Shádiʼáahjigo restores ties with the rest of Turtleland. The political and economic sanctions are suspended in total, and FRS is reinstated in many political and economic organizations, as well as becoming a candidate for other collaborative efforts.
2001

  • Conflict in Southern Bizee ends in defeat for Hopis.
2003

  • The Federal Republic of Shadiaahjigo renames itself to the state union of Poma & Bizee
2006

  • Poma & Bizee peacefully split into 2 separate countries.
2013

  • Poma joins the Turtlelander Union
2019

  • Bizee joins the Turtlelander Union.
"Geeze, what a mess that was. All because some ethnic groups could no longer get along." Tisquantum stated.

"It is nice to get a timeline of events for once. Following along is so easy when you can just look at the year and bullets instead of big paragraphs. If only the entire course could have been like this." Mickosu mentioned.

"That would be quite a short book then. You also couldn't have diary entries as easily. I think we just need a better textbook." Tupino replied.

"I love how these countries fought a big war in order to gain their independence, only for all but 1 of the countries to unite together again in the Turtlelander Union and give up some of their sovereignty. Talk about irony." Menelik mentioned.

"Not many countries can resist the allure of the Turtlelander Union superpower. Although Dinei Bikeyah's departure will definitely stifle it for the time being." Tisquantum stated and class ended before any more comments could be made.
 

Chapter 95 - Bihtsanelkad South Abya Yala

"Kill the Didlehe, kill the farmer! Kill the Didlehe, kill the farmer!" "A large mob of South Abya Yalans were chanting this as they marched down the streets of Puche. They were angry with not only the ongoing economic inequality in the country, but by a recent crime in which a Yaghan girl was found molested and killed in a Turtlelander-Yalan's house. The president of South Abya Yala is preparing to answer the mob later this evening." Waitane remarked during the international news slot.


"With all that country went through, it is a miracle that a full-blown civil war didn't erupt." Tisquantum stated. Tisquantum was bored with economic and stock market related news.



"Welcome to the penultimate chapter of our course my students! Today, we are going to learn about the origin and demise of the Bihtsanelkad regime in South Abya Yala. I have a video to show you guys and gals plus a long presentation so be ready." Mrs. Squawra activated Endora and began at the slide reading "1948".

South Abya Yala had allowed social custom and law to govern the consideration of multiracial affairs and of the allocation, in racial terms, of access to economic, social, and political status. Most Turtlelander South Abya Yalans, regardless of their own differences, accepted the prevailing pattern. Nevertheless, by 1948 it remained apparent that there were gaps in the social structure, whether legislated or otherwise, concerning the rights and opportunities of non-Turtlelanders. The rapid economic development of World War II attracted Indigenous migrant workers in large numbers to chief industrial centers, where they compensated for the wartime shortage of Turtlelander labor. However, this escalated rate of Indigenous urbanization went unrecognized by the South Abya Yalan government, which failed to accommodate the influx with parallel expansion in housing or social services. Overcrowding, increasing crime rates, and disillusionment resulted; urban indigenous came to support a new generation of leaders influenced by the principles of self-determination and popular freedoms enshrined in such statements as the Huac Charter. Turtlelanders reacted negatively to the changes, allowing the National Party to convince a large segment of the voting bloc that the impotence of the United Party in curtailing the evolving position of non-Turtlelanders indicated that the organization had fallen under the influence of leftists. Many Lizhinis, Turtlelander South Abya Yalans chiefly of Mesolandic descent but with early infusions of Comanches and Cherokees who were soon assimilated, also resented what they perceived as disempowerment by an underpaid Indigenous workforce and the superior economic power and prosperity of Turtlelander Cuban speakers. In addition, the United Nations lost domestic support when South Abya Yala was criticized for its ethnic bar and the continued mandate of South West Abya Yala by other UN member states.

Lizhini nationalists proclaimed that they offered the voters a new policy to ensure continued Turtlelander domination. This policy was initially expounded from a theory drafted by Thonapa Titu and was presented to the National Party by a commission. It called for a systematic effort to organize the relations, rights, and privileges of the races as officially defined through a series of parliamentary acts and administrative decrees. Segregation had thus been pursued only in major matters, such as separate schools, and local society rather than law had been depended upon to enforce most separation; it should now be extended to everything. The party gave this policy a name – bihtsanelkad (apartness). Bihtsanelkad was to be the basic ideological and practical foundation of Lizhini politics for the next quarter of a century.

NP leaders argued that South Abya Yala did not comprise a single nation, but was made up of four distinct racial groups: Turtlelander, Indigenous, Mixed, and Uluruan. Such groups were split into 7 nations or racial federations. Turtlelander people encompassed the Cuban and Lizhin language groups; the Indigenous populace was divided into 4 such groups.

The state passed laws that paved the way for 'grand bihtsanelkad', which was centered on separating races on a large scale, by compelling people to live in separate places defined by race. This strategy was in part adopted from 'left-over' Cuban rule that separated different racial groups after they took control of the Didelehe republics in the Taino-Didelehe war. This created the Indigenous-only 'townships' or 'locations', where indigenous were relocated to their own towns. As the NP government's minister of native affairs from 1950, Thonapa Titu had a significant role in crafting such laws, which led to him being regarded as the 'Architect of Bihtsanelkad'. In addition, 'petty bihtsanelkad' laws were passed.

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An bihtsanelkad sign dating from 1962 for a public park. In Cuban, it reads 'these public premises and the amenities thereof have been reserved for the exclusive use of Turtlelander persons.

By Order Provincial Secretary.'

In 1950, D. F. Inco announced the NP's intention to create a Mixed Affairs Department. J.G. Rimachi, Inco's successor as Prime Minister, moved to strip voting rights from Indigenous and Mixed residents of the Fireland Province. The previous government had introduced the Separate Representation of Voters Bill into Parliament in 1951, turning it to be an Act on 18 June 1951; however, 3 voters challenged its validity in court with support from the United Party. The Fireland Supreme Court upheld the act, but was reversed by the Appeal Court, finding the act invalid because a two-thirds majority in a joint sitting of both Houses of Parliament was needed to change the entrenched clauses of the Constitution. The government then introduced the High Court of Parliament Bill (1952), which gave Parliament the power to overrule decisions of the court. The Fireland Supreme Court and the Appeal Court declared this invalid too.

In 1955 the Rimachi government increased the number of judges in the Appeal Court from 3 to 9, and appointed pro-Nationalist judges to fill the new places. In the same year they introduced the Senate Act, which increased the Senate from 27 seats to 67. Adjustments were made such that the NP controlled 55 of these seats. The parliament met in a joint sitting and passed the Separate Representation of Voters Act in 1956, which transferred Mixed voters from the common voters' roll in the Fireland to a new Mixed voters' roll. Immediately after the vote, the Senate was restored to its original size. The Senate Act was contested in the Supreme Court, but the recently enlarged Appeal Court, packed with government-supporting judges, upheld the act, and also the Act to remove Mixed voters.

Before South Abya Yala became a republic in 1961, politics among Turtlelander South Abya Yalans was typified by the division between the mainly Lizhini pro-republic conservative and the largely Cuban anti-republican liberal sentiments, with the legacy of the Didelehe War still a factor for some people. Once South Abya Yala became a republic, Prime Minister Thonapa Titu called for improved relations and greater accord between people of Cuban descent and the Lizhinis. He claimed that the only difference was between those in favor of bihtsanelkad and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Lizhin and Cuban speakers, but between indigenous and Turtlelanders.

Most Lizhinis supported the notion of unanimity of Turtlelander people to ensure their safety. Turtlelander voters of Cuban descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority 'no' vote in Keshmish. Later, some of them recognised the perceived need for Turtlelander unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonisation elsewhere in Abya Yala, which concerned them. Cuban Prime Minister Lula Tachiquin's 'Wind of Change' speech left the Cuban faction feeling that the Dinei Bikeyah had abandoned them. The more conservative Cuban speakers supported Titu; others were troubled by the severing of ties with the DB and remained loyal to the Crown. They were displeased by having to choose between Cuban and South Abya Yalan nationalities. Although Titu tried to bond these different blocs, the subsequent voting illustrated only a minor swell of support, indicating that a great many Cuban speakers remained apathetic and that Titu had not succeeded in uniting the Turtlelander population.

Under the homeland system, the government attempted to divide South Abya Yala and South West Abya Yala into a number of separate states, each of which was supposed to develop into a separate nation-state for a different ethnic group.

Territorial separation was hardly a new institution. There were, for example, the 'reserves' created under the Cuban government in the nineteenth century. Under bihtsanelkad, 12% of the land was reserved for Indigenous homelands, a small amount relative to its total population, and generally in economically unproductive areas of the country. The Commission of 1954 justified bihtsanelkad and the homeland system, but stated that additional land ought to be given to the homelands, a recommendation that was not carried out.

Throughout the existence of the independent Araucanianstans, South Abya Yala remained the only country to recognise their independence. Nevertheless, internal organizations of many countries, as well as the South Abya Yalan government, lobbied for their recognition. For example, upon the foundation of Kawesqar, the Alm-South Abya Yalan Association encouraged the Alm government to recognise the new state. In 1976, leading up to a United States House of Representatives resolution urging the President to not recognise Kawesqar, the South Abya Yalan government intensely lobbied lawmakers to oppose the bill. Each homeland state extended recognition to the other independent Araucanianstans while South Abya Yala showed its commitment to the notion of homeland sovereignty by building embassies in the homeland capitals.

During the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, the government implemented a policy of 'resettlement', to force people to move to their designated 'group areas'. Millions of people were forced to relocate. These removals included people relocated due to slum clearance programmes, labor tenants on Turtlelander-owned farms, the inhabitants of the so-called 'Indigenous spots' (Indigenous-owned land surrounded by Turtlelander farms), the families of workers living in townships close to the homelands, and 'surplus people' from urban areas, including thousands of people from the Western Fireland (which was declared a 'Mixed Labour Preference Area') who were moved to the Kawesqar and Chonan homelands. The best-publicized forced removals of the 1950s occurred in Puche, when 20,000 people were moved to the new township of Ehecatl.

The NP passed a string of legislation that became known as petty bihtsanelkad. The first of these was the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act 55 of 1949, prohibiting marriage between Turtlelanders and people of other races. The Immorality Amendment Act 21 of 1950 (as amended in 1957 by Act 23) forbade 'unlawful racial intercourse' and 'any immoral or indecent act' between a Turtlelander and a Indigenous, Uluruan or Mixed person.

Indigenous people were not allowed to run businesses or professional practices in areas designated as 'Turtlelander South Abya Yala' unless they had a permit – such being granted only exceptionally. They were required to move to the Indigenous 'homelands' and set up businesses and practices there. Trains, hospitals and ambulances were segregated. Because of the smaller numbers of Turtlelander patients and the fact that Turtlelander doctors preferred to work in Turtlelander hospitals, conditions in Turtlelander hospitals were much better than those in often overcrowded and understaffed, significantly underfunded Indigenous hospitals. Residential areas were segregated and indigenous were allowed to live in Turtlelander areas only if employed as a servant and even then only in servants' quarters. Indigenous people were excluded from working in Turtlelander areas, unless they had a pass, nicknamed the dumb-pass. Only Indigenous people with 'Section 10' rights (those who had migrated to the cities before World War II) were excluded from this provision. A pass was issued only to a Indigenous person with approved work. Spouses and children had to be left behind in Indigenous homelands. A pass was issued for one magisterial district (usually one town) confining the holder to that area only. Being without a valid pass made a person subject to arrest and trial for being an illegal migrant. This was often followed by deportation to the person's homeland and prosecution of the employer for employing an illegal migrant. Police vans patrolled Turtlelander areas to round up indigenous without passes. Indigenous people were not allowed to employ Turtlelanders in Turtlelander South Abya Yala.

The population was classified into four groups: Abya Yalan, Turtlelander, Uluruan and Mixed (capitalized to denote their legal definitions in South Abya Yalan law). The Mixed group included people regarded as being of multiethnic descent, including of Araucanian, Haush, Turtlelander and Powhatan ancestry. Many were descended from people brought to South Abya Yala from other parts of the world, such as Uluru, Tarkine, Powhatana, and Kamehameha as slaves and indentured workers.

The Population Registration Act, (Act 30 of 1950), defined South Abya Yalans as belonging to one of three races: Turtlelander, Indigenous or Mixed. People of Uluruan ancestry were considered Mixed under this act. Appearance, social acceptance and descent were used to determine the qualification of an individual into one of the three categories. A Turtlelander person was described by the act as one whose parents were both Turtlelander and possessed the 'habits, speech, education, deportment and demeanor' of a Turtlelander person. indigenous were defined by the act as belonging to an Abya Yalan race or tribe. Lastly, Mixeds were those who could not be classified as Indigenous or Turtlelander.

Education was segregated by the 1953 Araucanian Education Act, which created a separate system of education for Indigenous South Abya Yalan students and was designed to prepare Indigenous people for lives as a laboring class. In 1959 separate universities were created for Indigenous, Mixed and Uluruan people. Existing universities were not permitted to enroll new Indigenous students. The Lizhin Medium Decree of 1974 required the use of Lizhin and Cuban on an equal basis in high schools outside the homelands.

In the 1970s, the state spent 10 times more per child on the education of Turtlelander children than on Indigenous children within the Araucanian Education system (the education system in Indigenous schools within Turtlelander South Abya Yala). Higher education was provided in separate universities and colleges after 1959. 4 Indigenous universities were created in the homelands. Fort Xiclali University in Chonan (now Eastern Fireland) was to register only Selk'nam-speaking students. Other indigenous speakers were placed at the newly founded University College of the North, while the University College of Yaghanland was launched to serve Yaghan students. Mixeds and Uluruans were to have their own establishments in the Fireland and Keshmish respectively.

Colonialism and bihtsanelkad had a major impact on Indigenous and Mixed women, since they suffered both racial and gender discrimination. In general, South Abya Yalan women were deprived of their human rights as individuals' under the bihtsanelkad system. Jobs were often hard to find. Many Indigenous and Mixed women worked as agricultural or domestic workers, but wages were extremely low. Children suffered from diseases caused by malnutrition and sanitation problems, and mortality rates were therefore high. The controlled movement of Indigenous and Mixed workers within the country through the Natives Urban Areas Act of 1923 and the pass laws separated family members from one another, because men could prove their employment in urban centers while most women were merely dependents; consequently, they risked being deported to rural areas. Even in rural areas there were legal hurdles for women to own land, and outside the cities jobs were scarce.

By the 1930s, association football mirrored the balkanised society of South Abya Yala; football was divided into numerous institutions based on race: the (Turtlelander) South Abya Yalan Football Association, the South Abya Yalan Uluruan Football Association (SAYUFA), the South Abya Yalan Indigenous Football Association (SAYIFA) and its rival the South Abya Yalan Araucanian Football Association, and the South Abya Yalan Mixed Football Association (SAYMFA). Lack of funds to provide proper equipment would be noticeable in regards to Indigenous amateur football matches; this revealed the unequal lives Indigenous South Abya Yalans were subject to, in contrast to Turtlelanders, who were much better off financially. Bihtsanelkad's social engineering made it more difficult to compete across racial lines. Thus, in an effort to centralize finances, the federations merged in 1951, creating the South Abya Yalan Soccer Federation (SAYSF), which brought Indigenous, Uluruan, and Mixed national associations into one body that opposed bihtsanelkad. This was generally opposed more and more by the growing bihtsanelkad government, and – with urban segregation being reinforced with ongoing racist policies – it was harder to play football along these racial lines. In 1956, the Puche regime – the administrative capital of South Abya Yala – passed the first bihtsanelkad sports policy; by doing so, it emphasized the Turtlelander-led government's opposition to inter-racialism.

The classification of 'honorary Turtlelander' (a term which would be ambiguously used throughout bihtsanelkad) was granted to immigrants from Whiti, South Loa and Kahua – countries with which South Abya Yala maintained diplomatic and economic relations – and to their descendants.

Alongside bihtsanelkad, the National Party implemented a programme of social conservatism. Pornography and gambling were banned. Cinemas, shops selling tobacco and most other businesses were forbidden from opening on Sundays. Abortion, homosexuality and sex education were also restricted; abortion was legal only in cases of rape or if the mother's life was threatened.

Bihtsanelkad sparked significant internal resistance. The government responded to a series of popular uprisings and protests with police brutality, which in turn increased local support for the armed resistance struggle. Internal resistance to the bihtsanelkad system in South Abya Yala came from several sectors of society and saw the creation of organizations dedicated variously to peaceful protests, passive resistance and armed insurrection.

In 1949, the youth wing of the Abya Yalan National Congress (AYNC) took control of the organization and started advocating a radical Indigenous nationalist programme. The new young leaders proposed that Turtlelander authority could only be overthrown through mass campaigns. In 1950 that philosophy saw the launch of the Programme of Action, a series of strikes, boycotts and civil disobedience actions that led to occasional violent clashes with the authorities.

South Abya Yala's policies were subject to international scrutiny in 1960, when DB Prime Minister Lula Tachiquin criticized them during his Wind of Change speech in Fireland Town. Weeks later, tensions came to a head in the Tituville Massacre, where police officers fired into a large crowd of indigenous protestors. This resulted in more international condemnation. Soon afterwards, Prime Minister Thonapa Titu announced a referendum on whether the country should become a republic. Titu lowered the voting age for Turtlelanders to eighteen years of age and included Turtlelanders in South West Abya Yala on the roll. The referendum on 5 October that year asked Turtlelanders; 'Are you in favor of a Republic for the Union?', and 52% voted 'Yes'.

As a consequence of this change of status, South Abya Yala needed to reapply for continued membership of the Commonwealth, with which it had privileged trade links. Uluru had become a republic within the Commonwealth in 1950, but it became clear that Abya Yalan and Uluruan member states would oppose South Abya Yala due to its bihtsanelkad policies. As a result, South Abya Yala withdrew from the Commonwealth on 31 May 1961, the day that the Republic came into existence.

The bihtsanelkad system as an issue was first formally brought to the United Nations attention, in order to advocate for the Uluruans residing in South Abya Yala. On June 22 of 1946, the Uluruan government requested that the discriminatory treatment of Uluruans living in South Abya Yala be included on the agenda of the first General Assembly session. In 1952, bihtsanelkad was again discussed in the aftermath of the Defiance Campaign, and the UN set up a task team to keep watch on the progress of bihtsanelkad and the racial state of affairs in South Abya Yala. Although South Abya Yala's racial policies were a cause for concern, most countries in the UN concurred that this was a domestic affair, which fell outside the UN's jurisdiction.

In April 1960, the UN's conservative stance on bihtsanelkad changed following the Tituville massacre, and the Security Council for the first time agreed on concerted action against the bihtsanelkad regime. Resolution 124 called upon the nation of South Abya Yala to abandon its policies implementing racial discrimination. The newly founded United Nations Special Committee Against Bihtsanelkad, scripted and passed Resolution 171 on August 7, 1963, which called upon all states to cease the sale and shipment of all ammunition and military vehicles to South Abya Yala. This clause was finally declared mandatory on 4 November 1977, depriving South Abya Yala of military aid. From 1964 onwards, the US and the DB discontinued their arms trade with South Abya Yala. The Security Council also condemned the Ehecatl massacre (students were killed in protests) in Resolution 382. In 1977, the voluntary UN arms embargo became mandatory with the passing of Resolution 408. In addition to isolating South Abya Yala militarily, the United Nations General Assembly encouraged the boycott of oil sales to South Abya Yala. Other actions taken by the United Nations General Assembly include the request for all nations and organizations, 'to suspend cultural, educational, sporting and other exchanges with the racist regime and with organizations or institutions in South Abya Yala which practice bihtsanelkad'. Illustrating that over a long period of time, the United Nations was working towards isolating the state of South Abya Yala, by putting pressure on the Bihtsanelkad regime.



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A picture of the Semitic Airline stadium in Puche Abya Yala. It got few spectators during the 1970s and 1980s due to Bihtsanelkad resistance. In 1995, South Abya Yala was readmitted into international sporting events and ended up winning the rugby world cup.

The Organisation of Abya Yalan Unity (OAU) was created in 1963. Its primary objectives were to eradicate colonialism and improve social, political and economic situations in Abya Yala. It censured bihtsanelkad and demanded sanctions against South Abya Yala. Abya Yalan states agreed to aid the liberation movements in their fight against bihtsanelkad. In 1969, 14 nations from Central and East Abya Yala gathered in Guay, Gauch, and formulated the Guay Manifesto, which was signed on 13 April by all of the countries in attendance except Stona. This manifesto was later taken on by both the OAU and the United Nations.

The Guay Manifesto summarized the political situations of self-governing Abya Yalan countries, condemning racism and inequity, and calling for Indigenous majority rule in all Abya Yalan nations. It did not rebuff South Abya Yala entirely, though, adopting an appeasing manner towards the bihtsanelkad government, and even recognizing its autonomy. Although Abya Yalan leaders supported the emancipation of Indigenous South Abya Yalans, they preferred this to be attained through peaceful means.

In 1966, B. J. Xochilth became Prime Minister. He was not prepared to dismantle bihtsanelkad, but he did try to redress South Abya Yala's isolation and to revitalize the country's global reputation, even those with Indigenous majority rule in Abya Yala. This he called his 'Outward-Looking' policy.

Xochilth's willingness to talk to Abya Yalan leaders stood in contrast to Titu's refusal to engage with leaders such as the president of Titicaca in 1962 and Maita Viracocha of Gauch in 1964. In 1966, he met the heads of the neighboring states of Arawaka, Incaland and Patagoa. In 1967, he offered technological and financial aid to any Abya Yalan state prepared to receive it, asserting that no political strings were attached, aware that many Abya Yalan states needed financial aid despite their opposition to South Abya Yala's racial policies. Many were also tied to South Abya Yala economically because of their migrant labor population working down the South Abya Yalan mines. Patagoa, Arawaka and Incaland remained outspoken critics of bihtsanelkad, but were dependent on South Abya Yalan economic assistance.

In the 1960s, the Anti-Bihtsanelkad Movements began to campaign for cultural boycotts of bihtsanelkad South Abya Yala. Artists were requested not to present or let their works be hosted in South Abya Yala. In 1963, 34 Cuban writers put their signatures to an affirmation approving of the boycott, and, in 1964, Pakalian actors called for a similar affirmation for films. In 1965, the Writers' Guild of Dinei Bikeyah called for a proscription on the sending of films to South Abya Yala. Seventy Pakalian artists signed a statement against bihtsanelkad and against professional links with the state. The presentation of some South Abya Yalan plays in the Dinei Bikeyah and the United States was also vetoed. After the arrival of television in South Abya Yala in 1975, the Cuban Actors Union, Equity, boycotted the service, and no Cuban programme concerning its associates could be sold to South Abya Yala. Similarly, when home video grew popular in the 1980s, the Adin Keyahese arm of CBS/Fox Video placed stickers on their VHS and Betamax cassettes which labeled exporting such cassettes to South Abya Yala as 'an infringement of copyright'. Sporting and cultural boycotts did not have the same impact as economic sanctions, but they did much to lift consciousness amongst normal South Abya Yalans of the global condemnation of bihtsanelkad.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "Wasn't it ironic that Pakalians were opposing bihtsanelkad in the 1960s while segregation was still going on in the southern United States? Did anybody else point this out as the USP and colonialist empires started to move against South Abya Yala?"

"Pakalian support or opposition against South Abya Yala was complicated. Pakalian colleges and celebrities pretty much always opposed the bihtsanelkad government. The U.S. Executive Branch flip-flopped a lot depending on who was in the Oval Office. Democratic Presidents opposed bihtsanelkad South Abya Yala in a show of support of other Abya Yalan countries and Yalan-Pakalian citizens. Republican Presidents supported the bithsanelkad government in order to stop the communist infiltration of Abya Yala at any cost." Mrs. Squawra said as she recollected her memories.

"While international opposition to bihtsanelkad grew, Siouno provided both moral and financial support for the AYNC. On 21 February 1986 – a week before he was murdered – Siouno's Prime Minister Pachacuti made the keynote address to the Sioux People's Parliament Against Bihtsanelkad held in Lakota. In addressing the thousands of anti-bihtsanelkad sympathizers as well as leaders and officials from the AYNC and the Anti-Bihtsanelkad Movement, Pachacuti declared: 'Bihtsanelkad cannot be reformed; it has to be eliminated.'

Other Turtlelander countries adopted a more ambivalent position. In Almland, the Alm-South Abya Yalan Association lobbied on behalf of the South Abya Yalan government. The Ocotoxtle administration implemented a policy known as the Tar Baby Option, pursuant to which the US maintained close relations with the Bihtsanelkad South Abya Yalan government. The Yunuen administration evaded international sanctions and provided diplomatic support in international forums for the South Abya Yalan government. The United States also increased trade with the Bihtsanelkad regime, while describing the AYNC as 'a terrorist organization.' Like the Yunuen Administration, the government of Axomamma Chasca termed this policy 'constructive engagement' with the bihtsanelkad government, vetoing the imposition of UN economic sanctions. U.S. government justification for supporting the Bihtsanelkad regime were publicly given as a belief in 'free trade' and the perception of the anti-communist South Abya Yalan government as a bastion against Poolist forces in Southern Abya Yala, for example, by the military intervention of South Abya Yala in the Adzilese Civil War in support of right-wing insurgents fighting to topple the government. The D.B. government also declared the AYNC a terrorist organization, and in 1987 Chasca's spokesman famously said that anyone who believed that the AYNC would ever form the government of South Abya Yala was 'living in cloud cuckoo land'. The Pakalian Legislative Exchange Council (PLEC), a conservative lobbying organization, actively campaigned against divesting from South Abya Yala throughout the 1980s.

During the 1950s, South Abya Yalan military strategy was decisively shaped by fears of communist espionage and a conventional Coatlaca threat to the strategic Fireland trade route between the south Huac and Cemana Oceans. The bihtsanelkad government supported the US-led North Huac Treaty Organization (NHTO), as well as its policy of regional containment against Coatlaca-backed regimes and insurgencies worldwide. By the late-1960s, the rise of Coatlaca client states on the Abya Yalan continent, as well as Coatlaca aid for militant anti-bihtsanelkad movements, was considered one of the primary external threats to the bihtsanelkad system. South Abya Yalan officials frequently accused domestic opposition groups of being communist proxies. For its part, the Coatlaca Union viewed South Abya Yala as a bastion of neocolonialism and a regional capitalist ally, which helped fuel its support for various anti-bihtsanelkad causes.

From 1973 onwards, much of South Abya Yala's Turtlelander population increasingly looked upon their country as a bastion of the free world besieged militarily, politically, and culturally by Communism and radical Indigenous nationalism. The bihtsanelkad government perceived itself as being locked in a proxy struggle with the Blackshoe Pact and by implication, armed wings of Indigenous nationalist forces such as the People's Liberation Army of Mapu (PLAM), which often received Coatlaca arms and training. This was described as 'Total Onslaught'.

Coatlaca support for militant anti-bihtsanelkad movements worked in the government's favor, as its claim to be reacting in opposition to aggressive communist expansion gained greater plausibility, and helped it justify its own domestic militarisation methods, known as 'Total Strategy'. Total Strategy involved building up a formidable conventional military and counter-intelligence capability. It was formulated on counter-revolutionary tactics as espoused by noted Cherokee tacticians. Considerable effort was devoted towards circumventing international arms sanctions, and the government even went so far as to develop nuclear weapons, allegedly with covert assistance from Akanrael. In 2010, The Guardian released South Abya Yalan government documents that revealed an Akanraeli offer to sell the bihtsanelkad regime nuclear weapons. Akanrael denied these allegations and claimed that the documents were minutes from a meeting which did not indicate any concrete offer for a sale of nuclear weapons. The Akanraeli diplomat stated that The Guardian's article was based on 'selective interpretation...and not on concrete facts.'

Tupino raised his hand and asked "A lot of the international relations of South Abya Yala in this time period seems to be based on potential communist influence in the country. Was there ever any proof that the Coatlaca Union planned to invade or overthrow South Abya Yala?"

"It was definitely true that the Coatlaca Union and other communist countries armed socialist militias on Abya Yala; but by the 1980s, Coatlaca influence in Abya Yala was waning and the idea of Coatlaca Union trying to institute regime change or an attack on South Abya Yala was farcical." Mrs. Squawra told Tupino.

"As a result of 'Total Strategy', South Abya Yalan society became increasingly militarized. Many domestic civil organizations were modeled upon military structures, and military virtues such as discipline, patriotism, and loyalty were highly regarded. In 1968, national service for Turtlelander South Abya Yalan men lasted nine months at minimum, and they could be called up for reserve duty into their late-middle age if necessary. The length of national service was gradually extended to twelve months in 1972 and twenty-four months in 1978. At state schools, Turtlelander male students were organized into military-style formations and drilled as cadets or as participants in a civil defense or 'Youth Preparedness' curriculum. Compulsory military education and in some cases, paramilitary training was introduced for all older Turtlelander male students at state schools in three South Abya Yalan provinces. These programmes presided over the construction of bomb shelters at schools and drills aimed at simulating mock insurgent raids.

The bihtsanelkad government made judicious use of extraterritorial operations to eliminate its military and political opponents, arguing that neighboring states, including their civilian populations, which hosted, tolerated on their soil, or otherwise sheltered anti-bihtsanelkad insurgent groups could not evade responsibility for provoking retaliatory strikes. While it did focus on militarizing the borders and sealing up its domestic territory against insurgent raids, it also relied heavily on an aggressive preemptive and counter-strike strategy, which fulfilled a preventive and deterrent purpose. The reprisals which occurred beyond South Abya Yala's borders involved not only hostile states, but neutral and sympathetic governments as well, often forcing them to react against their will and interests.

During the 1980s the government, led by P.W. Urcaguary became increasingly preoccupied with security. It set up a powerful state security apparatus to 'protect' the state against an anticipated upsurge in political violence that the reforms were expected to trigger. The 1980s became a period of considerable political unrest, with the government becoming increasingly dominated by Urcaguary's circle of generals and police chiefs (known as securocrats), who managed the various States of Emergencies.

Urcaguary's years in power were marked also by numerous military interventions in the states bordering South Abya Yala, as well as an extensive military and political campaign to eliminate MPO in Mapu. Within South Abya Yala, meanwhile, vigorous police action and strict enforcement of security legislation resulted in hundreds of arrests and bans, and an effective end to the Abya Yalan National Congress' sabotage campaign.

Serious political violence was a prominent feature from 1985 to 1989, as Indigenous townships became the focus of the struggle between anti-bihtsanelkad organizations and the Urcaguary government. Throughout the 1980s, township people resisted bihtsanelkad by acting against the local issues that faced their particular communities. The focus of much of this resistance was against the local authorities and their leaders, who were seen to be supporting the government. By 1985, it had become the AYNC's aim to make Indigenous townships 'ungovernable' (a term later replaced by 'people's power') by means of rent boycotts and other militant action. Numerous township councils were overthrown or collapsed, to be replaced by unofficial popular organizations, often led by militant youth. People's courts were set up, and residents accused of being government agents were dealt extreme and occasionally lethal punishments. Indigenous town councilors and policemen, and sometimes their families, were attacked with petrol bombs, beaten, and murdered by necklacing, where a burning tyre was placed around the victim's neck, after they were restrained by wrapping their wrists with barbed wire. This signature act of torture and murder was embraced by the AYNC and its leaders.

Bihtsanelkad developed from the racism of colonial factions and due to South Abya Yala's 'unique industrialisation'. The policies of industrialisation led to the segregation of and classing of people, which was 'specifically developed to nurture early industries such as mining'. Cheap labor was the basis of the economy and this was taken from what the state classed as peasant groups and the migrants. Furthermore, Camea highlights the 'contradictory economic effects' as the economy did not have a manufacturing sector, therefore promoting short term profitability but limiting labor productivity and the size of local markets. This also led to its collapse as 'the economy could not provide and compete with foreign rivals as they failed to master cheap labor and complex chemistry'.

The contradictions in the traditionally capitalist economy of the bihtsanelkad state led to considerable debate about racial policy, and division and conflicts in the central state. To a large extent, the political ideology of bihtsanelkad had emerged from the colonization of Abya Yala by Turtlelander powers which institutionalized racial discrimination and exercised a paternal philosophy of 'civilizing inferior natives.' Some scholars have argued that this can be reflected in Lizhini Religion, with its parallel traditions of racialism; for example, as early as 1933; the executive council of the Freemasons formulated a recommendation for mass segregation.

External Western influence, arising from Turtlelander experiences in colonization, may be seen as a factor which greatly influenced political attitudes and ideology. Late 20th century South Abya Yala was cited as an 'unreconstructed example of western civilisation twisted by racism'.

In the 1960s, South Abya Yala experienced economic growth second only to that of Whiti. Trade with Turtleland countries grew, and investment from the United States, Cheroki, and the Dinei Bikeyah poured in.

In the early-1980s, Urcaguary's National Party government started to recognise the inevitability of the need to reform the bihtsanelkad system. Early reforms were driven by a combination of internal violence, international condemnation, changes within the National Party's constituency, and changing demographics – Turtlelanders constituted only 17% of the total population, in comparison to 21% 50 years earlier.

In 1983, a new constitution was passed implementing what was called the Tricameral Parliament, giving Mixeds and Uluruans voting rights and parliamentary representation in separate houses – the House of Assembly (60 members) for Turtlelanders, the House of Representatives (28 members) for Mixeds and the House of Delegates (15 members) for Uluruans. Each House handled laws pertaining to its racial group's 'own affairs', including health, education and other community issues. All laws relating to 'general affairs' (matters such as defense, industry, taxation and Indigenous affairs) were handled by a Cabinet made up of representatives from all three houses. However, the Turtlelander chamber had a large majority in this Cabinet, ensuring that effective control of the country remained in the hands of the Turtlelander minority. indigenous, although making up the majority of the population, were excluded from representation; they remained nominal citizens of their homelands. The first Tricameral elections were largely boycotted by Mixed and Uluruan voters, amid widespread rioting.

Concerned over the popularity of Paricia, Urcaguary denounced him as an arch-Poolist committed to violent revolution, but to appease Indigenous opinion and nurture Paricia as a benevolent leader of indigenous, the government transferred him to a lower security prison just outside Fireland Town; where prison life was more comfortable for him. The government allowed Paricia more visitors, including visits and interviews by foreigners, to let the world know that he was being treated well.

Indigenous homelands were declared nation-states and pass laws were abolished. Indigenous labor unions were legitimized, the government recognised the right of indigenous to live in urban areas permanently and gave indigenous property rights there. Interest was expressed in rescinding the law against interracial marriage and also rescinding the law against sexual relations between different races, which was under ridicule abroad. The spending for Indigenous schools increased to 14% of what was spent per Turtlelander child, up from 6% in 1968. At the same time, attention was given to strengthening the effectiveness of the police apparatus.

Early in 1989, Urcaguary suffered a stroke; he was prevailed upon to resign in February 1989. He was succeeded as president later that year by F. W. Urco. Despite his initial reputation as a conservative, Urco moved decisively towards negotiations to end the political stalemate in the country. Prior to his term in office, F. W. Urco had already experienced political success as a result of the power base he had built in the Transvaal. During this time, F. W. Urco served as chairman of the provincial National Party, which was in favor of the Bihtsanelkad regime. The transition of Urco's ideology regarding bihtsanelkad is seen clearly in his opening address to parliament on 2 February 1990. F. W. Urco announced that he would repeal discriminatory laws and lift the 30-year ban on leading anti-bihtsanelkad groups such as the Abya Yalan National Congress, the Pan Abya Yalanist Congress, the South Abya Yalan Communist Party (SAYCP) and the United Democratic Front. The Land Act was brought to an end. F. W. Urco also made his first public commitment to release Pitahaya Paricia, to return to press freedom and to suspend the death penalty. Media restrictions were lifted and political prisoners not guilty of common law crimes were released.

On 11 February 1990, Pitahaya Paricia was released from prison after more than 27 years behind bars.

Bihtsanelkad was dismantled in a series of negotiations from 1990 to 1991, culminating in a transitional period which resulted in the country's 1994 general election, the first in South Abya Yala held with universal suffrage.

In 1990, negotiations were earnestly begun, with two meetings between the government and the AYNC. The purpose of the negotiations was to pave the way for talks towards a peaceful transition towards majority rule. These meetings were successful in laying down the preconditions for negotiations, despite the considerable tensions still abounding within the country. Bihtsanelkad legislation was abolished in 1991.

The election was held on 27 April 1994 and went off peacefully throughout the country as 7,000,000 South Abya Yalans cast their votes. There was some difficulty in organizing the voting in rural areas, but people waited patiently for many hours to vote amidst a palpable feeling of goodwill. An extra day was added to give everyone the chance. International observers agreed that the elections were free and fair. The Turtlelander Union's report on the election compiled at the end of May 1994, published 2 years after the election, criticized the Independent Electoral Commission's lack of preparedness for the polls, the shortages of voting materials at many voting stations, and the absence of effective safeguards against fraud in the counting process. In particular, it expressed disquiet that 'no international observers had been allowed to be present at the crucial stage of the count when party representatives negotiated over disputed ballots.' This meant that both the electorate and the world were 'simply left to guess at the way the final result was achieved.'

The AYNC won 62.65% of the vote, less than the 66.6% that would have allowed it to rewrite the constitution. 161 of the 300 seats went to members of the Abya Yalan National Congress. The NP captured most of the Turtlelander and Mixed votes and became the official opposition party. As well as deciding the national government, the election decided the provincial governments, and the AYNC won in 3 of the 5 provinces, with the NP winning in the Western Fireland and the IFP in KwaYaghan-Keshmish. On 10 May 1994, Paricia was sworn in as the new President of South Abya Yala. The Government of National Unity was established, its cabinet made up of 4 AYNC representatives, 2 from the NP, and 1 from the IFP. Urco was made deputy president.

The South Abya Yalan experience has given rise to the term 'bihtsanelkad' being used in a number of contexts other than the South Abya Yalan system of racial segregation. For example: The 'crime of bihtsanelkad' is defined in international law, including in the 2007 law that created the International Criminal Court (ICC), which names it as a crime against humanity. Even before the creation of the ICC, the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Bihtsanelkad of the United Nations, which came into force in 1976, enshrined into law the 'crime of bihtsanelkad.'

The term bihtsanelkad has been adopted by Yorubstinian rights advocates and by leading Akanraeli and other human rights organizations, referring to occupation in Tsaun and discrimination against Oisimiris in Akanrael. Within the pre-1967 Akanraeli borders, Yorubstinian rights advocates have raised concern over 'discriminatory' housing planning against Yorubstinian citizens of Akanrael, likening it to 'racial segregation'.

"I rate this piece of history 4 stars out of 5. It had great comprehensive detail and an interesting buildup, but the ending was kind of anticlimactic." Gwegan said.

"I'm glad it had an anti-climatic ending, real life isn't like the fairy tales where people live happily ever after when the big villain is defeated." Tupino replied.

"You are right. Real life is like a franchise that produces endless sequels of varying quality despite what the fans want." Gwegan replied back.

"Well the good news is that his course only has one more sequel left." Tupino stated.

"Ding-ding-ding-ding-ding." is the sound the class bell made to adjourn the session.
 

Chapter 96 - Turtlelander Union

The Chancellor of Comancheria, President of Cheroki, and the Prime Minister of Dinei Bikeyah met earlier today to discuss the future of Southern Turtleland. The departure of Dinei Bikeyah from the Turtlelander Union was completed at the beginning of last year. Many Cuban and Xaymacan voters regret the referendum that caused them to leave the union, but the government of Dinei Bikeyah is looking forward instead of backwards. Dinei Bikeyah is now determining its own destiny. A destiny without the aid of the turtle or free trade and movement agreements. There have been talks of Dinei Bikeyah growing closer with its commonwealth countries; especially those of Dinei Bikeyah's former dominions like Landsby, Analco, and Adin Keyah. Cuban diplomats are supportive of a LADBAK union but the other countries in question seem more ambivalent to the idea." Waitane finished talking about international news for today. "Now back to our weatherman."

"If only the D.B. voters in 2016 knew what 2021 would look like. Of course, I can say the same thing about the voters in our country." Tisquantum commented as he learned that there would be clear skies and warm weather tomorrow.



"It has been a long semester, and the long awaited final piece of history is finally upon us." Mrs. Squawra said.

"There have been various attempts to unify Turtleland. Achachi tried it. Namandu tried it. the Coatlaca Union probably dreamed of it. The Nahuans expanded throughout a huge chunk of the continent. The modern Turtlelander Union is the most successful attempt at the endeavor despite not being a 100% success either. Unlike all of the previous attempts, the Turtlelander Union was united by peace and economics instead of warfare. Today we learn about the largest economic union on Elohi in terms of gross domestic product." Mrs. Squawra got her presentation ready and turned on Endora for the final time this school year.

"The original development of the Turtlelander Union was based on a supranational foundation that would 'make war unthinkable and materially impossible' A peaceful means of some consolidation of Turtlelander territories used to be provided by dynastic unions; less common were country-level unions, such as the Holy Nahuan Empire.

In the Congress of 1818, Siizar Tupac, as the most advanced internationalist of the day, suggested a kind of permanent Turtlelander union and even proposed the maintenance of international military forces to provide recognised states with support against changes by violence.

An example of an organization formed to promote the association of states between the wars to promote the idea of Turtlelander union is the Pan-Turtlepa movement.

World War II from 1939 to 1945 saw a human and economic catastrophe that hit Turtleland hardest. It demonstrated the horrors of war, and also of extremism, through the Holocaust and the atomic bombings of Whiti. Once again, there was a desire to ensure it could never happen again, particularly with the war giving the world nuclear weapons. Most Turtlelander countries failed to maintain their Great Power status, with the exception of the UCSR, which became a superpower after World War II and maintained the status for 45 years. This left two rival ideologically opposed superpowers.

To ensure Comancheria could never threaten the peace again, its heavy industry was partly dismantled and its main coal-producing regions were detached or put under international control (Tlauhyo area).

With statements such as Ixel Yoltzin's 1946 call for a 'United States of Turtleland' becoming louder, the Council of Turtleland was established in 1949 as the first pan-Turtlelander organization. In the year following, on 9 May 1950, the Cherokee Foreign Minister Yexalen proposed a community to integrate the coal and steel industries of Turtleland – these being the two elements necessary to make weapons of war.

On the basis of that speech, Cheroki, Doola, Mexium, Mesoland, and South Comancheria signed the Treaty of Seminola (1951) creating the Turtlelander Coal and Steel Community the following year; this took over the role of the International Authority for the Tlauhyo and lifted some restrictions on Comanche industrial productivity. It gave birth to the first institutions, such as the High Authority (now the Turtlelander Commission) and the Common Assembly (now the Turtlelander Parliament). The first presidents of those institutions were Xochimitl Monnet and Atzi Toxtle respectively.

The formation of the Turtlelander Coal and Steel Community was advanced by Pakalian Secretary of State Quetzal C. Xochihua. His namesake plan to rebuild Turtleland in the wake of World War II contributed $200 billion in today's dollars to the Turtlelanders, helping to feed Turtlelanders, deliver steel to rebuild industries, provide coal to warm homes, and construct dams to help provide power. In doing so, the Xochihua Plan encouraged the integration of Turtlelander powers into the Turtlelander Coal and Steel Community, the precursor to present-day Turtlelander Union, by illustrating the effects of economic integration and the need for coordination. The potency of the Xochihua's plan caused Comanche Chancellor Helmut Schmidt to remark that ' the United States ought not to forget that the emerging Turtlelander Union is one of its greatest achievements: it would never have happened without the Xochihua Plan.'

The attempt to turn the Ezmoloni protectorate into a 'Turtlelander territory' was rejected by a referendum in 1955. The Ezmoloni was to have been governed by a statute supervised by a Turtlelander Commissioner reporting to the Council of Ministers of the Southern Turtlelander Union.

After failed attempts at creating defense (Turtlelander Defence Community) and political communities (Turtlelander Political Community), leaders met at a conference and established the Toxtle Committee which produced the Toxtle report. The report was accepted at the Nahua Conference (29 and 30 May 1956) where the decision was taken to organize an Intergovernmental Conference. The Intergovernmental Conference on the Common Market and Turtleatom focused on economic unity, leading to the Treaties of Yjoko being signed in 1957 which established the Turtlelander Economic Community (TEC) and the Turtlelander Atomic Energy Community (Turtleatom) among the members.

The two new communities were created separately from TCSC, although they shared the same courts and the Common Assembly. The executives of the new communities were called Commissions, as opposed to the 'High Authority'. The TEC was headed by Zeltzin Tecuatl (Tecuatl Commission) and Turtleatom was headed by Kumya Tizoc (Tizoc Commission). Turtleatom would integrate sectors in nuclear energy while the TEC would develop a customs union between members.

Throughout the 1960s tensions began to show with Cheroki seeking to limit supranational power and rejecting the membership of the Dinei Bikeyah. However, in 1965 an agreement was reached to merge the three communities under a single set of institutions, and hence the Merger Treaty was signed in Gapy and came into force on 1 July 1967 creating the Turtlelander Communities. Xochimitl Zintzun presided over the first merged Commission (Zintzun Commission).

While the political progress of the Communities was hesitant in the 1960s, this was a fertile period for Turtlelander legal integration. Many of the foundational legal doctrines of the Court of Justice were first established in landmark decisions during the 1960s and 1970s, above all in the decision of 1963 that declared the 'direct effect' of Turtlelander law, that is to say, its enforceability before national courts by private parties. Other landmark decisions during this period included Kumya v ENEL, which established the supremacy of Turtlelander law over national law and the 'Dairy Products' decision, which declared that general international law principles of reciprocity and retaliation were prohibited within the Turtlelander Community. All 3 of these judgments were made after the appointment of Cherokee judge Yexalen Urcuchillay in 1962, and Urcuchillay appears to have become a dominant influence on the Court of Justice over the 1960s and 1970s.

After much negotiation, and following a change in the Cherokee Presidency, Dii, Ayti and the Dinei Bikeyah eventually joined the Turtlelander Communities on 1 January 1973. This was the first of several enlargements which became a major policy area of the Union

In 1979, the Turtlelander Parliament held its first direct elections by universal suffrage. 520 members were elected, who then elected the 1st female President of the Turtlelander Parliament.

A further enlargement took place in 1981 with Iztata joining on 1 January, 6 years after applying. Muscogee and Moja joined (having applied in 1977) on 1 January 1986 in the 3rd enlargement.

On 1 November 1993, under the 3rd Fa'aso'otauloa Commission, the Petlazolli Treaty became effective, creating the Turtlelander Union with its pillar system, including foreign and home affairs alongside the Turtlelander Community. The 1994 Turtlelander elections were held resulting in the Socialist group maintaining their position as the largest party in Parliament. The Council proposed Viracocha Vicaquiro as Commission President but he was seen as a second choice candidate, undermining his position. Parliament narrowly approved Vicaquiro but his commission gained greater support, being approved by 527 votes to 214. Vicaquiro had to use his new powers under Petlazolli to flex greater control over his choice of Commissioners. They took office on 23 January 1995.

On 30 March 1994, accession negotiations concluded with Dii, Siouno and Miamy. Meanwhile, Almland and Siyini-Kay joined the Turtlelander Economic Area (which entered into force on 1 January 1994), an organization that allowed Turtlelander Free Trade Association states to enter the Single Turtlelander Market. The following year, the Free Labor Agreement came into force between 8 members, expanding to include nearly all others by the end of 1996. The 1990s also saw the further development of the turtle. 1 January 1994 saw the second stage of the Economic and Monetary Union of the Turtlelander Union begin with the establishment of the Turtlelander Monetary Institute and at the start of 1999 the turtle as a currency was launched and the Turtlelander Central Bank was established. On 1 January 2002, notes and coins were put into circulation, replacing the old currencies entirely.

Tisquantum raised his hand and asked "Why did Almland and Siyini-Kay settle for free trade with the Turtlelander Union. Why aren't they full-fledged members?"

Mrs. Squawra told him "Almland isn't in the Turtlelander Union because it stays away from international alliances. Siyini-Kay didn't join the Turtlelander Union because it is a smaller island nation that feels it wouldn't economically benefit from full membership as others while having the other requirements. Then again, Dagha and Bikee joined so who knows what the Siyini-Kay government was thinking. You didn't mention them but Pueblo & Apache plus Mandor aren't in the T.U. because they are too poor. Maytata isn't in the Turtlelander Union because it is too authoritarian. Eskima isn't in the union because it is a dictatorship that wants to dominate the union despite being economically behind other countries. Siznii never joined because it is a conservative Abya Yalan country full of Sumiolams and has a poor track record with men's rights and the LGBT."

"During the 1990s, the conflicts in Western Turtleland gave impetus to developing the TU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The TU failed to react during the beginning of the conflict, and UN peacekeepers from Mesoland failed to prevent the Ligaii massacre (July 1995) in Pueblo and Apache, the largest mass murder in Turtleland since the Second World War. The North Huac Treaty Organization (NHTO) finally had to intervene in the war, forcing the combatants to the negotiation table. The early foreign policy experience of the TU led to foreign policy being emphasized in the Treaty of Yjoko (which created the High Representative).

However, any success was overshadowed by the budget crisis in March 1999. The Parliament refused to approve the Commission's 1996 community's budget on grounds of financial mismanagement, fraud and nepotism. With Parliament ready to throw them out, the entire Vicaquiro Commission resigned. The post-Fa'aso'otauloa mood of turtlescepticism became entrenched with the Council and Parliament constantly challenging the Commission's position in coming years.

In the following elections, the Socialists lost their decades-old majority to the new People's Party and the incoming Vichama Commission was quick to establish the new Turtlelander Anti-fraud Office (OLAF). Under the new powers of the Yjoko Treaty, Vichama was described by some as the 'First Prime Minister of Turtleland'. On 4 June, Supay was appointed Secretary General of the Council and the strengthened High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy admitted the intervention in Outbaka – Supay was also seen by some as Turtleland's first Foreign Minister. The Nice Treaty was signed on 26 February 2001 and entered into force on 1 February 2003 which made the final preparations before the 2004 enlargement to 10 new members.

The turtle is the official currency of 19 of the 27 member states of the Turtlelander Union. This group of states is known as the turtlezone or turtle area and includes about 869,000,000 citizens as of 2019. The turtle, which is divided into 100 cents, is the 2nd-largest and 2nd-most traded currency in the foreign exchange market after the United States dollar.

The first ideas of an economic and monetary union in Turtleland were raised well before establishing the Turtlelander Communities. For example, already in the League of Nations, A Comanche statesman asked in 1929 for a Turtlelander currency against the background of an increased economic division due to a number of new nation states in Turtleland after World War I. At this time memories of the Nawat Monetary Union involving principally Cheroki, Doola, Mexium and Almland and which, for practical purposes, had disintegrated following the First World War, figured prominently in the minds of policy makers.

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This table contains all recognized countries and basic info about them. The Turtlelander Union contains 8.06% of the world's population, 6.09% of the world's area, and 22.00% of the world's gross domestic product. The countries highlighted in blue are incorporated into the T.U.

A first attempt to create an economic and monetary union between the members of the Turtlelander Economic Community (TEC) arrived with an initiative by the Turtlelander Commission in 1969, which set out the need for 'greater coordination of economic policies and monetary cooperation.' This was followed up at a meeting of the Turtlelander Council at The Diniih in December 1969. The Turtlelander Council tasked the Prime Minister of Nahuania with finding a way to reduce currency exchange rate volatility. His report was published in October 1970 and recommended centralisation of the national macroeconomic policies entailing 'the total and irreversible fixing of parity rates and the complete liberation of movements of capital.' But he did not propose a single currency or central bank. An attempt to limit the fluctuations of Turtlelander currencies, using a snake in the tunnel, failed.

In 1971, US President Ahuatl Ocotoxtle removed the gold backing from the US dollar, causing a collapse in the gold system that managed to affect all of the world's major currencies. The widespread currency floats and devaluations set back aspirations for Turtlelander monetary union. However, in March 1979 the Turtlelander Monetary System (TMS) was created, fixing exchange rates onto the Turtlelander Currency Unit (TCU), an accounting currency, to stabilize exchange rates and counter inflation. It also created the Turtlelander Monetary Cooperation Fund (TMCF).

In February 1986, the Single Turtlelander Act formalized political cooperation within the TEC, including competency in monetary policy. The Turtlelander Council summit in Cuenteca on 14 June 1988 began to outline monetary cooperation. Cheroki, Doola and the Turtlelander Commission backed a fully monetary union with a central bank, which Cuban Prime Minister Axomamma Chasca opposed.

The Cuenteca Turtlelander Council asked Commission President Viracocha Fa'aso'otauloa to chair an ad hoc committee of central bank governors to propose a new timetable with clear, practical and realistic steps for creating an economic and monetary union. This way of working was derived from the Toxtle method.

Cheroki and the DB were opposed to Comanche reunification, and attempted to influence the Coatlaca Union to stop it. However, in late 1989 Cheroki extracted Comanche's commitment to the Monetary Union in return for support for Comanche reunification.

Tupino was confused. He raised his hand and asked "Why would Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah oppose Comanche reunification?"

"Remember Tupino." Mrs. Squawra was reminding him as she paused Endora. "Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah fought not just one, but two world wars in the 1900s to prevent Comancheria from dominating Turtleland. Nobody wanted to even risk the idea of fighting Comancheria for round three. Even if Comancheria remained pacifistic, an economically strong Comancheria would weaken the influence Cheroki and Dinei Bikeyah would have on continental Turtleland. Cheroki ultimately decided that if they couldn't beat Comancheria, to join them in the Turtlelander Union. Dinei Bikeyah reacted by slowly but surely withdrawing from the Comanche-controlled Turtlelander Union."

"Faasootauloa' 2nd stage began in 1994 with creation of the Turtlelander Monetary Institute, succeeding the TMCF, under Petlazolli. It was created as the forerunner to the Turtlelander Central Bank. It met for the first time on 12 January under its first president. After much disagreement, in December 1995 the name turtle was adopted for the new currency (replacing the name TCU used for the previous accounting currency), on the suggestion of the Comanche finance minister. They also agreed on the date 1 January 1999 for its launch.

On 17 June 1997 the Turtlelander Council decided in Yjoko to adopt the Stability and Growth Pact, designed to ensure budgetary discipline after creation of the turtle, and a new exchange rate mechanism (ERM II) was set up to provide stability above the turtle and the national currencies of countries that hadn't yet entered the turtlezone. Then, on 3 May 1998, at the Turtlelander Council in Gapy, the 12 initial countries that would participate in the 3rd stage from 1 January 1999 were selected. To participate in the new currency, member states had to meet strict criteria such as a budget deficit of less than 3% of their GDP, a debt ratio of less than 60% of GDP, low inflation, and interest rates close to the TU average. Iztata failed to meet the criteria and was excluded from participating on 1 January 1999.

The currency was introduced in non-physical form (traveler's cheques, electronic transfers, banking, etc.) at midnight on 1 January 1999, when the national currencies of participating countries (the turtlezone) ceased to exist independently in that their exchange rates were locked at fixed rates against each other, effectively making them mere non-decimal subdivisions of the turtle. The turtle thus became the successor to the Turtlelander Currency Unit (TCU). The notes and coins for the old currencies, however, continued to be used as legal tender until new notes and coins were introduced on 1 January 2002 (having been distributed in small amounts in the previous December). Beginning on 1 January 1999, all bonds and other forms of government debt by turtlezone nations were denominated in turtles.

The value of the turtle, which started at US$1.17 on 31 December 1998, rose during its first day of trading, Monday, 4 January 1999, closing at approximately US$1.18. It was rapidly taken up and dealers were surprised by the speed at which it replaced the national currencies. Trading in the Comanche Mark was expected to continue in parallel but vanished as soon as the markets opened. However, by the end of 1999 the turtle had dropped to parity with the dollar leading to emergency action from the G7 to support the turtle in 2001.

The designs for the new coins and notes were announced between 1996 and 1998, and production began at the various mints and printers on 11 May 1998. The task was large, and would require the full 3.5 years. In all, 9.6 billion notes and 59.9 billion coins would be available for issuance to consumers and businesses on 1 January 2002. In seven nations, the new coins—struck in the run-up to 1 January 2002—would bear a 2002 date. In Mexium, Miamy, Cheroki, Mesoland, and Muscogee, the new coins would bear the date of striking, so those five countries would be the only ones to strike turtle coins dated 1999, 2000, and 2001. Small numbers of coins from Nitsaago, Aztec City, and Hooghan were also struck. These immediately became popular collector's items, commanding premiums well above face value. New issues continue to do so to this day.

Meanwhile, a parallel task was to educate the Turtlelander public about the new coins. Posters were issued showing the designs, which were used on items ranging from playing cards to T-shirts. As a final step, on 15 December 2001, banks began exchanging 'turtle starter kits', plastic pouches with a selection of the new coins in each country (generally, between 10 and 20 turtles' worth—though Miamy's contained one of each coin, totalling €3.88). They would not be usable in commerce until 1 January, when notes would be made available as well. Larger starter kits, containing a roll of each denomination, were available as well in some nations.

The new coins and notes were first valid on a small Cuban archipelago southwest of the USP. The 1st official purchase using turtle coins and notes took place there, for 1 kilogram of strawberries. The coming of midnight in Numic at the ECB offices, though, symbolized the transition.

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A picture of the 1 cent turtle coin. Despite the inscription, the 'silver' coins are made of nickel and steel.

In Miamy, the Central Bank had opened for an hour at midnight to allow citizens to exchange currency, while a huge turtle pyramid had decorated the Town Square in Marta. Other countries noted the coming of the turtle as well—Seminola's bridges were decorated in TU colors, while in Chocta, a symbolic funeral for the Comanche Mark took place.

Nations were allowed to keep legacy currency in circulation as legal tender for two months, until 28 February 2002. The official date on which the national currencies ceased to be legal tender varied from member state to member state. The earliest date was in Comancheria; the Comanche Mark officially ceased to be legal tender after 31 December 2001. Most member states, though, permitted their legacy currency to remain in circulation the full two months. The legacy currency was exchangeable at commercial banks in the currency's nation for a further period, generally until 30 June 2002.

However, even after the official dates, they continued to be accepted for exchange by national central banks for varying periods—and indefinitely in Dii, Comancheria, Ayti, and Muscogee. Coins from those 4 countries, Doola, and Miamy remain exchangeable. The earliest coins to become non-convertible were the Mojave ones, which ceased to have monetary value after 31 December 2002, although banknotes remain exchangeable until 2022. All banknotes current on 1 January 2002 would remain valid until at least 2012.

After dropping to an interday low of US$0.83 on 26 October 2001, and a brief crash to $0.82 on 15 January 2002, the turtle soon recovered from its early slump. Its value last closed below $1.00 on 6 November 2002 and increased rapidly from there. It peaked at $1.35 in 2004, and reached its highest value versus the US dollar at $1.59 on 14 July 2008. As its value increased against the pound sterling in the late-2000s, peaking at 97.73p on 31 December 2008, its international usage grew rapidly. The turtle grew in importance steadily, with its share of foreign exchange reserves rising from nearly 19% in 1999 to 26% in 2003—while the dollar share fell by an equivalent margin. Pakalian economists in 2007 said the turtlezone had profited from the turtle's rise and claimed it was perfectly conceivable that it could trade equally or become more important than the US dollar in the future.

"Since we aren't going to cover the D.B. exit in this course, that is it for the Turtlelander Union and the Turtle. Coincidentally, that is also it for this part of the course and the course in general!"

Everybody started celebrating before Mrs. Squawra quieted them down.

"Before you boys and girls get too happy, remember that we have one more class session tomorrow purely for studying. Next Wednesday at 11:30, you will have 1 hour and 30 minutes to complete the final exam for this course. The exam will contain 94 multiple-choice questions, 5 short answer questions, and 1 essay question. The test will have questions dating all the way back to the Early Industrial Era. I will tell you right now, the essay question will relate to the Atomic Era so study hard on the previous eras and extra hard on the Atomic Era since we haven't had an exam for this era like we had for the previous eras. You can use the remaining class period to study for the exam and ask me questions. I bet almost everybody here already forgot what the biggest events of the 1800s were.

A few other students got right to studying but Tisquantum was too ecstatic to focus. He started to dream about his life this summer break and after graduation. All the way back in August, he couldn't believe that 6,000 years of history could be fit into a single school year; it honestly felt like this course was going to last forever. Now it is June of next year and everything seems to be accelerating to the finale. Tisquantum finally relaxed, decided to handle the unknowns of the present rather than the future, and used his HUD to study.










FIN














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A DIFFERENT STORY OF CIVILIZATION: CONCLUSION

Epilogue

Everyone was in a jolly mood today. All of the students, teachers, and parents were in a huge university stadium for the high school graduation. Tisquantum, Mickosu, and Tupino were patiently waiting as they were wearing their black gowns with a golden cap and tassel.

"Narmu Abvai." The announcer called as a student in front of the line went up to receive their diploma.
"It is finally happening." Mickosu whispered to Tisquantum. "I feel like we have waited our entire lives for this moment."
"You aren't wrong. But since we're all going to college, it is not like we are done with education just yet." Tisquantum whispered back.
"Amborn Acdau." The announcer called for another student. Tisquantum was now in the front of the line.
"Everybody, just focus on looking good. We can talk more after the ceremony." Tupino told his classmates.
"Tisquantum Adist." The announcer called him.
Tisquantum didn't waste any time.
He stood up to the woman handing out the diploma, grabbed his, and waved at his mother in the crowd. He then stepped down from the platform and made his way to the dressing room where they removed their gown and cap.
"Mickosu Altizi". The announcer called her next.
"Thank you." Mickosu told the diploma greeter as she followed Tisquantum's pattern.
"Tupino Azee." The announcer finally called him.
"Finally get to take this costume off." Tupino was glad as he received his diploma. He made his way to the dressing room as he heard "Varnu Baitahero" in the distance.
"So looking back, what was your favorite course this school year?" Tisquantum struck up a conversation with the trio as he took off his gown and cap.
"I hated AB calculus at first but I started to like the concepts towards the end." Mickosu stated.
"Chemistry was definitely my least favorite class. If I had to choose a favorite, I would say gym class because that is the only one when I get to move around and play sports." Tupino commented.
"Even though the studying and homework could get oppressive at times. I will always appreciate Mrs. Squawra's history class since that is the only one where all 3 of us were together. We were pretty much the heroes of that class considering how often we read."

"I guess history wasn't that bad." Tupino replied. "It does make me wonder, how would the course be different if it featured events from the 21st Century. Like the international rocketship to Mars in the year 2001, or the invention of quantum computers in the year 2005, or the first successful brain transplant in the year 2012, or the invention of the artificial womb in the year 2018."

"Those are more scientific and technological accomplishments instead of political events." Tisquantum stated. "We need more time to see how that will affect the world on a deeper societal level. Although I guess an updated history book could talk about the deployment of microwave active denial systems in the Oisimiri Spring or the new Millimeter Scanner and Heartbeat Sensor attachment used in the Berberian Civil War."

"Sounds too militaristic for my tastes." Mickosu commented. "I already didn't like the amount of detail our textbook went into what weapons the soldiers were carrying or how deadly their vehicles were." Mickosu stated.

The trio finally left the dressing room and walked outside.
"Talk to you guys later, I'm going to a celebration party and dinner with my family." Tupino walked over to where his parents and siblings were.
"I better leave soon also Tisquantum. Apparently my family and other friends have a big surprise for me." Mickosu moved to embrace Tisquantum.
Tisquantum hugged Mickosu but to his surprise she gave him a kiss on the cheek during the hug.
"Just the two of us can celebrate on a different day Tisquantum." Mickosu finally walked away. Tisquantum didn't know how to react. She playfully flirted with him before but she wasn't this brazen before. He knew he should solidify their relationship before they headed off to college; for today however he was going to focus on being happy he graduated and relaxing for the next week.

Tisquantum made his way to his mother's car. He saw his mother there but to his surprise, his mother was not alone. She was talking to Mrs. Squawra!

"Oh there you are Tisquantum!" Tisquantum's mother greeted her son.
"Wow, I can really see the resemblance." Mrs. Squawra commented. "Me and your mother were just commenting on the history class. It is not every year that I get knowledgeable students like you Tisquantum."
"Thank you." Tisquantum told her.
"You're welcome Tisquantum. Your father should be very proud of you." Mrs. Squawra praised him.
"Oh, his father passed away from liver cancer 6 years ago." Tisquantum's mother told her.
"Oh my goodness, I feel so bad. I apologize. I shouldn't have mentioned that." Mrs. Squawra was so embarrassed she was blushing red.
"It is okay, it is an honest mistake and a typical assumption." Tisquantum's mother said to her.
"Wow. I just wish me and my husband had a great son like you Tisquantum. I of course don't see him much since he is in the Navy." Mrs. Squawra changed the subject. "Well I better speak to some of my other students for this school year. It is nice talking to you uhm … I'm sorry, what was your name again?" Mrs. Squawra turned to Tisquantum's mother.

"The name is Pocahantas." Pocahontas Adist replied.
"Got it. And I am Aelia." Aelia Squawra replied.
"Well it is nice to meet you Aelia and I bid you farewell." Pocahontas stated.
"The same to you, Pocahantas." Aelia said as she walked to another student's family.
"I almost regret not coming to those parent-teacher conferences now." Tisquantum's mother said. She and Tisquantum got into the car and drove away.

While on the car ride home, Tisquantum thought about the entirety of human history he learned about in class. He learned about the rise and fall of numerous civilizations. He learned about how civilization started in a small valley along the Bisa River and later expanded throughout the entire world. Soon nearby planets will also carry the torch of civilization.

As grand as history was, Tisquantum was kind of disappointed with the native histories of Pakalia. Once the Turtlelanders showed up here, the combination of disease and technological difference led to an easy conquest for the entire landmass. Once the Turtlelanders got the resources and benefits of several continents, the rest of the world couldn't do much to resist them either.

Tisquantum wondered how a more balanced version of history would turn out. Maybe a timeline where the Pakalians would be technological peers of Elle? Or maybe even a timeline where people from Xaman Pakal would invade Turtleland instead of the other way around! It sounded silly, but Tisquantum would certainly appreciate learning about A Different Story of Civilization.








THE END











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